“Treat Them Like Human Beings”: Black Children’s Experiences with Racial Microaggressions in Early Childhood Education During COVID-19

Abstract

This study investigated microaggressions Black children experienced in early childhood education during the pandemic. Using racial microaggressions as a framework, we sought to gain insights into these experiences through counter-narratives from parents of Black children. Parents provided unique insights into their children’s experiences, giving voice to their daily realities in early learning contexts. This article focuses on how Black children are treated with second-class student status. Black children being positioned with second-class status was the most predominant theme from this work during the pandemic. This is noteworthy, as few studies have considered how the pandemic uniquely shaped Black children’s educational realities.

I have never encountered any children from any group who are not geniuses; there’s no mystery on how to teach them. The first thing you do is treat them like human beings; the second thing you do is love them.

– Asa Hilliard III

The late Asa Hilliard was a psychologist and Egyptologist who dedicated their life to the education of Black children, youth, and adults (Nobles, 2008). After years of research focused on Black children and Afro-centric education, Hilliard offered the opening quote, noting the first key to educating Black children is to “treat them like human beings.” In this context, Hilliard pointed to the reality that Black people are not always viewed as or treated like human beings. This point is evident in extant research (Goff et al., 2014; Love, 2016; Martin et al., 2019). As a result, Black children can be engaged in classrooms in ways in which they are treated as lesser than, or as second-class students (Essien & Wood, 2021). This aspect of anti-Blackness manifests in society as a unique form of racism against Black people. This is due to the ongoing association of Black people with chattel slavery (Wilderson, 2010) and subsequent views that they are lesser than (i.e., less human, less deserving of dignity).

In 1970, Pierce coined the term microaggressions to refer to common experiences with mundane, everyday racism experienced by Black people. Pierce noted that microaggressions served to restrict Black people to a disenfranchised state psychologically. Moreover, Pierce noted racial microaggressions served to keep Black people stressed and on the defensive constantly. Pierce offered numerous examples of what is now called second-class citizenship (see next section), indicating Black people are treated as second class, or as lesser, when compared to their White counterparts. Pierce (1970) noted microaggressions serve to advance the interests of Whites at the expense of Blacks, enhancing both their “quality and quantity of life” (p. 308). An example of this could be a public bus stopping for a White person as opposed to a Black person (Pierce, 1977) or expecting a Black person to hold open the door for a White person (Pierce, 1989). Pierce (1989) stated microaggressions such as these “simultaneously sustained defensive-deferential thinking and eroded self-confidence in Blacks” (p. 308). Pierce (1989) continued, “Further, by monopolizing our perception and action through regularly irregular disruptions, they contributed to relative paralysis of action, planning, and self-esteem. They seem to be the principal foundation for the verification of Black inferiority for both Whites and Blacks” (p. 308).

Microaggressions have negative outcomes, as Pierce (1989) articulated. A recipient’s affective response is to be stressed, to be defensive, and to have lowered confidence. Moreover, microaggressions also impede engagement, leading to paralysis of action and planning (Pierce, 1989). These messages also socialize Black people to accept a debased, downtrodden state of passivity (Pierce, 1977). Beyond this, Sue (2010) noted further studies have linked microaggressions to anger, frustration, emotional depletion, and lowered sense of worthiness. The combination of these factors can have deleterious effects on the early learning, growth, and development of Black children (Wood, 2019).

Moreover, research has demonstrated that exposure to racial microaggressions is accompanied by racial stress, which impacts those in the Black community in myriad ways (Smith et al., 2007). This includes psychological, physiological, and cognitive strain, which is referred to as racial battle fatigue (RBF; Smith, 2004). In terms of physiological impacts, RBF is associated with an inability to sleep, nightmares, an upset stomach, elevated blood pressure, trembling, sickness, and a suppressed immune system; psychological impacts can include anxiety, mood swings, and social withdrawal (Smith, 2004). In addition, individuals may experience a loss of confidence and question one’s own worth. RBF can also be associated with cognitive impacts such as difficulty in thinking and speaking clearly, and with challenges in retaining information (Yosso et al., 2009).

The purpose of this study was to understand the nature of microaggressions young Black children experienced in early childhood education (preschool through third grade) during the pandemic. During this timeframe, many Black children were educated in hybridized and/or fully virtual modalities. Experiences with microaggressions were uncovered using critical race counter-storytelling based on counter-narratives derived from parents who had young Black children enrolled in preschool through third grade. Parents provided insight into the unique racialized realities of Black children. Eliciting parents’ perspectives on their children’s experiences provides unique insight young children may have difficulty articulating.

Throughout this study, the term parents is employed to refer to those who are parenting young Black children, including parents, guardians, and caretakers (e.g., maternal parents, nonmaternal parents, aunts, uncles, grandparents). This study represents one of the first examinations of Black children in early learning during the pandemic. Although scholars have started to articulate the educational experiences of children (Ford et al., 2021; Gayatri, 2020; Timmons et al., 2021), and in some cases children of color (Soltero-González & Gillanders, 2021), few studies, if any, have provided a framework for understanding the impact of the pandemic on Black children. Thus, this current study represents a unique perspective on how young Black children experienced education over the last several years. An understanding of these experiences is critical for a contextual perspective on interventions necessary for Black students. This perspective is essential for fostering Black student success in the post-COVID-19 era.

Relevant Literature

Critical race theory (CRT) serves as the foundational framework for this investigation. According to Solórzano et al. (2000), there are five primary tenets of CRT in education. First, CRT recognizes the centrality of race and racism to the lived, daily experiences of People of Color. Moreover, race intersects with other forms of marginality (e.g., gender, sexual orientation, disability, income) to create unique forms of subjugation. Second, CRT is focused on challenging dominant ideologies. White supremacist ideologies shape the framing of histories, narratives, theories, and ideas serving to disadvantage People of Color; thus, there is a need to deconstruct and contest these notions. Third, CRT is committed to social justice, where the challenge to dominant ideologies results in actions to redress disparities and advocacy for minoritized communities. Fourth, CRT prioritizes the centrality of experiential knowledge. This means dominant narratives have framed the lived experiences of people of color as well as their histories, cultures, ideas, and lives. CRT therefore prioritizes narratives that tell the often untold, hidden, and oppressed realities of People of Color. Although all five tenets of CRT informed this study, most central to this research topic was the centrality of experiential knowledge. Fifth, CRT is committed to transdisciplinary research, where insights from varying fields (e.g., sociology, psychology, mathematics, arts) are committed to research advancing these tenets.

Using these tenets, numerous studies have been conducted demonstrating the role racial microaggressions have on the lives and experiences of People of Color (Desai & Abeita, 2017; Pérez Huber & Solórzano, 2015; Yosso et al., 2009). This may be because racial microaggressions are central to the experiential knowledge of People of Color (i.e., Tenet 4). In 2007, Sue et al. offered a foundational framework for understanding the different ways microaggressions occur in society. Their threefold framework classified microaggressions in three areas: (a) microassault, which are direct messages intended to communicate racial hostility (e.g., racial epitaph, swastikas); (b) microinvalidations, which are unconscious messages serving to invalidate the lives, realities, and experiences of People of Color; and (c) microinsults, which are unconscious messages insulting and degrading People of Color. Microinsults and microinvalidations often are rendered unconsciously from the perpetrator to the recipient through words, body language, and tone of voice. The perpetrator can be unaware that they have insulted, slighted, barred, or invalidated a Person of Color when they have done so (Sue et al., 2007).

One key type of microinsult is referred to as second-class citizenship, which occurs “when a White person is given preferential treatment as a consumer over a person of color” (Sue et al., 2007, p. 276). Sue et al. (2007) offered multiple examples of how this treatment could occur, including instances where White patrons were prioritized. This could include a taxi driver passing a Person of Color to attend to a White customer. However, second-class citizenship could also include a White person assuming People of Color are of lower class and stature or are a service worker simply because they are a Person of Color. The underlying messages communicated to People of Color when they experience second-class citizenship is that they are servants, are lowly, and live in an undesirable community.

Although Sue et al. (2007) conceptualized second-class citizenship within a consumer context, these experiences also can manifest in education. Therefore, as Sue et al. informed, we used the term second-class students to refer to preferential treatment given to White students over Children of Color. In this case, our focus was on how Black children are treated as second class students in the classroom. This encompasses efforts to avoid or dissuade engagement with Black students and to prioritize and invite engagement with non-Black students. For Black children, both anti-Black racism and childism influences this second-class student treatment. Childism refers to beliefs and actions that treat adults as more superior and of greater worth than children. According to Pierce and Allen (1975), “Childism is the basic form of oppression in our society and underlies all alienation and violence, for it teaches everyone how to be an oppressor and makes them focus on the exercise of raw power rather than on volitional humaneness” (p. 266).

According to Wood, (2019) and Essien & Wood, (2020), second-class citizenship manifests in early learning for Black children in critical ways, including educators talking down to them; restricting them from bathroom access; and treating them as less important because of assuming they are fatherless, are low income, have parents who do not care about education, and come from bad neighborhoods. In addition, their research also suggest Black children experience second-class treatment when educators ignore them in the classroom and prioritize other children’s learning over that of Black children. Other research supports these points, demonstrating Black children are provided less care, time, and attention in the classroom and are communicated to frequently in a deprecating manner (Howard, 2014; Lewis & Diamond, 2015; Lightfoot, 2004).

The Dual Pandemics

The COVID-19 era was particularly difficult for the Black community. Some scholars have referred to the confluence of events during the COVID-19 pandemic as dual (or twin) pandemics (Endo, 2021; Jones, 2021). The first pandemic was COVID-19. The COVID-19 pandemic emerged during early spring of 2020 and led to worldwide shutdowns, large-scale health mandates, and elevated stress on social systems, including schools, hospitals, and mental health clinics. COVID-19 also bore disproportionate infections, unemployment, and loss of life in the Black community and in other communities of color (Endo, 2021; Franklin et al., 2020; Starks, 2021). Children with loved ones in the hospital were unable to be at their bedside as they passed away due to hospital closures. Families were unable to come together in community to host wakes, funerals, and memorial services. These actions (e.g., being bedside, funerals) are critical components of the healing process.

The second pandemic was anti-Black racism. Even though anti-Black racism affects all sectors of society (e.g., business, education, nonprofit, government, criminal justice system), the media has prioritized the relationship between law enforcement and the Black community in recent years. This was evidenced most clearly through national protests and actions following the police-involved murders of Breonna Taylor (March 2020), George Floyd (May 2020), and Daunte Wright (April 2021). These incidents highlighted longstanding disparities in the treatment of Black people by those in law enforcement. With respect to George Floyd, the attention garnered to these disparities was heightened by the repeated playing and replaying of his murder for months (Brodie et al., 2021; Eaves, 2021; Jones, 2021).

Due to the dual pandemics, the racism and racialized stress Black children experienced in early learning may have been more intense. Conditions of the pandemic aligned with intensifying factors for implicit bias. Implicit biases are attitudes impacting individuals' understanding and actions in an unconscious manner. Moreover, research on biases has shown they are more likely to be rendered by the perpetrator to the recipient when they are in situations where there is incomplete information, time is constrained, and in stressful environments (Staats, 2016).

COVID-19 was perceived as an intensifying factor due to pervasive, incomplete information for educators. This included unknowns about the efficacy of the vaccine; early unknowns related to masking, testing, and closures; and an incomplete understanding of effective teaching, relationship, and time management practices for online learning. Moreover, decision making at the height of the pandemic was time constrained at all levels of health, education, and government. Many early childhood education facilities were locked down temporarily, which resulted in uncertainty and confinement that elevated anxiety and maladaptive behaviors among some young children (Egan et al., 2021).

Educators were required to shift learning online rapidly, teach topics online for the first time, and educate students via distance effectively, with little to no training, in short time frames. Given the high-pressure changes, health concerns, high media attention, and continued loss of life, stressful environments for students and educators were common. For educators, these environments were physically, financially, and mentally stressful (Swigonski et al., 2021). These conditions led educators to spend more time communicating with families and planning their efforts than instructing students (Steed & Leech, 2021). Later in this paper, we discuss how this limited instructional time was restricted from Black children, likely due to the factors discussed previously. Lastly, the COVID-19 pandemic presented a unique opportunity for parents to have insight into the experiences of their children in the classroom. In face-to-face learning, parental insight is limited to those who spend time volunteering in the classroom. The transition to remote learning (in some early childhood classrooms) meant that parents had the opportunity to witness, first hand, the instruction being provided to their children. This provided unique insight in curricular content, instructional delivery, and classroom dynamics. Remote learning also provided unique insight into the ways that Black children were treated and engaged by educators.

Methods

This study employed critical race counter-storytelling to examine the nature of microaggressions young Black children experienced in education during the COVID-19 pandemic. Counter-storytelling is a process of eliciting the stories and experiences of minoritized populations to share the often-untold experiences of People of Color (Harper, 2009). Counter-stories are “counter” in the sense that the realities often discussed, featured, and prioritized in scholarship—both historically and contemporarily—have been those of dominant groups. Thus, counter-stories elevate the experiences of People of Color, thus running counter to the dominant narratives. These stories are also counter in that they present People of Color from their perspective, thereby reducing the prevalence of negative characterizations and deficit viewpoints. Overall, these counter-stories provide insight into the unique ways race and racism shape the social experiences of racially minoritized communities (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). Moreover, in communities of color, storytelling plays an important role in advancing the survival and liberation of the downtrodden (see Delgado, 1989); therefore, counter-stories can serve as a source of emancipatory discourse and as a method of transmitting cultural knowledge from one generation to the next (Banks-Wallace, 2002).

According to Solórzano and Yosso (2002), there are three primary types of counter-stories. First, in personal narratives, researchers from minoritized communities document their own lived, daily realities with race and racism. Second, other people’s narratives are those of participants from minoritized communities who share their own experiences with racism and marginality. Third, composite narratives include thematic elements across narratives developed to present representative narratives. For this project, other people’s narratives were prioritized, as the intent of this study was to represent young Black children’s experiences as communicated through the perspectives of their parents, guardians, and caretakers.

Data Collection

As Solórzano and Yosso (2002) noted, there are four primary sources of data that can be employed in critical race counter-storytelling. These sources of data include extant research, the researcher’s professional expertise and lived experiences, and data collected throughout the study. In this study, all these sources of data were employed. We overview our professional and personal experiences in the section on positionality, and we highlight the primary results from this study in the findings.

Participants were solicited using a nonprobabilistic sampling technique via convenience sampling. We used targeted advertising techniques on social media to reach parents of young Black children. This occurred through sharing the call for participants with parent organizations focused on Black children. Beyond this, participants were recruited through paid social media advertisements to prospective respondents using the keywords “African American,” “Black,” “parents,” “mother,” “father,” “children,” and “early childhood.” Participants who were recruited were at least 18 years of age and lived in the United States. Finally, we have a database of over 55,000 educators and parents interested in issues facing Black children in education. Several solicitations were sent to this listserv as well. Prospective participants were informed of the eligibility criteria and consent for participation.

Participants were also provided with information on racial microaggressions. This included a definition of racial microaggressions and the primary subtypes of racial microaggressions as Sue et al. (2007) articulated. Participants were asked to complete demographic profiles about themselves, their child (e.g., gender, grade), and their child’s teacher (e.g., race, gender). In the findings, data are presented on the child’s gender, their grade level, and information on the race and gender of the child's teacher. From here, participants were asked to construct narratives providing insight into the experience they and their children experienced with microaggressions in online/Zoom COVID-19 era learning. Of the participants, 82% reported experiences with microaggressions and offered narratives detailing these experiences. These counter-narratives were composed by 645 parents of Black children who had children enrolled in early learning between March 2020 and December 2021.

This study is a smaller part of a larger study focused on the racial microaggressions young Black children experienced in early learning. The larger study began in 2016 and includes over 1,000 narratives from parents, including the 645 referenced in this study. We noticed categorically different responses from participants prior to the pandemic. Although comparing differences before and during the pandemic was not the focus of this study, we provide some general context to these patterns in the findings. Rather, this study was interested in the nature of the experiences during the pandemic, of which being a second-class student was far and beyond the most salient experience parents reported.

Of the participants in this study, 71% identified as being of Black or as having African ancestry. Most participants identified as African American (59%), with smaller representation from West Indian (4.3%), West African (1.2%), East African (3.4%), and Afro Latino (0.9%) populations (see Table 1). The second highest percentage were White parents of Black children (16.4%). Anecdotally, narratives from these parents demonstrated many had mixed-race children with fewer parents who either provided caretaking for children in the foster system or had adopted Black children. The third highest percentage of respondents were parents who were Latinx (6%). The average age of respondents was 39.8 years old. The highest percentage of parents were those between 40–45 years old (31.6%), followed by 35–39 years old (26.1%), 46 years and older (19.9%), and 30–34 years old (14.1%). Most parent respondents were women, at 82.1%, with 17.5% and 0.3% identifying as men or gender nonconforming, respectively. Most respondents only had one child (65.9%), though roughly one quarter (26.9%) had two children.

Table 1.

Background characteristics of parent respondents

Characteristic	Subgroup	Percentage
Respondent age
	18–24	3.6
	25–29	4.7
	30–34	14.1
	35–39	26.1
	40–45	31.6
	46 and older	19.9
Race
	Black/African American	71
	African American (59%)
	Caribbean (4.3%)
	East African (3.4%)
	West African (1.2%)
	Afro Latinx (0.9%)
	White	16.4
	Latinx	6
	Asian	2
	Other	5.7
	Native American	0.5
	18–24	3.6
	25–29	4.7
	30–34	14.1
	35–39	26.1
	40–45	31.6
	46 and older	19.9
Gender
	Male	17.5
	Female	82.1
	Gender Nonconforming	0.3
Total Children
	1	65.9
	2	26.9
	3	5.4
	4 or more	1.8

Data Analysis

Data were analyzed using Charmaz’s (2006) modified grounded theory approach. Using this approach, we used three types of coding to analyze the data, including open, axial, and selective coding. This combination assisted in the deconstruction of the counter-narratives to facilitate sensemaking about the meanings and recurrent themes within participants’ narratives. We employed open coding first, which involved reading and rereading the narratives for initial meaning. We used this approach to identify initial recurrent ideas, concepts, and relationships. We facilitated the process using Sue et al.’s (2007) taxonomy of racial microaggressions. Beyond this, we used axial coding to interpret recurrent ideas further to transition them to constructs and subconstructs. We also identified and interpreted relationships among subconstructs. In the selective coding phase, we recoded and reanalyzed data collected during the study to produce the most salient and recurrent themes. The most recurrent area emerging from these areas was the notion that Black young children were treated as second-class students during the pandemic. We return to this point in the findings.

Several strategies were employed to enhance the trustworthiness of this study’s findings. These strategies included inter-coder reliability, member checks, and bracketing. To ensure inter-coder reliability, we coded the data sets in sections and conferred with each other multiple times to ensure continuity of recurrent themes and ideas. We cross checked ideas routinely for coding congruency and comparability (see Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Member checks involve participants’ review of data and themes from the study to ensure efficacy in representing their experiences and ideas (DeCino & Waalkes, 2019). Member checks are also viewed as an acceptable strategy for verification of narrative research (Morse et al., 2002). In this case, we conducted member checks with three presentations and feedback sessions with parents of young Black children (n = 43). Largely, parents validated the findings and offered further insight and examples on how second-class treatment manifested for their children in early learning. Lastly, this study employed bracketing, a trustworthiness approach where the researcher intentionally sets aside preconceived notions and perceptions regarding the study (Ahern, 1999). Part of the bracketing strategy was to be cognizant of our own experiences. To ensure we were self-aware about unconscious pre-conceived notions, each author drafted a positionality statement. Discussion of assumptions, emotions, and hypotheses occurred throughout the data collection and data analysis process to ensure that our own experiences and that of our children were known and intentionally restricted from influencing the research findings. That said, while using this approach, we acknowledged Solórzano and Yosso’s (2002) notion that researchers’ own experiential knowledge should serve as a source for counter-narrative research. Bearing this in mind, in the next section, we offer our positionality related to this study.

Positionality

In this section on positionality, we offer context to our lived personal and professional experiences in relationship to this study. In doing so, we offer our positionality in first-person language.

First Author

I am a Black woman of mixed African ancestry. My mother’s family is African American and was enslaved in Florida. Our family is now located throughout California, primarily in Long Beach and San Joaquin counties. I am an assistant professor of child and family development at a large, public research university. My scholarship has long focused on Black children’s experiences in early education, examining how bias and racial microaggressions manifest for children and families in early learning. Prior to becoming a faculty member, I operated a home childcare facility and worked for several years as an aide and part-time teacher in early childhood education. I am the mother of three children, one of whom is enrolled in early childhood education and two of whom are in their later elementary school years.

Second Author

I am a researcher and full professor who investigates the experiences of Black boys and men in early childhood education and community colleges. Like my wife and research partner (first author), I am faculty at the same large, public research university. I was born in Oakland, California and became a ward of the court at birth. I was placed immediately into the foster care system. After several years in the system, my brother and I were adopted through a transracial adoption (i.e., White parents adopting Black children). Based on my own experiences in school, I have spent significant time investigating overexposure to exclusionary discipline (e.g., suspensions, expulsions), challenges with food and housing insecurity, and racial equity in student outcomes. As a father to our three children, we experienced firsthand the challenges of educating our children during the pandemic. Experiences with isolation and fear were heightened by both COVID and the intense racial dynamics at the time. This time was challenging for all parents; however, from my perspective, these challenges were heightened for Black families and children due to the dual pandemics.

Findings

This study was based on a larger study focused on young Black children’s experiences in early childhood education. In the larger study, called Our Voices, narratives from parents of Black children have been collected since 2017 from over 1000 parents. This ongoing study has resulted in several publications focused on how young Black children experience microaggressions, particularly through assumptions of criminality (Essien & Wood, 2020, 2022) ascriptions of intelligence (Essien & Wood, 2021), and pathologizing culture (Wood, 2019; Essien & Wood, 2020).

Although this study focused on data collected from 645 parents of young Black children during the COVID-19 pandemic, there was a noticeable difference in themes prior to March 2020. Prior to that time, the primary theme evidenced in the study was an assumption of criminality. In particular, parents of Black children reported their children were “singled out” for punishment for behaviors and actions mirroring those of other children. In fact, differential consequences (e.g., loss of recess, time out, suspensions) for their actions often occurred when their actions were occurring simultaneously with other children’s actions with little to no consequence (Essien & Wood, 2020, 2022). Certainly, during the pandemic, an assumption of criminality was evident in the data (e.g., harsh consequences, in-school suspensions); however, being singled out was less evident. In contrast, far and beyond any other theme, the most recurrent theme during the pandemic timeframe was that young Black children were treated like second-class students in the classroom.

We offer three primary insights derived from our analyses. First, Black children were treated as an ancillary distraction and were perceived and engaged as second-class students in the classroom. Second, in addition to being less of a priority, participants made implicit and explicit connections between the perceived mistreatment and their racial heritage. In other words, parents, and in some cases their children, articulated that their treatment was a function of race and racism. Third, the influence of second-class treatment affected Black children’s self-confidence and perceived worth. For many Black children, the outgrowth included apprehension to engage due to perceptions that their engagement was neither invited nor desired.

Being Treated as an Ancillary Distraction

As mentioned previously, the term second-class student refers to preferential treatment given to White students over Children of Color in the learning environment. This second class treatment can occur in a range of environments (e.g., classroom, schoolyard, virtual). Being a second-class student involved two interrelated considerations: first was the understanding that White children were the priority (e.g., time, attention) in the classroom; second was that Black children were seen as an ancillary distraction to the priorities of the classroom. The difference in treatment was based on the tacit understanding that Black children are not seen as worthwhile, whereas, White children are perceived as such. For instance, one parent stated, “The school and teachers have consistently prioritized the learning of other children over my son... this infuriates me” (Black Boy, White Female Teacher, Preschool).

Similarly, another parent stated, “My son's teacher may prioritize other students' learning... so she doesn’t always see his need of [sic] extra attention” (Black Boy, White Female Teacher, First Grade). Another parent commented, “It was glaringly obvious that my son was only being prioritized by the teacher when she perceived him to have done something wrong. During instruction he was an afterthought” (Black Boy, White Female Teacher, First Grade). Finally, one parent stated, “Also I feel as [if] she is monitored less... instead of working personal[ly] with [the] teacher, she tells my daughter to go onto an online website and work independently” (Black Girl, Latina Teacher, First Grade).

As evidenced by these quotes, parents of Black children reported teachers spent less time and attention on their children. There were several ways in which this concern manifested in the learning environment. Parents reported teachers ignored their children when they raised their hands to ask or respond to questions. Parents also reported their children were called on less frequently. Beyond this, when Black children attempted to engage, they were rebuffed from doing so. Parents reported educators dismissing and discouraging engagement by sighing at answers, cutting Black children off when they were talking, asking them to stop sharing information, being abrupt and impatient, redirecting individual engagement to the larger classroom, and telling Black children they did not have time for them. For example, one parent stated:

At the beginning of the school year, I was watching her and witnessed the teacher (who is White) call on every other student but her (she is the only Black student in her class). The teacher also has ignored what she's said when I know she was unmuted because I watched her turn on the microphone, he has sighed at her answers and when she's asked for help multiple times, he just ignores her or addresses the whole class, the occurrences happened all within the 2 weeks I was watching her. (Black Girl, Latina Teacher, Second Grade)

In this quote, evidence of these patterns is clear. Non-Black children were prioritized for being called on. When Black children attempted to engage, their contributions were ignored or their answers were sighed at. These experiences were common across most respondents. Another example of this follows:

On several occasions my grandson has said he is ignored on the Zoom class meets when he knows the answers or has questions. . . . She is an older white women [sic]. He said the same thing happens with his dance and art teachers who are White as well. They ignore his hand being raised and cut him off when he is talking. I have witnessed this interaction and spoken to his teacher. (Black Boy, White Female Teacher, Second Grade)

Particularly salient in this quote is the notion that the child was cut off repeatedly when attempting to make contributions in the classroom. This experience involved being ignored, yet many parents also reported facial expressions that similarly discouraged participation, including appearing annoyed, visibly avoiding eye contact, and showing no affective response to Black children when they were engaged. One parent stated:

She is always looking as if she is annoyed with how long it takes him to respond or with his response. Constantly showing much excitement when the White children answer a question but slow to acknowledge or provide praise when the three minority children provide a response. For example, if their answer is correctly, she will ok put yourself back on mute but if the white girl provides a correct answer she claps and has delight in her voice when she acknowledges the students correct answer. (Black Boy, White Female Teacher, Kindergarten).

As evidenced in several quotes, parents reported White children were extolled for their contributions in the classroom. At the same time, Children of Color were treated as an afterthought for acknowledgment and praise. The preceding quote also demonstrates an implicit reference to race (i.e., White children, White girl) as to the reason for the differential treatment. This is a theme we explore next.

Differential Treatment Due to Race

A striking commonality among respondents was the proactive attention drawn to how they rationalized the disparate treatment. Participants stated both implicitly and explicitly that the second-class treatment Black students experienced was due to their racial/ethnic heritage. In some cases, they also reported similar treatment of Latinx students compared to White students. One example of this was a grandparent who described how her grandson was interrupted abruptly by his teacher and even chastised in front of other children:

I am the grandmother who oversees my grandson for his online classes. He is the only Black student in the class. I have noticed that his teacher was very abrupt and not patient with him. She didn't even give him a moment to unmute himself in the Zoom class to respond to her. At another time, (coincidentally, the day he picked his hair out in a big 'fro) his teacher treated him horribly and chastised him in front of the class (Zoom). (Black Boy, White Female Teacher, First Grade)

In this quote, the grandparent offered two references to the rationale for this differential treatment. First, she noted her grandson was the only Black student in the classroom. This was associated with second-class treatment such as abruptness but also impatience and allowing space for engagement (e.g., time to unmute himself). Second, she also noted, when he wore his hair in a more pronounced ethnic fashion (e.g., large Afro style), the negative treatment was accelerated to public chastisement.

Other parents of Black children also offered insight into the differential treatment their children experienced. One parent noted how both Black and Brown children in their school were treated differently:

He currently is in kindergarten and doesn't attend art or small group sessions because of the condensing, negative and rude behavior of his art teacher. She will either ignore or show no form of interest in anything the Black and Brown children have to share. When she was called out about it she decided to show no interest [in] anything any of the children in the class had to share. This lasted about a week and she returned back to true self of ignoring the Black and Brown children (Black Boy, White Female Teacher, Kindergarten).

In this quote, there were two references to the racial-ethnic differences, both focused on ignoring (i.e., showing no interest in) Black and Brown children. Beyond being ignored, the treatment this parent described transcended to a higher level of second-class citizenship, involving rude, negative, and condescending interactions. These concerns mirror those of the chastising behavior described in the previous quote. In general, across all the counter-narratives, when issues of racial differences were mentioned, the behaviors (i.e., cutting off, talking down to, chastising) discussed often were more pronounced.

In some cases, the connection between second-class citizenship to the race of the child was made explicitly by the children. In these cases, children noted their experiences with second-class citizenship to their parents and then articulated that the rationale for this mistreatment was being Black. A parent of a first grader offered this example:

Yes, my son is doing school from home. He's very respectful and will never speak without raising his hand, as this [is] what his teacher asks of all the students. But she would never call on him to answer any of the questions. To my surprise, one day he got angry and stated, “Mom, it’s not fair. She never calls on me because I'm Black.” At this point I logged out from work. Sat side by side with him to study with the teacher. I'm not sure if his computer was muted or not (Black Boy, White Female Teacher, First Grade)

The child’s response to these messages was to feel a sense of anger and resentment toward his exclusion. The effects of these messages are discussed more in the next section.

As noted previously, data were collected amid the racial pandemic. Thus, national conversations on race and racism were heightened in the media. Thus, it is not surprising that children would be able to articulate connections between their mistreatment and their racial heritage. Beyond articulating the connection between mistreatment and race, parents also offered insight into the impact of second-class treatment on children. In the following section, we explore this further.

Impact of Differential Treatment

As noted in the section on relevant literature, racial microaggressions have deleterious effects on the recipients. Many parents discussed this, noting the effects of feeling like a second-class citizen. When parents perceived their Black children were treated as lesser than, the result was that their Black children did not feel valued. Moreover, because Black children’s desire for learning was stifled, those who were less engaged learned their engagement was not invited nor desired. Moreover, those who were engaged may have felt discouraged from engaging further. An example of this was offered by one parent:

In online class, there is a White child who shares repeatedly. My daughter has recently been sharing in class during her Zoom classes. The teacher has asked her to stop sharing on more than one occasion but rarely tells the non-Black child to stop sharing in class. . . . My child's teacher is indifferent to my daughter. There is no punishment, but there is also no praise. My child even said, “My teacher never calls on me anyways. She won’t know if I don't log in to class.” She feels invisible and that her attendance does not matter to her teacher. (Black Girl, White Female Teacher, Kindergarten)

In this case, the parent reported multiple types of treatment as second class, including being asked to stop reading, being treated with indifference, and not being engaged. The outgrowth of this treatment was that the child perceived the teacher would not notice whether she was present or absent in the classroom. Moreover, the parent noted her daughter felt invisible in the classroom, an ancillary distraction to the priorities of the class. Another parent offered insight into the impact of second-class treatment on her son, connecting this to racial differences in the classroom:

He would cry and beg me not to require him to login to her class. The same issues occur in his physical education class. She constantly tells the Black and Brown children that she doesn't have time but once a White child raises their hand, she will let them share whatever they want on or off topic. He attends her class but will not raise his hand to ask questions or participate because he has learned that his opinion isn't valued in her class. He goes because he enjoys the movement and “being with his classmates.” (Black Boy, White Female Teacher, Kindergarten)

In this case, the parent reported Black and Brown children were treated as second class by the teacher, stating “she doesn’t have time” for them. These statements were juxtaposed with actions demonstrating active time investment in White children. The outgrowth of this was threefold. First, the child perceived there was no reason to engage (e.g., raise their hand, ask questions). Second, the child was taught to believe their opinion and general engagement was not valued. Third, this treatment led to the child requesting not to have to log in to class. This request was emotive and associated with the child crying due to the environment they experienced.

As evidenced by the previous counter-narrative, parents described manifold impacts of being treated as second class. One parent noted an incident that occurred during the immediate aftermath of the transition to virtual learning:

The teacher was asking the class for an answer to a question she has just posed and my daughter knew the answer and raised her hand. I was assisting [online] in the room and was observing what was going on. My daughter sat there with her hand raised and the teacher completely ignored her and asked some of the other children to answer. My daughter called out to the teacher and said she knew the answer and the teacher continued to ignore her and prompted some of the other kids in the class to respond. Finally, one little boy yelled out the answer. I watched as my child's entire mood change she totally deflated after that. She completely withdrew and asked me why the teacher did not call on her. (Black Girl, Asian Female, Third Grade)

Afterward, the parent contacted the teacher to describe how her daughter had been overlooked. The teacher responded, noting she did not see her daughter, a response the parent did not believe because her daughter was “the only Black child in the class.” Of critical importance here is the connection between being overlooked and ignored and the child’s affective response. In this case, the child became visibly “deflated” and “withdrawn.”

In this section, we discussed how second-class student status manifested in Black children’s educational experiences during the dual pandemics. We have noted that this treatment was attributed to racial/ethnic differences between students and their teachers. Finally, we discussed the impact these experiences can have on Black children. In the next section, we offer our perspectives about findings in these three areas considering extant research on racial microaggressions and Black children’s experiences in early learning.

Discussion

This study investigated microaggressions young Black children experienced in early childhood education (preschool through third grade) during the pandemic. Using racial microaggressions as a framework, we sought insight into these experiences through counter-narratives from parents of Black children. Parents provided unique insight into their children’s experiences, giving voice to their daily realities in early learning contexts. This article focused on how second-class student status manifests among these children. Black young children experienced second-class student status as the most predominant theme during the pandemic. This is noteworthy as few studies have considered how the pandemic uniquely shaped Black children’s educational realities. In contrast, extant literature has focused on children as a whole (Ford et al., 2021; Gayatri, 2020; Timmons et al., 2021).

This study produced several noteworthy insights. First, Black children were reported to be treated as second-class students (i.e., lesser than) by their teachers. This resulted in Black children receiving less time and attention in school, being barred from engagement, being overlooked in the classroom, and having their engagement dismissed and discouraged. The stressful environment of the COVID-19 era placed added stress on educators, resulting in less attentional focus on Black children. This is evidenced through educators prioritizing the learning of other children over the learning of Black children (Wood, 2019). Moreover, Black children can receive less time, care, and attention in the classroom and be discouraged from engagement (Howard, 2014; Lewis & Diamond, 2015; Lightfoot, 2004). These experiences seemed ubiquitous during the COVID-19 era. The stress of being engaged as second class may be amplified by the disproportionate impact COVID-19 infections and loss of life had on the Black community (Endo, 2021; Starks, 2021). Moreover, this second-class treatment may have been heightened in the wake of George Floyd as racial strife and discourse was prominent in the news media (Eaves, 2021; Jones, 2021). As noted, these factors would serve to amplify implicit biases (Staats, 2016), a key ingredient for many microaggressions.

Second, participants identified racial dynamics as a key factor in the rationale for second-class treatment. This is important because many children may have experienced the COVID-19 era as less than desirable. As noted previously, the COVID-19 era was typified by insufficient information, rapid changes, time constraints, lockdowns, and anxiety (Egan et al., 2021). Given the manifold pressures of COVID-19, students of all racial/ethnic backgrounds may have experienced learning as more difficult during this timeframe. However, the notion that mistreatment of Black children was based on race and racism demonstrates a distinct and unique experience for Black children. This point is noteworthy in that these experiences occurred in preschool through third grade (i.e., early childhood education). These grades serve as the formative sites for students’ holistic learning, growth, and development. These grades also lay the foundation for early learning in reading and mathematics that affects long-term success in school. The experiences detailed in this study demonstrate how this important period of development may be disrupted by racialized experiences rendering Black children as second-class students in early learning environments.

Third, this study demonstrated the deleterious effects racial microaggressions had on recipients. The preponderance of this messaging in early learning led Black children to feel a range of emotions. This included being deflated and withdrawn. Prior research on microaggressions has also shown the negative impacts of these messages on People of Color (Smith et al., 2007; Sue, 2010). Even in early microaggression research, Pierce (1977) described how these messages led recipients to feel debased and unable to act. This aligns with this study’s findings in that Black children reported feeling invisible, deflated, and withdrawn. Recipients in this study also noted feeling a sense of worthlessness. Sue (2010) noted a sense of worthlessness was an outgrowth of microaggressions and is an experience often accompanied with emotional depletion, anger, and frustration. In this research, a sense of anger and resentment were also present. As noted previously, RBF can be a byproduct of persistent racial stress and risk (Smith, 2004). Consistent exposure to racial stress can have cognitive, psychological, and physiological impacts on the recipients. Given that early childhood education (e.g., preschool through third grade) serves as a central site for developing the knowledge, skills, and dispositions needed throughout the rest of one’s academic and personal life, the implications of these experiences should serve as a clarion call for action.

Recommendations and Conclusion

Nearly 3 years of education were disrupted for Black children during the COVID-19 era. Given that early education serves as a site for the formative learning and development of all children, including Black children, there is a need to better understand how Black children experienced the COVID-19 pandemic. Given the combination of the COVID-19 pandemic and racial unrest based on violence directed toward Black individuals, the COVID-19 era may have had distinct impacts on Black children compared to other children. Future studies should explore the COVID-19 experiences of Black children to provide insight into the unique needs Black children may have in the post-COVID-19 era. This study has demonstrated Black children were treated as “lesser than,” and future studies should focus on messaging and interventions that could reverse the impact of these experiences. Researchers should identify teaching, counseling, and leadership practices that serve to center Black children in the experience. Such studies should focus on strategies for facilitating a sense of belonging and centering for Black children in learning environments.

This study focused on the experiences of Black children as filtered through the perspectives of their parents. Future studies should explore additional research strategies that insight into the experiences of Black children in early learning. These studies might include participant observations, interviews with preservice Teachers of Color in the same schools, retrospective interviews with Black children at later ages and grades (e.g., middle school), or in-depth interviews and focus groups with Teaching Assistants of Color. Although this study provided unique insight into Black children’s experiences with microaggressions, additional perspectives from individuals at different vantage points to children’s experiences would be value added.

It is possible educators engaged in the actions described in this manuscript and were simultaneously unaware of their actions. This is because implicit bias can influence educators’ actions and behaviors. Many educators may not be fully knowledgeable of the themes present in the concerns the parents expressed. As a result, a future study might explore video recording classroom interactions to replay to teachers in debrief sessions. Teachers could then be asked to explain their sensemaking in cases where differential treatment of Black and non-Black students is identifiable. This analysis could provide insight into trends and patterns associated with differential interpretations of Black children’s actions by educators.

In terms of professional practice, this study demonstrates the importance of exposing early educators to professional learning on topics such as implicit bias, racial microaggressions, and racial battle fatigue. Training in these topics is essential for educators to understand how their words, actions, and behaviors serve to communicate messages to students about their place in school. Given that research has shown Black children are often treated with distrust, disdain, and disregard in educational venues (Essien & Wood, 2021) training is essential for reversing this pattern. In addition to providing these learning opportunities to in-service teachers, preservice educators must train future teachers to engage students from racially minoritized communities. Doing so necessitates an understanding of the routinized experiences Black children have with racism and anti-Blackness in school.

In addition, educators who are being new academic years with new students should speak with Black students and their experiences in prior levels of schooling. These conversations can give teachers who are starting a new academic term the opportunity to understand their students’ contextual racialized experiences. With this understanding, educators can better support students by engaging intentionally in actions enabling Black students to feel centered in the classroom. Strategies to accomplish this can include opportunities for leadership, a greater emphasis on building relationships with students and their families, employing culturally relevant teaching practices, and more. By centering Black children in the classroom intentionally, educators may better curb the negative experiences with second-class citizenship Black children experienced during the COVID-19 era.

Overall, this study highlighted the unique experiences of Black children in early childhood education during the COVID-19 pandemic. Given the findings from this study, the words of Asa Hilliard remain meaningful: “The first thing you do is treat them like human beings; the second thing you do is love them.” This treatment begins by acknowledging Black children’s’ presence in the classroom and embracing their value in the learning environment by investing time and attentional focus in them.