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PLOS One logoLink to PLOS One
. 2023 Jul 27;18(7):e0283524. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0283524

Subjective burden of government-imposed Covid-19 restrictions in Switzerland: Evidence from the 2022 LINK Covid-19 survey

Günther Fink 1,2,*, Katharina Förtsch 3, Stefan Felder 4
Editor: Florian Follert5
PMCID: PMC10374048  PMID: 37498827

Abstract

Background

While a large literature has quantified the health and economic impact of COVID-19, estimates on the subjective losses in quality of life due to government imposed restrictions remain scarce.

Methods

We conducted a nationally representative online survey in Switzerland in February 2022 to measure average self-reported quality of life with government restrictions. We used a discrete choice experiment to compute average willingness to pay for avoiding specific restrictions and time-trade-off questions to quantify the relative quality of life under restrictions.

Results

A total of 1299 Swiss residents completed the online survey between February 9th and 15th, 2022. On average, respondents valued life under severe restrictions at 39% of their usual life (estimated relative utility 0.39 [0.37, 0.42]). Willingness to pay for avoiding restrictions was lowest for masks (CHF 663 [319, 1007]), and highest for schools and daycares (CHF 4123 [3443, 4803]) as well as private parties (CHF 4520 [3811, 5229]). We estimate that between March 2020 and February 2022 a total of 5.7 Million QALYs were lost due to light, moderate and severe restrictions imposed by the governments.

Conclusions

The quality of life losses due to government restrictions are substantial, particularly when it comes to the closure of schools and daycares, as well as the prohibition of private gatherings. Future policies should weigh these costs against the health benefits achievable with specific measures.

Introduction

The Covid-19 pandemic has affected the global community like few epidemics before; as of June 15th, 2022, more than half a billion cases have been documented, and 6.3 million individuals have died [1]. To prevent even larger adverse health impacts and to ensure the continued functionality of their health systems, governments around the globe have relied on a range of non-pharmaceutical interventions, ranging from mandatory wearing of masks, school closures and home office requirements, to complete lockdowns [2]. While almost the entire global population has personally experienced these measures and while a large literature has tried to assess their effectiveness [36], relatively little is known about the impact of these measures on subjective well-being as well as the overall quality of life.

A large and rapidly growing body of evidence has highlighted specific aspects of wellbeing affected by government measures, such as the loss of early life learning opportunities [7], limited access to schooling [8], loss of employment [9], and social isolation [6]. Recent literature has also highlighted the increased incidence of loneliness [10] and mental health problems among adolescents [11] and adults [12] as well as a general deterioration of living conditions, particularly in low- and middle-income countries [13].

All of these effects are important, but cover only specific aspects of individual well-being, without fully capturing the impact of (not necessarily warranted [14, 15]) government restrictions on the overall quality of life of the population exposed [16]. In previous work [17], we attempted to generate such comprehensive estimates, using data collected from France, India, Italy, the UK and the US through the MTurk online platform. Using a sample of online volunteers recruited through the MTurk platform, we showed that average quality of life losses due to government restrictions were large across all countries [17]. Additional research from Australia [18], France [19] and Spain [2022] and Sweden [23] suggests that the welfare losses due to government restrictions are substantial, but the majority of the population is willing to accept such measures if they can reduce the risk of health system overload [19] or excess mortality [18].

Relative to many other countries, government restrictions in Switzerland were weaker, with strict lockdown measures and school closures only enacted in the first half of 2020 [24]. Despite these less restrictive policies, resistance to government measures was substantial in Switzerland, with continued protests against government mandates throughout the pandemic [25].

In order to quantify the average subjective utility losses in Switzerland, we embedded previously developed survey modules in an ongoing national survey in Switzerland in February 2022 and present the main findings of this survey here.

Methods

Study design

This study was designed as a cross-sectional study using data collected through a nationally representative online survey. To quantify marginal willingness to pay to avoid certain restrictions, we conducted a discrete choice experiment following the guidelines of the International Society for Pharmacoeconomics and Outcomes Research (ISPOR) [26].

To quantify total losses in quality of life, we used data on government restrictions from the Oxford Covid-19 Government Response Tracker (https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-021-01079-8) [2]. Data on the number of Covid-19 deaths by 10-year age group, sex and canton were downloaded from the Swiss Ministry of Health (BAG) on March 25th, 2022.

Survey participants

Survey questions were administered through LINK as part of their ongoing national Covid-19 surveys. LINK specializes in online research in Switzerland and conducts about 500–600 online surveys per year (https://www.link.ch/). LINK uses a nationally representative panel sample of 115,000 adult respondents for all of their surveys–this core sample was recruited nation-wide through computer-assisted telephone interviews. For each survey round, an invitation to participate was sent to all eligible participants in this survey pool. Participation was rewarded with a small gift voucher (with an approximate value of CHF 1 for a short survey) for each successfully completed survey. Given that the relative participation of all groups is directly observable, sampling weights can be created that make the study population representative of the Swiss population with respect to age, gender, region, education and household income.

All surveys were translated to French, German and Italian. All original questions asked are available in Appendix 1. All only surveys were completed between February 9th and 15th, 2022.

Inclusion / exclusion criteria

All respondents in the LINK panel were included in the study as long as they fulfilled the following requirements: 1) currently living in Switzerland; 2) Using the internet at least once a week for private purposes; 3) able to complete the questionnaire in either French, German or Italian; and 4) age 18–79 years.

Primary outcome variables

The primary outcome of interest were the subjective losses in subjective quality of life due to Covid-19 specific restrictions. We quantified these losses in two ways. First, and following standard procedures for measuring disease-specific quality of life [27], we asked subjects to answer a set of standardized time-tradeoff questions. The specific questions we asked were:

“First, consider a scenario where you are required to wear a mask in public at all times, are not allowed to go to restaurants, clubs or the gym, and travel is prohibited. If you were given the choice of living with these limitations and your normal life:

would you rather live your normal life for X months (option A) or 12 months in this kind of strict lockdown (option B)?

All subjects started with a choice between 12 months of normal life against 12 months with restrictions. If they preferred 12 months of normal life to life with restrictions (as expected), they were sequentially asked to make a choice between 10 months of normal life vs. 12 months with restrictions, then 8 months of normal life, then 6, 4, 3, 2, 1, and 0 months–all against 12 months of life with restrictions.

We also asked a similar set of questions for even stricter restrictions:

“Instead, imagine an even stricter lockdown scenario where you are required to wear masks in all public spaces, cannot eat, drink, go to clubs or the gym, private parties and events are banned, all children must be homeschooled and you are not allowed to travel. If you had the choice between living in this kind of lockdown and your normal life, would you rather live your normal life for X months (option A) or 12 months in this kind of strict lockdown (option B)?

In previous work, we had also considered a more standard end-of-life framing, where subjects were asked to trade off 10 years of life with restrictions against a smaller amount of years without restrictions [17]. These questions yielded very similar results; given that our pilot participants perceived it to be somewhat difficult to live longer period with restrictions, we opted for the shorter-term framing in this study.

In order to quantify the respondents’ willingness to pay for avoiding specific restrictions, we conducted a discrete choice experiment within the same survey. Within this experiment, each survey respondent was asked to choose between bundles of living conditions involving restrictions on everyday life as well as pre-specified monthly incomes. Given that we did not want subjects to trade off the benefits of measures against the perceived costs, we chose a framing that forced subjects to think about the restriction by itself in the context of picking a place to live:

Imagine a world without COVID-19. You must choose to live in one of the following two countries. The countries differ both in the salary you earn and the restrictions that the government has decided on for everyday life. In which of the two countries would you prefer to live and work?

In our previous study, we directly compared this neutral residential choice farming against a Covid-19 specific framing, and did not find any systematic differences in the responses, suggesting that the exact framing has only limited impact on average response patterns [17].

In both the original and the Swiss study, each subject was (sequentially) presented with 6 randomly selected vignettes, each containing an Option A and Option B characterized by random variations of the attributes outlined in Table 1:

Table 1. Attribute levels.

Attribute Levels
Monthly Net Salary: CHF 5000/6500/8500
No restaurants, bars and clubs YES/NO
No sports facilities for you to exercise YES/NO
Mandatory wearing of masks in public YES/NO
No schools or day care centers (home schooling only) YES/NO
Travel abroad only with official permission YES/NO
No private parties, weddings or concerts allowed YES/NO

The six attributes were selected from a list of measures captures in the Oxford Tracker, and adjusted slightly based on the feedback obtained in two rounds of previous testing. For all attributes, we only considered simple YES/NO levels.

Net salary levels were chose to correspond approximately to the 25th, 50th and 75th percentiles of the current Swiss income distribution. Appendix 2 shows 3 out of the 24 vignettes used as well as the average choices made for these vignettes.

Statistical analysis

We first estimated average utility weights by sex, age group and region for the pooled sample. To avoid biases emerging from extreme preferences (subjects stating they preferred a life with restrictions to a life without restrictions or subjects stating they would prefer 0 months of healthy life to 12 months of life with restrictions) we also estimated average utility weights in a restricted sample of subjects with an interior switching point (switching point range 1–10). To derive relative utility we divided the observed willingness to pay (switching point) by 12.

For the discrete choice experiment, responses were analyzed using a random utility framework [28]. The relative impacts (marginal effects) of each attribute on the choice made were estimated using conditional logistic regression models [29] and compared to (scaled by) the relative weight of income in these decisions. To ensure data quality, we evaluated the proportion of respondents always choosing the first or second option.

Last, we used data on the duration of light and severe Covid-19 restrictions in Switzerland to compute the estimated number of quality-adjusted life years lost. Data on Covid-19 restrictions was taken from the Oxford Covid-19 Government Response Tracker [2] and divided into periods with severe restrictions (stringency index > 70), moderate restrictions (stringency index 50–79) and light restrictions (stringency index 20–49). Daily data on the stringency index in Switzerland are shown in S1 Fig. To quantify the total number of quality-adjusted life years lost, we multiplied the number of days under severe restrictions with the estimated utility weights computed. Given the large heterogeneity in the time tradeoff questions, we considered three scenarios: in our first and preferred scenario, we excluded all extreme preferences from the analysis and used only stated preferences between 1 and 11 months for severe restrictions. For moderate and mild restrictions, we simply interpolated disutilities between the severe case and 1 (equal intervals). In our second scenario, we used all time tradeoff data both for severe and for moderate restrictions. For mild restrictions, we once again used interpolation, taking the average between 1 (no disutility) and the moderate restrictions disutility weight. Last, we also considered a third scenario where we allowed for indifference between life with and without restrictions, but excluded subjects unwilling to trade off any time against life with restrictions. This one-sided data censoring is likely to bias average preferences towards lower disutilities (because we remove subjects who are most averse to restrictions) and should thus provide a lower bound for the true disutility generated by restrictions. S1 Table provides further details on the calculations of QALYs and the disutilities used in the three scenarios.

Ethical considerations

All surveys were completed anonymously online. All respondents provided written consent to the use of data for research by ticking a box before the questionnaire started. Due to the absence of identifiable data, the study was rated as non-human subjects research by the ethics commission for Northwestern and Central Switzerland (Ethikkommission Nordwest- und Zentralschweiz) in EKNZ Req 2021.00616.

Results

As shown in Table 2, a total of 1299 respondents completed the online survey between February 9th and 15th, 2022. 49.7% of respondents were female, and 76% of respondents indicated to be currently working; 22.9% were below age 30, and 19.6% between ages 60 and 79.

Table 2. Sample characteristics by region.

German-speaking French-speaking Italian-speaking Overall
N = 802 N = 275 N = 222 N = 1299
Characteristic N % N % N % N %
Female 395 49.3% 140 50.9% 110 49.5% 645 49.7%
Working 630 78.6% 193 70.2% 167 75.2% 990 76.2%
Age 15–29 178 22.2% 71 25.8% 49 22.1% 298 22.9%
Age 30–44 226 28.2% 79 28.7% 64 28.8% 369 28.4%
Age 45–59 237 29.6% 74 26.9% 67 30.2% 378 29.1%
Age 60+ 161 20.1% 51 18.5% 42 18.9% 254 19.6%

On average, respondents were willing to give up only about 4 months of their usual life against 12 months of life with severe restrictions (Fig 1; see S2 Fig for light restrictions). In the severe restrictions scenario, 233 subjects (17.9 percent) indicated that they valued life with and without restrictions equally and 626 respondents (48.2%) indicated that they were not willing to give up any of their normal life for 12 months of life with restrictions.

Fig 1. Time trade-offs: Months of healthy life preferred to 12 months of restricted life.

Fig 1

Notes: Based on the question “Imagine an even stricter lockdown scenario where you are required to wear masks in all public spaces, cannot eat, drink, go to clubs or the gym, private parties and events are banned, all children must be homeschooled and you are not allowed to travel. Would you rather have x months of your normal life, or 12 months of life with these restrictions?” Frequencies represent unweighted counts.

When all responses were considered (Fig 2A), mean utility weights were lowest among females from the German speaking part of Switzerland, with an estimated utility weight of 0.26 (95% CI [0.29, 0.22]). Mean utility weights were highest for among males in the Italian-speaking part with an estimated mean utility weight of 0.49 [0.40, 0.57]. When subjects with extreme preferences (response = 12 or 0) were excluded (Fig 2B), mean utility weights were slightly higher, with lowest utility for females in the French part (0.35 [0.28, 0.43] and highest utility for males in the Italian part (0.46 [0.37, 0.56]).

Fig 2. Average utility weights by sex and region.

Fig 2

Notes: Fig 2 shows estimated average utility weights by language region and sex in the full sample (Panel A) as well as the restricted sample excluding extreme preferences. All utility weights are normalized to range between 0 and 1, with 0 corresponding to zero utility and 1 corresponding to the utility of a fully healthy life.

Fig 3 shows mean utility weights by age group and sex. Mean utility weights were lowest among females 30–44, with a mean utility of 0.24 [0.19, 0.29], and highest among men 60–79 with a mean utility of 0.36 [0.28, 0.44] in the pooled sample (Panel A). When subjects with extreme preferences were excluded, mean utility increased to an average of 0.39 [0.37, 0.42] (Fig 3, Panel B).

Fig 3. Average utility weights by age group and gender.

Fig 3

Notes: Fig 2 shows estimated average utility weights by age group and sex in the full sample (Panel A) as well as the restricted sample excluding extreme preferences. All utility weights are normalized to range between 0 and 1, with 0 corresponding to zero utility and 1 corresponding to the utility of a fully healthy life.

Table 3 summarizes the main results of the discrete choice experiment. A total of 7794 decisions were recorded and analyzed. All attributes were highly predictive of subjects’ choices made. Except for masks, the relative weight given to all restrictions exceeded the weight given to a 1000 CHF salary increase for all subgroups.

Table 3. Discrete choice experiment: Marginal effects of traits by subsample.

Sample All German French Italian Female Male
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Net monthly salary 1000s CHF 0.20*** 0.18*** 0.23*** 0.27*** 0.12*** 0.27***
(0.17, 0.22) (0.15, 0.21) (0.17, 0.28) (0.20, 0.34) (0.08, 0.16) (0.23, 0.31)
No restaurants, bars and clubs -0.56*** -0.56*** -0.59*** -0.47*** -0.51*** -0.60***
(-0.63, -0.49) (-0.64, -0.48) (-0.72, -0.45) (-0.64, -0.31) (-0.61, -0.41) (-0.70, -0.50)
No sports facilities for you to exercise -0.28*** -0.32*** -0.17** -0.11 -0.27*** -0.28***
(-0.34, -0.21) (-0.40–0.24) (-0.30, -0.04) (-0.26,- 0.03) (-0.36, -0.17) (-0.38, -0.19)
Mandatory wearing of masks in public -0.13*** -0.15*** -0.06 -0.04 -0.11** -0.15***
(-0.19, -0.07) (-0.23, -0.07) (-0.18, 0.06) (-0.15, 0.07) (-0.20, -0.02) (-0.24, -0.06)
No schools or day care cen-ters (home schooling only) -0.81*** -0.82*** -0.73*** -0.88*** -0.91*** -0.72***
(-0.88, -0.73) (-0.92, -0.73) (-0.90, -0.56) (-1.07, -0.69) (-1.02, -0.79) (-0.83, -0.62)
Travel abroad only with state approval -0.42*** -0.48*** -0.21*** -0.41*** -0.46*** -0.39***
(-0.48, -0.35) (-0.57, -0.40) (-0.34, -0.09) (-0.54, -0.27) (-0.56, -0.36) (-0.47, -0.30)
No private parties, wed-dings or con-certs allowed -0.88*** -0.87*** -1.01*** -0.55*** -0.96*** -0.83***
(-0.96, -0.81) (-0.96, -0.78) (-1.18, -0.84) (-0.72, -0.38) (-1.08, -0.84) (-0.93, -0.72)
N (decisions) 7794 9624 3300 2664 7740 7848

Notes: All coefficients based on conditional logistic regression model with decision fixed effects. Coefficients represent logit differences; 95% confidence intervals in parentheses. Standard errors are clustered at the individual level, with six responses by subject. All regressions are weighted to achieve nationally representative sample ages 15–79.

*** p<0.01

** p<0.05

* p<0.1

Fig 4 summarizes implicit average valuations for the restrictions considered. On average, monthly willingness to pay was lowest for masks with a mean willingness to pay of CHF 663 [319, 1007] and highest for schools and daycares (CHF 4123 [3443, 4803]) as well as private parties (CHF 4520 [3811, 5229]).

Fig 4. Implicit willingness to pay for avoiding restrictions.

Fig 4

Notes: Estimates based on non-linear combination of point estimates reported in Table 2. Blue bars represent mean valuation, red lines 95% confidence intervals.

Table 4 summarizes the estimated QALY losses. Over the period from January 1 2020 to February 28, 2022, 41 days of strict restrictions (stringency index > 70), 392 days of moderate restrictions (index 50–70) and 295 days of mild restrictions (20–49) were recorded. Applying the utility weights based on non-extreme preferences (Scenario 1) implies a total QALY loss of 5.7 million. When we based our estimates on all reported preferences (Scenario 2), the estimated impact increased to 9.1 Million QALYs. When we allowed indifferent subjects but removed subjects not willing to give up any normal life for life with restrictions, the estimated impact was 3.8 Million QALYs.

Table 4. Estimated QALY losses due to Covid-19 related government restrictions from January 2020 to February 2022.

Estimated QALY Losses
Canton Population Scenario 1 Scenario 2 Scenario 3
Aargau 678’207 452’700 723’127 302’965
Appenzell Innerrhoden 16’145 10’777 17’214 7’212
Appenzell Ausserrhoden 55’234 36’868 58’892 24’674
Bern 1’034’977 690’842 1’103’527 462’339
Basel Landschaft 288’132 192’327 307’216 128’713
Basel Stadt 194’766 130’005 207’666 87’005
Fribourg 318’714 212’740 339’824 142’374
Genève 499’480 333’401 532’562 223’125
Glarus 40’403 26’969 43’079 18’049
Graubünden 198’379 132’417 211’518 88’619
Jura 73’419 49’007 78’282 32’797
Luzern 409’557 273’377 436’683 182’955
Neuchâtel 176’850 118’047 188’563 79’001
Nidwalden 43’223 28’851 46’086 19’308
Obwalden 37’841 25’259 40’347 16’904
Sankt Gallen 507’697 338’885 541’324 226’796
Schaffhausen 81’991 54’729 87’422 36’627
Solothurn 273’194 182’356 291’289 122’040
Schwyz 159’165 106’242 169’707 71’101
Thurgau 276’472 184’544 294’784 123’504
Ticino 353’343 235’855 376’746 157’844
Uri 36’433 24’319 38’846 16’275
Vaud 799’145 533’425 852’075 356’990
Valais 343’955 229’588 366’736 153’650
Zug 126’837 84’663 135’238 56’660
Zürich 1’520’968 1’015’239 1’621’707 679’439
Switzerland 8’544’527 5’703’431 9’110’462 3’816’966

Notes: Table 4 shows current population as well as estimated QALY loss due to light (295 days), moderate (392 days) and severe (41) days by canton and for Switzerland overall. Estimates shown in scenario 1 are based on utility weights leaving out extreme preferences; estimates shown in scenario 2 are based on utility weights using all stated preferences, and estimates in scenario 3 are based on utility weights leaving out only subjects reporting to not be willing to give up any of their normal life for life with restrictions.

Discussion

This paper reports the results of the first nationally representative estimates of the quality of life losses generated by government-imposed restrictions in Switzerland between March 2020 and February 2022. The results presented suggest that on average Swiss respondents consider their quality of life under government restrictions to be rather low. When asked to make choices between longer periods of life with restrictions against shorter periods without restrictions subjects were on average willing to give up only about 4 months of their usual life against 12 months of severe restrictions. This implies that severe restrictions reduce the average quality of life by more than 50%. Using this reduction in standard decision science framework implies that even short periods of strict lockdowns–such as the first period in the spring of 2020 –result in a rather massive loss of quality-adjusted life years. Estimating the extent to which these losses are due to government measures vs. the pandemic itself is difficult; if the entire population had opted for these measures without government intervention, the utility losses reported here would be primarily due to the pandemic, and the net impact of government restrictions would have been zero. On the other hand, if nobody had opted for these measures in the absence of government legislation, most of the observed disutility would be due to legislation rather than the pandemic itself.

The rather large losses in the subjective quality of life are also clearly visible in respondents’ implicit willingness to pay to avoid specific restrictions on their life. On average, respondents indicated to be willing to give up a bit more than CHF 600 per month for not having to wear masks, and more than CHF 4000 per month for not being allowed to have private parties or for not having to teach children at their homes. These estimates seem large, especially for individuals with income below the median and should be interpreted with caution, as it is not clear whether all subjects would really make these choices when faced with them in reality. Nevertheless, the estimates presented here suggest that most respondents would be willing to give up a substantial share of their income to avoid restrictions, and that restrictions on schooling, private parties and on going out are particularly undesired by the Swiss population.

The overall disutility from life under restrictions is remarkably large. Under a rather pessimistic assumption that the pandemic would have resulted in the deaths of 1% of the total population the total number of life years lost would have been around 650,000. Our most conservative estimate for the total utility loss is close to 4 million QALYs.

The analysis presented here has several other limitations worth highlighting. First, and most importantly, all questions asked were hypothetical, which raises concerns that subjects may overstate their willingness to pay for removing restrictions [26]. Second, it also seems possible that some subjects did not fully understand some of the questions asked in the survey; this may be particularly relevant for the time-tradeoffs, where a surprisingly large proportion of subjects either indicated to prefer restrictions to normal life, or stated that they would rather not have any life at all rather than life with restrictions. It is possible that some subjects indicated that they would rather die than accept measures simply wanted to express their dissatisfaction with government restrictions; it also seems plausible that some respondents expressed indifference simply because they felt they had no choice in any case. Even when these “non-voting” respondents with extreme preferences were excluded, estimated disutilities from living with restrictions changed only marginally, and remained very high compared to the previous international study [17]. Overall, these results suggest that the Swiss population feels more strongly restricted by government containment measures, which would certainly be consistent with the generally more lenient Swiss containment policies compared to neighboring countries. It also seems plausible that responses could change with different framing: our time-tradeoff questions focused on a 12-month horizon, and it possible–even if not obvious–that more higher utility weights would emerge with longer term or end-of-life questions. Similarly, our discrete choice experiment focused on a neutral setting, where subjects had to trade off life with restrictions against salary in the absence of Covid-19. While this framing was intentionally chosen to prevent subjects from trading off potential disease benefits against the disutility from these measures, answers could be different if shorter-term and disease-specific measures would be considered. In our previous studies, we randomized the framing and found that this did not make much of a difference [17]. Our model also did not incorporate differences in restrictions across cantons–these deviations from national policies were on average fairly minor and likely would not change any of our main results.

Despite these limitations, the main message emerging from this study is clear: government restrictions to contain the spread of infectious diseases cause major losses in the people’s quality of life. In the Swiss context, these losses appear particularly large for the prohibition of private meetings and get-togethers as well as for the closure of schools and daycare, and relatively minor for the wearing of masks in public. These private costs associated with each containment measure should be weighed against potential disease transmission benefits in future policy decisions.

Supporting information

S1 Appendix. Original questions in French, German and Italian.

(DOCX)

S2 Appendix. DCE examples.

(DOCX)

S1 Fig. Oxford stringency index Switzerland.

(DOCX)

S2 Fig. Time-tradeoffs light restrictions.

(DOCX)

S1 Table. Modeling details for QALY calculations.

(DOCX)

S1 Data

(ZIP)

Data Availability

All data is available in the Supporting Information.

Funding Statement

The author received no specific funding for this work

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Decision Letter 0

Florian Follert

22 Nov 2022

PONE-D-22-28984Subjective Burden of Government-imposed Covid-19 Restrictions in Switzerland:

Evidence from the 2022 LINK Covid-19 SurveyPLOS ONE

Dear Dr. Fink,

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Reviewer #1: Yes

Reviewer #2: Partly

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Reviewer #1: Yes

Reviewer #2: Yes

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Reviewer #1: Yes

Reviewer #2: Yes

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Reviewer #2: Yes

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Reviewer #1: Dear authors,

Good job and I hope you can see publised your paper as soon as possible. If you need more comparative references, please find attached: https://doi.org/10.1111/beer.12431; doi: 10.3389/fpubh.2022.801525; https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph182412907; https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18041376; https://doi.org/10.37467/gka-revvisual.v8.2805; https://doi.org/10.3390/su13094655.

Best regards, Antonio.

Reviewer #2: Overall assessment:

The authors address the negative effects of Covid-restrictions on quality-adjusted life years lost and make an attempt to quantify the restrictions in monetary terms. The topic is highly relevant and I have a lot of a lot of sympathy for their research. However, I have some concerns regarding the methodology, which I perceive as crucial issues. Moreover, I have a number of further points, which the authors should address (in particular, I am very critical of the comparison of quality-adjusted life years and life years lost). Generally, the paper is written well, but there are some inconsistencies and imprecisions that have been confusing. I suggest the authors to carefully check for these.

Crucial issues:

1. Question regarding stricter restrictions (line 88 ff. and 166 ff.):

a. What was the original formulation of the question in German/French/Italian?

First, the last part of the question in line 84/85 is different from line 167/168. In particular, line 167/168 read “Would you rather have x YEARS of your normal life, or 12 MONTHS with these restrictions”. This is very confusing to me.

Second, even without this year/month issue, the question on the time trade-off is in my eyes not very intuitive to answer - I tested this question with several people who got confused.

Thrid, I wonder if some participants misunderstood “cannot eat, drink, go to clubs or the gym” as “cannot eat, drink”, especially as the previous question reads “go to restaurants”, and later questions also mention “bars and restaurants” explicitly. This might seem unlikely in most cases, but it might have been that some subjects misinterpreted the question in this way, which would explain the extremely high fraction of subjects not willing to give up any month of their normal life for 12 months under restrictions.

The authors should provide the original questions in an appendix and take care of a proper and consistent translation in the manuscript. A lot rides on the question (the following results build on it) and potential misunderstandings might undermine the results. As things stand, I am not completely convinced by the measurement.

b. Even if my concerns regarding the formulation of the question is resolved, there are two other concerns. First, the authors correctly note that the scenario is hypothetical and in fact, most people are probably not used to make such a decision. Hence, I am a bit hesitant to interpret the number of months at face value (especially in comparison to actual months of life lost). Second, I wonder about the expressive nature of the question. Those subjects who strongly oppose the restrictions might understate the number of months they are willing to trade-in – simply to express how much they dislike the restrictions. In contrast, those who are willing to trade-in 12 months of normal life for 12 months under restrictions might argue they do not have the choice anyway. They might see the pandemic and the governmental restrictions as unavoidable and take events as they are happening, and/or might value living in general.

For these reasons, I think a (implicit) comparison of “actual estimated life years lost” and “estimated quality-adjusted life years lost due to restrictions” such as in Table 3 is problematic. It is of course important to quantify the costs of restrictions (government and self-imposed) and to point out that these have to be taken into account – I would stop here, however, and do not compare life years lost that are based on very different concepts.

2. Robustness tests:

I would ask the authors to provide two more robustness tests.

First, the authors should provide a similar figure to Figure 1 for the very first question on the time trade-off for the less strict lockdown measure. This would help to judge on whether there is a problem with the understanding of the question on the stricter lockdown. Moreover, the authors should then show the robustness of their results by using the less strict lockdown question (which corresponds most likely to intermediate restrictions) to compute utility weights, and then interpolate for strict (and light) restrictions as done before with utility weights of strict restrictions.

Second, what would happen to the results if only those who are not willing to give any month of their normal life for 12 months under restrictions are excluded? As outlined above, these could be subjects who misunderstood the question. I don’t think the same argument applies to those who do not “value” a month under restrictions less than under normal conditions. Therefore, just focusing on those with an interior switching point to show robustness of results did not convince me – it rules out “extreme preference” (symmetric) but not a lack of understanding (asymmetric). The proposed robustness test would be a more conservative estimate of the effect size than the exclusion of extreme preferences in general.

Major issues:

3. General:

The line between what is a binding governmental restriction and what is a restriction by the pandemic itself is a bit blurry. For example, even in absence of a governmental restriction, I might voluntarily wear a mask. This does not imply that I don’t have a willingness to pay to pay not to wear it (i.e. to live in a world without Covid-19), but the personal cost-benefit evaluation. In this sense, I would argue that it is (inseparable) the pandemic and governmental restrictions, and not only governmental restrictions (as concluded in line 233/234).

4. Framing:

The discrete choice makes an effort to use a neutral setting, which would protect against my last point. However, I am doubtful that simply stating the introductory sentence “Imagine a world without COVID-19” (line 98) is strong enough to “force subjects to think about the restriction by itself” (line 96). First, the majority of subjects will have never experienced such restrictions before Covid, and the intensity of restrictions and the short time lag to the removal of restrictions will potentially tight them strongly to Covid. Second, the previous questions on the time trade-off lead to an implicit Covid-framing. Third, some of the elicited restrictions are clearly possible in a world without Covid (such as travel restrictions in totalitarian regimes), others like “wearing masks in public” seem highly unlikely in a world without infectious disease. Therefore, I am not surprised that there is no difference to previous study with Covid-framing. In summary, I would be more careful in claiming that it is only the governmental restrictions, but would rather see results as the sum of governmental and Covid-imposed restrictions.

5. Discussion:

I strongly disagree with the interpretation and comparison in line 236 to 241. First, I don’t think estimated quality-adjusted life years lost due to restrictions are comparable to life years lost due to higher mortality in an uncontained pandemic – see also my first point. Second, even if we would accept such a comparison, the death of 1% of the population would have severe consequences on the rest of the population. In this case, the benchmark is not the “normal life” anymore. Instead, we would have to do a similar choice experiment as for the restrictions, namely “normal life with functioning health sector” versus “life with collapse of health sector” or “life with old relatives“ versus “life with death of old relatives”. I don’t think it is far-fetched to assume that most people would not change 12 months of normal life against 12 months under such conditions.

This is a rather strong referee request, but I would ask the authors not to make this comparison between actual life year lost and quality adjusted-life years lost in the discussion and also not in Table 3 (see point 1). The comparison is simply not valid for methodological reasons and I think the paper makes an interesting contibution even without the comparison.

6. Willingness to pay:

Summing-up the average willingness to pay, subjects would be willing to spend on average a net monthly income of CHF 16,000 to avoid the restrictions. This amount is outside the monthly budget constraint of most individuals and seems highly inflated. The reason might be similar as before. Subjects who oppose the restriction might overstate their willingness to pay in order to express their strong opposition. The authors point the potentially overstated willingness to pay out in line 255 of the discussion but remain silent on potential reasons and implications.

My suggestion here would be to add that the elicited willingness to pay should not be taken at face value, and potentially to not state the numbers prominently in the abstract. Instead, I would recommend a relative interpretation of restrictions in comparison to the most (or least) “expensive” restrictions (e.g. on average, subjects are willing to pay 6.8-times as much to be allowed to do private parties than to not have to wear masks in public).

Minor issues:

7. Explanation of approach: Complementary to the description how the authors calculated the quality-adjusted life years with the utility weights in the text, I think stating the formal estimation approach would ease the understanding (potentially accompanied by an example). This might be also information for an additional appendix.

8. Typos

- line 89: should it read “live” instead of “leave”?

- line 93: missing space “was asked”

- line 106: “each subject”

- line 119 to line 123: it should read “months” instead of “years”? (questions before are referring to “months”)

- line 163: it should read “normal life” instead of “health life”?

- line 172: it should be either “for” or “among”?

- line 198 (Table 2): some confidence intervals are not displayed correctly (minus sign and brackets covered)

**********

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Reviewer #1: Yes: Antonio SANCHEZ-BAYON, Applied Economics, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos

Reviewer #2: No

**********

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PLoS One. 2023 Jul 27;18(7):e0283524. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0283524.r002

Author response to Decision Letter 0


17 Feb 2023

Editor Comments

1. Please ensure that your manuscript meets PLOS ONE's style requirements, including those for file naming. The PLOS ONE style templates can be found at

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We have formatted the manuscript using PLOS ONE style requirements.

2. Please provide additional details regarding participant consent. In the ethics statement in the Methods and online submission information, please ensure that you have specified what type you obtained (for instance, written or verbal, and if verbal, how it was documented and witnessed). If your study included minors, state whether you obtained consent from parents or guardians. If the need for consent was waived by the ethics committee, please include this information.

We have updated the “ethical considerations” section in the manuscript, where we now write

“All surveys were completed anonymously online. All respondents provided written consent to the use of data for research by ticking a box before the questionnaire started. Due to the absence of identifiable data, the study was rated as non-human subjects research by the ethics commission for Northwestern and Central Switzerland (Ethikkommission Nordwest- und Zentralschweiz) in EKNZ Req 2021.00616.”

3. Please include your full ethics statement in the ‘Methods’ section of your manuscript file. In your statement, please include the full name of the IRB or ethics committee who approved or waived your study, as well as whether or not you obtained informed written or verbal consent. If consent was waived for your study, please include this information in your statement as well.

We have added this – please see our reply to item 2).

4. Please amend the manuscript submission data (via Edit Submission) to include author Katharina Förtsch.

Thank you for flagging this – we have added Katharina to authors in the online system.

Reviewer #1 Comments

Dear authors,

Good job and I hope you can see published your paper as soon as possible. If you need more comparative references, please find attached: https://doi.org/10.1111/beer.12431; doi: 10.3389/fpubh.2022.801525; https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph182412907; https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18041376; https://doi.org/10.37467/gka-revvisual.v8.2805; https://doi.org/10.3390/su13094655.

Best regards, Antonio.

Dear Antonio, thanks a million for the kind review and references – we have added all of them to the revised manuscript.

Reviewer #2 Comments

Overall assessment:

The authors address the negative effects of Covid-restrictions on quality-adjusted life years lost and make an attempt to quantify the restrictions in monetary terms. The topic is highly relevant and I have a lot of a lot of sympathy for their research. However, I have some concerns regarding the methodology, which I perceive as crucial issues. Moreover, I have a number of further points, which the authors should address (in particular, I am very critical of the comparison of quality-adjusted life years and life years lost). Generally, the paper is written well, but there are some inconsistencies and imprecisions that have been confusing. I suggest the authors to carefully check for these.

Thank you for the careful review and detailed comments – we really appreciate your detailed comments and helpful suggestions and have done our best to address all comments as outlined in further detail below.

Crucial issues:

1. Question regarding stricter restrictions (line 88 ff. and 166 ff.):

a. What was the original formulation of the question in German/French/Italian?

First, the last part of the question in line 84/85 is different from line 167/168. In particular, line 167/168 read “Would you rather have x YEARS of your normal life, or 12 MONTHS with these restrictions”. This is very confusing to me.

Thank you for catching this – the legend to Figure 1 was incorrect and should have said “months” rather than years – we have fixed this now. As for the original language, we developed the survey simultaneously for all three main Swiss language, i.e., French, German and Italian.

For this specific questions, the three language versions read as follows:

« ..préféreriez-vous avoir <X> mois de votre vie habituelle (option A) ou 12 mois dans ce type d'enfermement strict (option B) ? »

«...würden Sie lieber <X > Monate lang Ihr normales Leben führen (Option A) oder 12 Monate lang in dieser Art von strengem Lockdown (Option B)?»

« ..preferiresti avere <X> dei mesi di vita senza restrizioni (opzione A) o 12 dei mesi di vita con queste particolare restrizioni (Opzione B)? »

Second, even without this year/month issue, the question on the time trade-off is in my eyes not very intuitive to answer - I tested this question with several people who got confused.

We agree that these hypothetical tradeoffs are not always easy, but piloted these extensively – first in our group (N=30), then in a pilot online (N=50), and then in a relatively large study online (N=950) – overall this seems to work okay even though we agree that these tradeoffs may not be immediately obvious to everyone.

Third, I wonder if some participants misunderstood “cannot eat, drink, go to clubs or the gym” as “cannot eat, drink”, especially as the previous question reads “go to restaurants”, and later questions also mention “bars and restaurants” explicitly. This might seem unlikely in most cases, but it might have been that some subjects misinterpreted the question in this way, which would explain the extremely high fraction of subjects not willing to give up any month of their normal life for 12 months under restrictions.

That is a good question and not easy to answer ex-post. In terms of the exact formulations, all three study languages are slightly more precise than English, directly linking “eating” to “going out” (“andare in ristorante”, “sortir pour diner” and “ausgehen zum Essen”).

The authors should provide the original questions in an appendix and take care of a proper and consistent translation in the manuscript. A lot rides on the question (the following results build on it) and potential misunderstandings might undermine the results. As things stand, I am not completely convinced by the measurement.

Thank you for this suggestion. We have added the exact questions used to the appendix (Appendix 2 of the revised manuscript).

b. Even if my concerns regarding the formulation of the question is resolved, there are two other concerns. First, the authors correctly note that the scenario is hypothetical and in fact, most people are probably not used to make such a decision. Hence, I am a bit hesitant to interpret the number of months at face value (especially in comparison to actual months of life lost). Second, I wonder about the expressive nature of the question. Those subjects who strongly oppose the restrictions might understate the number of months they are willing to trade-in – simply to express how much they dislike the restrictions. In contrast, those who are willing to trade-in 12 months of normal life for 12 months under restrictions might argue they do not have the choice anyway. They might see the pandemic and the governmental restrictions as unavoidable and take events as they are happening, and/or might value living in general.

Both scenarios are certainly possible – we now acknowledge this explicitly in the revised Discussion section of the paper, where we write

“It is possible that some subjects indicated that they would rather die than accept measures simply wanted to express their dissatisfaction with government restrictions; it also seems plausible that some respondents expressed indifference simply because they felt they had no choice in any case. Even when these “non-voting” respondents with extreme preferences were excluded, estimated disutilities from living with restrictions changed only marginally, and remained very high compared to the previous international study.”

For these reasons, I think a (implicit) comparison of “actual estimated life years lost” and “estimated quality-adjusted life years lost due to restrictions” such as in Table 3 is problematic. It is of course important to quantify the costs of restrictions (government and self-imposed) and to point out that these have to be taken into account – I would stop here, however, and do not compare life years lost that are based on very different concepts.

We agree that these measures are conceptually a bit different, and have removed the direct comparison from Table 3 – as described in further detail below, we now show alternative estimates of the total QALY losses instead.

2. Robustness tests:

I would ask the authors to provide two more robustness tests.

First, the authors should provide a similar figure to Figure 1 for the very first question on the time trade-off for the less strict lockdown measure. This would help to judge on whether there is a problem with the understanding of the question on the stricter lockdown.

Thank you for this suggestion. We have added a new Figure to the appendix, which shows the empirical distribution of time trade-offs with less strict measures. As you can see below, the distribution looks similar, with an average WTP of 4.2 vs. 3.8 in the severe restrictions case. In hindsight, the choice of the light restriction set was likely not ideal, since both scenarios included masking, closures of bars, restaurants and gyms, and as well as travel bans. The severe restriction added closure of schools and restrictions on private parties, which may not be perceived as major change, and likely explains at least partially the relatively small differences in these measures.

Moreover, the authors should then show the robustness of their results by using the less strict lockdown question (which corresponds most likely to intermediate restrictions) to compute utility weights, and then interpolate for strict (and light) restrictions as done before with utility weights of strict restrictions.

Thank you for this suggestion. We have completely revised Table 3, and now show three different estimates as described in the revised Methods section:

“To quantify the total number of quality-adjusted life years lost, we multiplied the number of days under severe restrictions with the estimated utility weights computed. Given the large heterogeneity in the time tradeoff questions, we considered three scenarios: in our first, and preferred scenario, we excluded all extreme preferences from the analysis and used only used stated utilities strictly larger than 0 and smaller than 1 for severe restrictions. For moderate and mild restrictions in scenario 1, we simply interpolated disutilities between the severe case and 1 (equal intervals). In our second scenario, we used average utilities from the time tradeoff questions for both severe and for moderate restrictions. For mild restrictions, we once again used interpolation, taking the average between 1 (no disutility) and the moderate restrictions disutility weight. Last, we also considered a third scenario where we allowed for indifference between life with and without restrictions, but excluded subjects unwilling to trade off any time against life with restrictions. This one-sided data censoring is likely to bias average preferences towards lower disutilities (because we remove subjects who are most averse to restrictions) and should thus provide a lower bound for the true disutility generated by restrictions.”

Second, what would happen to the results if only those who are not willing to give any month of their normal life for 12 months under restrictions are excluded? As outlined above, these could be subjects who misunderstood the question. I don’t think the same argument applies to those who do not “value” a month under restrictions less than under normal conditions. Therefore, just focusing on those with an interior switching point to show robustness of results did not convince me – it rules out “extreme preference” (symmetric) but not a lack of understanding (asymmetric). The proposed robustness test would be a more conservative estimate of the effect size than the exclusion of extreme preferences in general.

Thank you also for this suggestion. Dropping 0 votes and leaving in 12 votes increased average utility substantially from 0.3 to 0.6. While it does not seem obvious to us to select respondents this way (having access to bars, restaurants and schools should on average have a non-zero option value for all respondents, which suggests that a vote of 12 also implies not understanding the question), we believe that this coding can be useful as a lower bound estimate, and have incorporated this as Scenario 3 in the revised Table 3 as described above.

Major issues:

3. General:

The line between what is a binding governmental restriction and what is a restriction by the pandemic itself is a bit blurry. For example, even in absence of a governmental restriction, I might voluntarily wear a mask. This does not imply that I don’t have a willingness to pay to pay not to wear it (i.e. to live in a world without Covid-19), but the personal cost-benefit evaluation. In this sense, I would argue that it is (inseparable) the pandemic and governmental restrictions, and not only governmental restrictions (as concluded in line 233/234).

We fully agree with this point conceptually: it is certainly true that these utility losses do not necessarily apply to the population who would not opt for these measures without government restrictions (and in the absence of Covid-19). We have added a short note on this important point in the revised Discussion where we write:

“Estimating the extent to which these losses are due to government measures vs. the pandemic itself is difficult; if the entire population had opted for these measures without government intervention, the utility losses reported here would be primarily due to the pandemic, and the net impact of government restrictions would have been zero. On the other hand, if nobody had opted for these measures in the absence of government legislation, most of the observed disutility would due to legislation rather than the pandemic itself.”

Anecdotally we would argue that individual willingness to engage in any of these measures (even wearing masks) was very limited in Switzerland, suggesting that the extent to which these measures were used substantially exceeded the extent to which the average Swiss person would have relied on these measures if this had been a private choice. This is however purely speculative, and in our view not central to this paper, which simply captures the utility losses associated with the measures frequently applied by governments in the past 2.5 years.

4. Framing:

The discrete choice makes an effort to use a neutral setting, which would protect against my last point. However, I am doubtful that simply stating the introductory sentence “Imagine a world without COVID-19” (line 98) is strong enough to “force subjects to think about the restriction by itself” (line 96). First, the majority of subjects will have never experienced such restrictions before Covid, and the intensity of restrictions and the short time lag to the removal of restrictions will potentially tight them strongly to Covid. Second, the previous questions on the time trade-off lead to an implicit Covid-framing. Third, some of the elicited restrictions are clearly possible in a world without Covid (such as travel restrictions in totalitarian regimes), others like “wearing masks in public” seem highly unlikely in a world without infectious disease. Therefore, I am not surprised that there is no difference to previous study with Covid-framing. In summary, I would be more careful in claiming that it is only the governmental restrictions, but would rather see results as the sum of governmental and Covid-imposed restrictions.

This is a fair point. It is hard to think of many of these measures in abstract ways, and this may of course affect the choices made by individuals. We agree with the final point and summary and have added it to the Discussion as mentioned above.

5. Discussion:

I strongly disagree with the interpretation and comparison in line 236 to 241. First, I don’t think estimated quality-adjusted life years lost due to restrictions are comparable to life years lost due to higher mortality in an uncontained pandemic – see also my first point. Second, even if we would accept such a comparison, the death of 1% of the population would have severe consequences on the rest of the population. In this case, the benchmark is not the “normal life” anymore. Instead, we would have to do a similar choice experiment as for the restrictions, namely “normal life with functioning health sector” versus “life with collapse of health sector” or “life with old relatives“ versus “life with death of old relatives”. I don’t think it is far-fetched to assume that most people would not change 12 months of normal life against 12 months under such conditions.

We agree that this comparison was difficult and over-simplified things. We have revised this section as described above, and now more carefully distinguish between the impact of the pandemic and the impact of government restriction. As for the relative burden of disfunctioning health sectors, that is definitely an important aspect that is not easy to quantify (although we have tried to do so in a follow-up projects). In practice, many health systems were actually quite dysfunctional (especially for chronic care and for surgeries) for a long time with government measures, and it is not clear whether this state is strongly preferred to a counterfactual world with short waves of high mortality and stressed health systems.

As to emotional losses, that is of course always relevant, but it is not clear why a covid-19 death would have a higher emotional cost than deaths due to other causes.

This is a rather strong referee request, but I would ask the authors not to make this comparison between actual life year lost and quality adjusted-life years lost in the discussion and also not in Table 3 (see point 1). The comparison is simply not valid for methodological reasons and I think the paper makes an interesting contribution even without the comparison.

We have modified Table 3 as requested, and now show the robustness checks rather than the years of life lost due to the pandemic. We just mention the potential life years lost numbers briefly in the Discussion now, where we write:

“The overall disutility from life under restrictions is remarkably large. Under a rather pessimistic assumption that the pandemic would have resulted in the deaths of 1% of the total population the total number of life years lost would have been around 650,000. Our most conservative estimate for the total utility loss is close to 4 million QALYs. “

6. Willingness to pay:

Summing-up the average willingness to pay, subjects would be willing to spend on average a net monthly income of CHF 16,000 to avoid the restrictions. This amount is outside the monthly budget constraint of most individuals and seems highly inflated. The reason might be similar as before. Subjects who oppose the restriction might overstate their willingness to pay in order to express their strong opposition. The authors point the potentially overstated willingness to pay out in line 255 of the discussion but remain silent on potential reasons and implications.

My suggestion here would be to add that the elicited willingness to pay should not be taken at face value, and potentially to not state the numbers prominently in the abstract. Instead, I would recommend a relative interpretation of restrictions in comparison to the most (or least) “expensive” restrictions (e.g. on average, subjects are willing to pay 6.8-times as much to be allowed to do private parties than to not have to wear masks in public).

Thank you for this suggestion. We have added the following text to the Discussion as suggested:

“On average, respondents indicated to be willing to give up a bit more than CHF 600 per month for not having to wear masks, and more than CHF 4000 per month for not being allowed to have private parties or for not having to teach children at their homes. These estimates seem large, especially for individuals with income below the median and should be interpreted with caution, as it is not clear whether all subjects would really make these choices when faced with them in reality. Nevertheless, the estimates presented here suggest that most respondents would be willing to give up a substantial share of their income to avoid restrictions, and that restrictions on schooling, private parties and on going out are particularly undesired by the Swiss population.”

Minor issues:

7. Explanation of approach: Complementary to the description how the authors calculated the quality-adjusted life years with the utility weights in the text, I think stating the formal estimation approach would ease the understanding (potentially accompanied by an example). This might be also information for an additional appendix.

Thank you for this suggestion. We now show all parameters underlying these calculations in a newly added appendix section.

8. Typos

- line 89: should it read “live” instead of “leave”?

- line 93: missing space “was asked”

- line 106: “each subject”

- line 119 to line 123: it should read “months” instead of “years”? (questions before are referring to “months”)

- line 163: it should read “normal life” instead of “health life”?

- line 172: it should be either “for” or “among”?

- line 198 (Table 2): some confidence intervals are not displayed correctly (minus sign and brackets covered)

Thank you for catching these – all of these typos have been fixed.

Attachment

Submitted filename: Reply to Review Comments 14.12.22.docx

Decision Letter 1

Florian Follert

12 Mar 2023

Subjective Burden of Government-imposed Covid-19 Restrictions in Switzerland:

Evidence from the 2022 LINK Covid-19 Survey

PONE-D-22-28984R1

Dear Dr. Fink,

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Reviewer #2: Thank you very much for the opportunity to comment on the revised version of the paper. I feel the authors have incorporated my comments and suggestion very thoughtfully, and addressed all of my crucial and major points in a comprehensive way. This holds in particular for the requested robustness checks and the revised Table 3, which now allows the reader to compare different estimation scenarios. I’m happy to see their research published and think they make an important contribution to the debate on the effects of the Covid-19 restrictions.

Upon reading the revised version, there are two minor points that the authors might want to include, but I would leave it up to them and would suggest an acceptance of the final version without a further round with the reviewers.

1. In the instructions for participants (Appendix 1, second paragraph for each language), participants were told that the survey experiment was about Covid-19 and it’s impact on the daily life. This information might have made it particular attractive for people with strong opinions about Covid-19 restrictions to participate, and may explain the rather high fraction of people willing to trade-in zero or twelve months of their normal life. This is of course speculative, but might be mentioned in the discussion (line 272 following). Given that the results are robust to the exclusion of extreme preferences, it seems unlikely to me that such kind of selection drives the results – still, readers might be interested about explanations for the extreme preferences.

2. The third paragraph of the introduction mentions papers documenting welfare losses in different countries, but there is no paper on other German-speaking countries (which I would consider relevant). I’m aware of two studies in Germany that use the related concept of life satisfaction. Both find rather large effects of Covid-19 restrictions on life satisfaction in Germany, namely Konrad and Simon (2021)[ https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3816728] and Bittmann (2022)[ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11482-021-09956-0]. I would suggest citing them as well.

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Acceptance letter

Florian Follert

31 Mar 2023

PONE-D-22-28984R1

Subjective Burden of Government-imposed Covid-19 Restrictions in Switzerland: Evidence from the 2022 LINK Covid-19 Survey

Dear Dr. Fink:

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Associated Data

    This section collects any data citations, data availability statements, or supplementary materials included in this article.

    Supplementary Materials

    S1 Appendix. Original questions in French, German and Italian.

    (DOCX)

    S2 Appendix. DCE examples.

    (DOCX)

    S1 Fig. Oxford stringency index Switzerland.

    (DOCX)

    S2 Fig. Time-tradeoffs light restrictions.

    (DOCX)

    S1 Table. Modeling details for QALY calculations.

    (DOCX)

    S1 Data

    (ZIP)

    Attachment

    Submitted filename: Reply to Review Comments 14.12.22.docx

    Data Availability Statement

    All data is available in the Supporting Information.


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