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. Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2024 Dec 1.
Published in final edited form as: Child Abuse Negl. 2023 Sep 26;146:106447. doi: 10.1016/j.chiabu.2023.106447

The public’s knowledge about child sexual abuse influences its perceptions of prevention and associated policies

Rebecca L Fix 1,*, Alex T Newman 1, Luciana C Assini-Meytin 1, Elizabeth J Letourneau 1
PMCID: PMC10842597  NIHMSID: NIHMS1935384  PMID: 37757649

Abstract

Background:

Child sexual abuse (CSA) prevention requires efforts from all members of society.

Objective:

The current study aimed to examine factors associated with (1) perceptions of CSA as unpreventable and (2) support for policies to prevent CSA and to punish people who perpetrated CSA. We focused on the roles of knowledge and misperceptions about child sexual abuse.

Participants and setting:

We collected survey data online from a large (N = 5068), nationally representative sample of adults in the United States.

Results:

Analyses revealed factors promoting perceptions of CSA as unpreventable. Support for or against policies that aim to prevent CSA or to punish perpetrators of CSA were associated with individual factors such as older age (B = 0.08, −0.13), Republican political affiliation (B = 0.10 0.07), and misperceptions about CSA (B = 0.15, 0.06).

Conclusions:

Findings highlight malleable factors that could be targeted to collectivize calls for CSA prevention and to promote support for effective policies to prevent CSA. In particular, ensuring accurate knowledge about CSA, and collective responsibility and government efficacy specific to CSA prevention, were identified as helping shape views of CSA as preventable.

Keywords: Prevention, Child maltreatment, Policy support, Knowledge, Understanding

1. Introduction

In the United States and other high-income countries, child sexual abuse (CSA) affects up to 37 % of girls and up to 19 % of boys (Finkelhor et al., 2014; Mathews et al., 2023; Ten Have et al., 2019). There are also ethnoracial inequities in reported and substantiated CSA in the US (Fix & Nair, 2020; Luken et al., 2021). CSA victimization confers substantial risk for severe mental, physical, and behavioral health problems across survivors’ lives (Hailes et al., 2019; Sanjeevi et al., 2018). There is broad public support for addressing the needs of survivors (Beres, 2020; Mendes et al., 2018) and holding people who offend accountable (Pickett et al., 2013; Zatkin et al., 2022). Yet CSA is also a preventable phenomenon. Effective CSA prevention would avert harm to survivors (and their offspring) and reduce monetary and nonmonetary costs borne by victims, their families, and society. The current study focused on identifying factors that contribute to or serve as barriers to (1) a broader public perception of CSA as unpreventable and (2) public support for CSA-prevention related policies. Further, unstudied sociodemographic factors (e.g., ethnoracial identity, socioeconomic status, political affiliation) were included in our study to help ensure we are leading with shared values (Hyatt, 2021).

1.1. Child sexual abuse is preventable

A growing and empirically rigorous body of research suggests that CSA perpetration can be prevented from occurring in the first place (Foshee et al., 1998; Foshee et al., 2004; Letourneau et al., 2022; Taylor et al., 2013; Taylor et al., 2015) and from reoccurring after treatment (Duwe, 2018; Lätth et al., 2022; Letourneau et al., 2009; Letourneau et al., 2013; Sheerin et al., 2021; Silovsky et al., 2018; Wilson et al., 2008). Yet, responses to CSA within the US tend to be more intransigent in part due to historical oppression of some sociodemographic categorizations such as identifying as Black or as a girl, because CSA is predominantly via the criminal legal system with a focus on punishment, rather than public health systems using a violence prevention approach (McKibbin & Humphreys, 2020). Grounded on a public health framework, CSA preventive strategies can address varying levels of risk within a population in universal, selective, and indicated interventions (O’Connell et al., 2009). For example, CSA prevention could take the form of universal school- based programs that give young adolescents and their caregivers the knowledge, skills and tools to avoid engaging younger children and their peers in harmful and illegal sexual behavior (Dopp et al., 2017; Letourneau et al., 2017; Letourneau et al., 2022; Taylor et al., 2013). Universal school-based programs also reach teachers on a large scale (e.g., Nickerson et al., 2018). Additionally, CSA prevention could take the form of selective interventions that address the increased risk of CSA perpetration by adults who appear to be searching online for child sexual exploitation materials (Lätth et al., 2022) or who have sexual attraction to children (Landgren et al., 2022; Shields et al., 2020). Selective interventions can also address the increased risk of problem sexual behavior among adolescents with risk factors such their own sexual or physical abuse victimization (Chaffin, 2008; Grady et al., 2022; Pollio et al., 2011), and selective interventions also promote healing (Caro et al., 2019).

1.2. Criminal legal system intervention for child sexual abuse

Despite this growing evidence base, the public and policymakers continue to address CSA primarily as a criminal legal system problem, with after-the-fact interventions including costly and longterm incarceration, community surveillance, and registration and notification (Letourneau et al., 2010; Meloy et al., 2008; Savage & Windsor, 2018; Terry, 2014). Holding adults accountable for harm to children is a critical component of efforts to address CSA; however, there is scant evidence supporting the preventive efficacy of these criminal legal policies (Bosetti & Fix, 2023). Even if these interventions were effective, they would address a minority of sex crimes; approximately 95 % of all sex offenses are committed by someone with no prior sex crime convictions (Letourneau & Shields, 2016).

To effectively address CSA will require expanding national efforts beyond criminal legal sanctions to include a robust focus on prevention (Assini-Meytin et al., 2020; Mercy, 1999). This expansion is unlikely to occur until the public and policymakers perceive prevention to be achievable (Fix et al., 2021). Research on factors that contribute to public perceptions of CSA may inform effective communication strategies addressing the public’s perceptions of CSA as preventable. Moreover, within the US in particular, better understanding of whether and how sociodemographic backgrounds influence perceptions is necessitated given the structural racism and other inequities perpetuated within social and legal systems responding to CSA (Bailey et al., 2017; Williams & Jackson, 2005).

1.3. Societal perceptions of child sexual abuse

Cultural models theory is one plausible theory to explain societal perceptions of CSA via shared implicit beliefs and assumptions that help individuals “make meaning” of the world (Kendall-Taylor, 2012; Kendall-Taylor & Stanley, 2018). Research from diverse fields suggests that mental schemas or cultural models that underlie people’s general belief systems influence how they think about public health problems and their solutions (Kendall-Taylor & Stanley, 2018; Manuel & Kendall-Taylor, 2009; Shonkoff & Bales, 2011). Cultural models help people translate new information into existing beliefs (Gilliam Jr & Bales, 2001; Lakoff, 1996). Such mental shortcuts rely on brief cues embedded within communications to link abstract concepts to existing knowledge and perceptions. This process helps people define problems, identify causes, render judgments, and promote certain solutions when presented with information about public health issues (Entman, 2007; Gilliam Jr & Bales, 2001; Kendall-Taylor, 2012). Often, cultural models that influence perceptions of CSA as an unpreventable issue relate to (a) fatalistic thinking that people who commit such offenses are monsters (thus, little can be done to prevent it) (Lindland & Kendall-Taylor, 2013); and (b) beliefs that CSA is solely a criminal justice issue (Volmert et al., 2015).

1.3.1. Individual experiences and perceptions of child sexual abuse

Myths and misperceptions about CSA are most often present among people without specific education about CSA compared with those who might have such knowledge like health professionals (Paolucci et al., 2001) and experts doing research or direct service work in the field (Busso et al., 2021). Still, research suggests that there are many people who present with inaccurate perceptions of CSA (Rheingold et al., 2015; Shackel, 2008). Individuals may present with inaccurate information about CSA and associated perceptions of CSA for a variety of reasons (Goldsmith et al., 2008; Weatherred, 2015). For instance, CSA victimization can threaten people’s worldviews, such as the just-world belief (Bartholomaeus & Strelan, 2019). During adulthood, survivors of CSA describe CSA impacting their ability to trust in the benevolence of those who are in positions to care for and protect children (Freyd, 1996) and engaging in unique protective behavior with their own children to prevent CSA (Rudolph & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2018). Similarly, experiencing CSA or knowing a CSA survivor may influence people’s perceptions that it is possible to prevent CSA from occurring in the first place (Katz-Schiavone et al., 2008; O’Neil & Morgan, 2010).

Individuals’ perception of collective responsibility specific to CSA may also influence their perceptions that CSA is preventable. Collective responsibility refers to responsibilities that are collectively shared by all (and not a mere aggregation of individual responsibilities (Giubilini & Levy, 2018)). The concept of collective responsibility is easily applied to vaccines, where herd immunity is collectively produced (Giubilini et al., 2021). Collective responsibility specific to CSA prevention may influence people’s perception that CSA is indeed preventable, as it implies that we all share the responsibility to protect children. Similarly, individuals’ sense of government or collective efficacy may influence their perceptions of CSA as a preventable issue. Collective [and government] efficacy is an extension of Bandura’s concept of self-efficacy, which is defined as the individuals’ belief in their ability to perform a task and attain the desired results (Bandura, 1982). Therefore, an individual’s perception of the ability of a collective body or the government to successfully prevent CSA can influence their perception that CSA is a problem that can be prevented.

1.3.2. Sociodemographic characteristics and perceptions of child sexual abuse

Of course, individual experiences and social identifiers can further influence one’s knowledge about and perceptions of CSA. Yet, there are major limitations in what factors have been studied to date. One study conducted on a diverse sample of teachers in Spain observed inaccurate beliefs about CSA among a high proportion of participants (Márquez-Flores et al., 2016 ). For example, teachers mistakenly endorsed pathological profiles of people who engage in CSA perpetration as effective. This study also tested for gender differences and found none. Another study conducted in the U.S. using a nationally representative population focused on CSA and rape myths, or false beliefs about rape and sexual assault (McGee et al., 2011). Findings demonstrated misperceptions in understanding who engages in illegal sexual behavior and why. Differently from Márquez-Flores et al. (2016), this research team observed noteworthy gender differences, with men often being more likely to endorse inaccurate information than women. They also observed age effects such that older individuals were more likely to endorse rape myths than younger participants. We are unaware of any research that has considered race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, or other demographic characteristics like political affiliation that might meaningfully influence people’s perceptions about CSA prevention and about perpetrators of CSA (e.g., Fix et al., 2017; O’Connor et al., 2021).

1.4. Current study

To address these knowledge gaps, our study assessed the associations of relevant characteristics with individuals’ perceptions of CSA. We used data from a United States-based nationally representative survey (N = 5068) to examine factors associated with public perceptions of CSA as preventable and/or unpreventable, and factors associated with support for CSA policies focusing on prevention and/or punishment. Specifically, the current study (which is part of a broader study) answers the following three research questions: RQ1. What factors are associated with perceptions that CSA is unpreventable?; RQ2. What factors are associated with ideas about why CSA is unpreventable?; and RQ3. What factors are associated with support for or against policies specific to CSA? We were particularly interested in support for policies (1) aiming to prevent CSA and (2) for policies aiming to punish people (e.g., shame them, imprison them) who are convicted with a CSA offense.

2. Methods

2.1. Participants and procedures

A nationally representative sample of 5409 participants completed anonymous online surveys between May and August 2022 (of whom 5068 participants’ data were ultimately used) as part of a larger study.1 Participants were adults aged 18 years or older, and were recruited from all 50 U.S. states and Washington D.C. See Table 1 for more information on participant characteristics. This study was approved by the redacted University’s Institutional Review Board.

Table 1.

Descriptive characteristics of the full sample and subsamples based on CSA survivorship.

Full sample N = 5068
 Survivorsa N = 1821
 Not survivors N = 3247
% (n) % (n) % (n)
Gender
 Woman 51.8 (2625) 64.6 (1177) 44.6 (1448)
 Non-binary 0.5 (24) 1.0 (19) 0.2 (5)
 Man X 47.7 (2419) 34.3 (625) 55.3 (1794)
Race/ethnicity
 Latine 16.0 (809) 18.0 (328) 14.8 (481)
 Black 11.2 (567) 12.0 (219) 10.7 (348)
 Asian 3.2 (160) 2.0 (36) 3.8 (124)
 Native North American/Alaska Native 0.9 (47) 1.2 (22) 0.8 (25)
 Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander 0.2 (10) 0.3 (6) 0.1 (4)
 Multiracial 5.1 (226) 7.6 (138) 3.8 (122)
 White X 63.4 (3215) 58.9 (1072) 66.0 (2143)
Income
 $0–24,999 (poverty) 23.7 (1199) 29.4 (536) 20.4 (663)
 $25,000–49,999 (lower middle class) 25.4 (1287) 28.0 (510) 23.9 (777)
 $50,000–99,999 (middle class) X 30.0 (1518) 26.9 (490) 31.7 (1028)
 $100,000–149,999 (upper middle class) 13.0 (659) 10.0 (182) 14.7 (477)
 $150,000+ (upper class) 8.0 (405) 5.7 (103) 9.3 (302)
Education
 No high school diploma 9.6 (485) 12.0 (219) 8.2 (266)
 High school diploma/GED 27.1 (1373) 28.0 (510) 26.6 (863)
 Associate’s degree or some college X 29.9 (1515) 34.1 (621) 27.5 (894)
 Bachelor’s degree 20.8 (1054) 15.4 (280) 23.8 (774)
 Graduate/professional degree 12.6 (641) 10.5 (191) 13.9 (450)
Political affiliation
 Democrat X 41.1 (2084) 42.0 (765) 40.6 (1319)
 Republican 30.4 (1541) 26.1 (475) 32.8 (1066)
 Independent 24.1 (1222) 25.8 (470) 23.2 (752)
 Other 4.4 (221) 6.1 (111) 3.4 (110)
Age M = 47.5 (SD = 17.7) M = 43.4 (SD = 16.2) M = 49.7 (SD = 18.1)
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Note.

X

Reference group denoted with.

a

Are a survivor or know a survivor.

Participant recruitment and survey hosting was completed by Dynata2 (Pendleton, 2020). All participants who consented to participate and who completed the survey were compensated for their time. Participants who did not fully complete the survey were removed from the data and were not offered payment. In addition, to serve as indicators of interference from survey bots (Storozuk et al., 2020), we removed participant data if participants completed the survey within 1/3 of the median survey time, if they had straightlined responses, or if they provided nonsensical responses to the two-open ended questions included in the survey. Participants were not allowed to complete the survey more than once. As part of the consent process, participants were notified that the survey contained sensitive content and that they could discontinue the survey at any time. The survey measures below were shown to participants in random order. At the end of the survey, participants were asked a yes-no item about whether answering the questions in the survey upset them3 and directed to the debriefing text. In the debrief, participants were provided with information about several CSA resources and mental health services.

2.2. Measures

Within this section, we describe the general content included within the survey battery. Namely, we discussed demographics come on participant experiences with and knowledge about CSA, factors influencing CSA, collective responsibility, government and collective efficacy, and our key dependent variables (i.e., perceptions of CSA as unpreventable, no support for related policies).

2.2.1. Demographic information

Participants completed questions capturing demographic characteristics. These included age, gender, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and political affiliation.

2.2.2. Experience with CSA

Participants were also asked three questions about their experiences with CSA. These included: (1) “are you or someone you know a survivor of CSA?”, (2) “do you currently work in a profession where you regularly interact with survivors of CSA?”, and (3) “do you currently work in a profession where you regularly interact with people who have been convicted of CSA?” Response options for these questions included “yes”, “no”, and “prefer not to answer.”

2.2.3. Misunderstanding of CSA

Participants were asked five questions that were formulated to measure their misunderstandings of CSA. These questions were measured on a 7-point Likert-type scale ranging from “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree.” Some questions on the scale, such as “CSA always involves physical contact”, included inaccurate information about CSA, whereas other questions, such as “CSA often occurs with other forms of child maltreatment, like neglect or emotional abuse” included accurate information about CSA (and were reverse- coded). Internal reliability within the study sample was acceptable (α = 0.70).

2.2.4. Knowledge of factors influencing CSA

Participants were asked 11 questions designed to measure their understanding of factors that influence whether CSA occurs. Participants were asked to, “Please rate how much each of the following increases the likelihood that a child will be sexually abused.” Questions were measured on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from “not at all” to “a very large amount.” Questions aligned with two subscales: the 7-item Accurate Knowledge Subscale, which included things that can influence the likelihood of CSA (e.g., exposure to substance abuse in the home), and the 4-item Inaccurate Knowledge Subscale, included factors not associated with CSA (e.g., exposure to comprehensive sex education). Our data demonstrated acceptable internal reliability on the Accurate (α = 0.82) and Inaccurate subscales (α = 0.85).

2.2.5. Collective responsibility for CSA prevention

We conceptualized collective responsibility specific to CSA as collective and shared actions or feelings that are centered around feeling the moral responsibility to prevent CSA (Giubilini & Levy, 2018). Participants were asked three questions designed to measure collective responsibility in preventing CSA. All questions were measured on a 7-point Likert-type scale ranging from “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree.” An example question is, “It is not our responsibility, as a society, to prevent CSA” (α = 0.82). Higher scores were associated with higher levels of collective responsibility for CSA prevention.

2.2.6. Government and collective efficacy for CSA prevention

In the current study, efficacy was defined as the government or collective ability to achieve goals (Sampson, 2017), in this case of preventing CSA. Participants were asked seven questions designed to measure their feelings of efficacy for preventing CSA. All questions were measured on a 7-point Likert-type scale ranging from “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree.” This measure includes two subscales: (a) Government Efficacy Subscale and (b) Collective Efficacy Subscale. An example from the Government Efficacy Subscale reads, “I am confident that our government can effectively prevent CSA.” An example from the Collective Efficacy Subscale reads, “There is not much that we, as a society, can do to prevent CSA.” For ease of interpretation, questions were scored such that higher scores indicated a stronger sense of collective efficacy. Both the Government Efficacy (α = 0.87) and Collective Efficacy (α = 0.71) subscales had acceptable internal reliability.

2.2.7. Dependent variables

2.2.7.1. Perceptions of CSA as unpreventable.

Participants were asked a series of 10 questions that were designed to measure participants’ perceptions of CSA as unpreventable. These questions were scored as two subscales: (a) CSA is Unpreventable Subscale and (b) Why CSA is Unpreventable subscale. All questions were measured on a 7-point Likert-type scale ranging from “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree.” Questions from subscale (a) include “child sexual abuse will always be a problem” and “we cannot protect all children from CSA.” An example item from subscale (b) includes “people who are sexually attracted to children will always act on their urges.” Higher scores on the subscales indicated stronger perceptions of CSA as unpreventable and stronger misunderstandings about how and why CSA is unpreventable. Both the CSA is Unpreventable (α = 0.78) and Why CSA is Unpreventable Subscales had acceptable internal reliability (α = 0.75).

2.2.7.2. CSA-related policy support.

Participants were asked nine questions to measure policy support to (a) prevent CSA or (b) more severely punish people who perpetrate CSA. Items were preceded by the question, “How much do you favor or oppose the following policies?” and measured on a 7-point Likert-type scale ranging from “strongly oppose” to “strongly favor.” Example questions for supporting policies to prevent CSA include “Implement comprehensive sex education programs in all public schools” and “Mandate and fund rehabilitation programs for adults who are convicted of child sexual abuse.” Example questions for supporting policies that punish include, “publicly shame people convicted of CSA” and “mandate that anybody convicted of child sexual abuse is sentenced to life in prison.” Both the measure of supporting policies to prevent CSA (α = 0.83) and of supporting policies to punish (α = 0.82) had acceptable internal reliability.

2.3. Data analysis

We removed cases that were missing key nominal data on direct or vicarious experience with CSA (n = 315) or that were missing 40 % or more of data on other key covariates (n = 34) (Mirzaei et al., 2022). Descriptive statistics were used to examine the prevalence of different experiences with CSA. Table 2 presents means, standard deviations, and ranges for key constructs we investigated. We also ran a series of linear regressions to test which demographic factors, direct or vicarious experience with CSA, knowledge about CSA (i.e., Misunderstanding of CSA, Accurate Knowledge, and Inaccurate Knowledge), and perceptions about collective responsibility and government and collective efficacy were associated with (1) perceptions of CSA as unpreventable and (2) support for policies specific to CSA. More detail can be found in Table 3 including standardized coefficients (unstandardized coefficients and standard errors are reported in the text below).

Table 2.

Study scale means, standard deviations, and ranges (N = 5068).

M (SD) Range
1 Misunderstanding of CSA 23.5 (5.4) 5–35
2 Accurate Knowledge Subscale 26.6 (6.0) 7–39
3 Inaccurate Knowledge Subscale 9.4 (4.1) 4–20
4 Collective responsibility 15.7 (4.7) 3–21
5 Government efficacy 16.4 (6.1) 4–28
6 Collective efficacy 13.0 (4.2) 3–21
7 CSA is unpreventable 18.9 (5.2) 4–28
8 Why CSA is unpreventable 28.5 (6.4) 6–42
9 Support policies to prevent 26.5 (5.9) 5–35
10 Support policies that punish 19.9 (5.6) 4–28
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Note. Knowledge subscales reference knowledge about factors contributing to CSA.

Table 3.

Standardized coefficients for factors associated with viewing CSA as unpreventable and support for related policies (N = 5067).

CSA is unpreventable
 Why CSA is unpreventable
 Support policies to prevent
 Support policies that punish
B B B B
Woman gender −0.018 0.021 0.033* 0.053***
Non-binary gender −0.038** −0.007 0.015 −0.012
Age 0.106*** −0.043** 0.044** −0.134***
Latine ethnicity −0.013 0.034** −0.043** −0.011
Black race 0.028* 0.017 −0.028* −0.037**
Asian race 0.003 −0.001 −0.025* −0.026*
Multiracial 0.016 0.005 −0.017 0.012
Other race 0.013 0.011 −0.013 −0.003
Poverty −0.006 −0.053*** −0.027 −0.029
Lower middle class 0.012 −0.036* −0.002 −0.016
Upper middle class 0.016 −0.003 −0.008 −0.014
Upper class 0.012 0.000 0.015 −0.018
No high school diploma 0.036* 0.012 −0.002** 0.019
High school diploma 0.037* 0.025 −0.039 0.027
Bachelor’s degree −0.021 −0.026 −0.004 −0.048***
Graduate degree −0.008 −0.026 0.010 −0.041**
Republican −0.006 0.083*** −0.172*** 0.073***
Independent −0.006 0.016 −0.083*** 0.006
Experiences with CSA
 Are/know a survivor of CSA 0.027* 0.026* 0.051*** 0.001
 Work with survivors of CSA −0.019 −0.004 −0.009 −0.001
 Work with people who perpetrated CSA 0.018 −0.002 0.002 −0.002
Upset by survey questions −0.052*** 0.042*** −0.008 0.066***
Misunderstanding of CSA 0.118*** 0.441*** 0.045** 0.407***
Accurate Knowledge Subscale 0.129*** 0.063*** 0.245*** 0.057***
Inaccurate Knowledge Subscale −0.039* 0.036* −0.093*** 0.066***
Collective responsibility −0.106*** −0.040** 0.135*** 0.025
Government efficacy −0.110*** 0.065*** 0.345*** 0.026
Collective efficacy −0.373*** −0.082*** −0.018 −0.013
F, R2 63.36, 0.27 85.97, 0.33 58.65, 0.25 71.79, 0.29
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Note. Accurate Subscale = factors that do contribute to a child experiencing CSA; CSA = child sexual abuse; Inaccurate Subscale = holding incorrect knowledge about factors influencing CSA. Referent groups were man for gender; White/Non-Latine for race and ethnicity; middle class for household income; Associates or some college for education; and democrat for political affiliation.

*

p < .050.

**

p < .010.

***

p < .001

3. Results

3.1. Factors associated with perceptions of CSA as preventable

Table 3 provides standardized beta coefficients for all regression models. We first tested which factors were significantly associated with perceptions that CSA is Unpreventable (R2 = 0.27) and with agreement about presented factors for Why CSA is Unpreventable (R2 = 0.33). In this section, we highlight some of the differences in patterns observed. Older participants were significantly more likely to view CSA as unpreventable (B = 0.03, SE = 0.00, p < .001). Conversely, younger participants were significantly more likely to agree with presented factors about why CSA is unpreventable (B = −0.02, SE = 0.01, p = .001).

People who reported being less upset by survey questions were significantly more likely to view CSA as unpreventable (B = −0.62, SE = 0.15, p < .001) but those who were upset by survey questions were significantly more likely to agree with that CSA is unpreventable (B = 0.64, SE = 0.180, p < .001). Survivors of CSA were both more likely to agree that CSA is unpreventable (B = 0.29, SE = 0.14, p = .039) and with reasons that CSA may be unpreventable (B = 0.36, SE = 0.17, p = .033).

There were only differential effects observed on study scales between perceptions of CSA as unpreventable and about factors that make CSA unpreventable. Demonstrating more inaccurate knowledge about factors that contribute to CSA was significantly associated with perceptions of CSA as preventable (B = −0.05, SE = 0.02, p < .001) inaccurate but also that ideas about agreed upon factors that make CSA unpreventable (B = 0.06, SE = 0.03, p = .024).

3.2. Factors associated with CSA-related policies

Models examining support for policies to prevent CSA (R2 = 0.25) and punish people who have perpetrated CSA (R2 = 0.29) had good fit. In this section, we highlight factors with overlapping directionality in the two models because they were somewhat in opposition (i.e., prevent versus punish). Participants who identified as women (relative to those who identified as men) were both significantly more likely to support policies to prevent CSA (B = 0.39, SE = 0.15, p = .012) and policies that punish acts of CSA (B = 0.60, SE = 0.14, p < .001). People who identified their race as Black were significantly less likely to support policies that might prevent CSA (B = −0.53, SE = 0.25, p = .036) and those that might punish acts of CSA (B = −0.66, SE = 0.23, p = .005) compared with people who identified their race as White. A similar but somewhat less robust effect was observed among people who identified as Asian: supporting prevention policies (B = −0.85, SE = 0.53, p = .042) and supporting punishment policies (B = −0.85, SE = 0.39, p = .030) less than White participants.

The Inaccurate Knowledge Subscale about factors contributing to CSA was associated with greater support for policies that aimed to prevent CSA (B = 0.05, SE = 0.02, p = .002) and had a particularly pronounced effect on increased support for policies aiming to punish people with CSA convictions (B = 0.43, SE = 0.02, p < .001). Higher scores the Accurate Knowledge Subscale about factors contributing to CSA were significantly associated with greater support for both policies, as well: prevention of CSA (B = 0.24, SE = 0.02, p < .001) and punishment for CSA (B = 0.05, SE = 0.01, p < .001).

4. Discussion

The primary aim of this study was to examine factors associated with public perceptions of CSA as unpreventable, and factors associated with support for CSA policies focusing on prevention and/or punishment. This study addresses knowledge gaps in this field by analyzing the influence of previously unstudied sociodemographic factors such as ethnoracial identity, socioeconomic status, and political affiliation in addition to select factors pertaining to CSA prevention: knowledge, collective responsibility, and government and collective efficacy. In order to better understand how these key factors are associated with perceptions of CSA as preventable and support for CSA-related policies, data were collected from a large nationally representative sample.

In addition to demographic characteristics associated with CSA perceptions, our study findings broadly revealed modifiable factors as potential intervention and public (community) education targets in the interest of promoting perceptions about CSA as preventable and effective policymaking for CSA prevention. We were particularly interested in such interventions, given the myriad individual, societal, and economical benefits to prevention. Results demonstrated that supporting prevention and punishment is not an either-or option; rather, it may be normative for the public to support both. This makes sense – punishment is how society has historically addressed CSA and is one way to ensure a shared understanding of CSA as morally wrong. But prevention is more hopeful and more effective at preventing harm and even if folks don’t believe we are there yet, many seem to hope we’ll get there.

4.1. Study findings concerning demographic characteristics

Age and political affiliation were demographic characteristics most consistently associated with the CSA prevention variables. Older age was associated with viewing CSA as unpreventable, but also with supporting policies that prevent CSA over those that focus on punishment of people with a CSA-related offense conviction. One possible explanation for this apparent contradiction is that while older participants may not view CSA as currently preventable, they may hope that new policies could be effective and are therefore worth supporting. Given how influential older adults can be as members of families and communities, this finding was particularly interesting (Campbell & Lynch, 2002). Community education may consequently help reframe thinking toward perceiving CSA as a preventable problem among all demographics, but perhaps older adults in particular. Research suggests that reframing efforts that shift thinking are more effective as an individual’s age increases (Sparks & Ledgerwood, 2019), which suggests attempts to shift attitudes toward CSA as preventable and toward policy support focused on CSA prevention may be most beneficial among older adults.

Results demonstrated republican affiliation was associated with supporting punishment-oriented policies. Such policies focused on the following specific to people with a convicted CSA-related offense: shaming, life sentencing, isolation from society, and trying adolescents as adults and not policies that prevent CSA. The latter association could have roots in the traditional Republican stance to “get tough” on crime that started in the early 1980s (Bartusch & Burfeind, 2016; Mallett & Tedor, 2018). Policies reflecting this get tough stance have generally not been found to decrease recidivism nor deter first-time CSA perpetration (Logan & Prescott, 2021; Petrich et al., 2021). Similar policies that target children with prison or sex offender registration, are not only ineffective but demonstrably harmful (Chaffin, 2008; Harris & Socia, 2016; Letourneau et al., 2018; Letourneau & Caldwell, 2013; Sugie & Turney, 2017).

We found several factors were significantly associated with support for policies that prevent CSA and those focused on punishment, two types of policies seemingly at odds with each other. Namely, identifying as a woman, having inaccurate knowledge about CSA, and knowing factors influencing CSA were each associated with supporting both these types of policies. Conversely, identifying as Black or Asian was significantly associated with not supporting either policies that focus on prevention or policies that focus on punishment. Rather than appearing to support mutually exclusive policy methods, such patterns of association could represent an overall support (or lack thereof) for enacting policies in general. Or, people from historically oppressed communities might lack trust in policymakers to act in interests that align with their community’s best interests (Michener, 2018; Rosenthal, 2021). Alternatively, expressing support for both policy categories could reflect feelings of both wanting to prevent CSA and punish those who perpetrate it.

4.2. Study findings concerning reactions to and experiences with CSA

We also asked participants whether they found survey content and wording upsetting. We observed a significant association between finding survey content upsetting and perceptions that CSA is preventable yet supporting policies that punish people with a CSA-related offense. One possibility for this finding is that feelings of disturbance by the survey questions could represent an unmeasured personal investment or emotional reaction to prompts about CSA. Such a personal investment or reaction appears to be distinguished from identifying as being or knowing a survivor of CSA however, as this predictor was associated with perceptions that CSA is unpreventable. Those who identify as a survivor of CSA or who know a survivor of CSA did endorse preventative policies in spite of perceiving CSA is unpreventable. This apparent contradiction might reflect personal histories of trauma combined with the desire to protect future generations from harm (Lange et al., 2020).

It is also worth noting that neither working with CSA survivors nor working with those who had a CSA-related offense were significantly associated with any dependent variables. This could be explained potentially by large variation of perceptions among those that work in such fields as to whether CSA is a preventable problem (Tener et al., 2022). Therefore, providers of such services represent potential targets for community education programs to inform members about how CSA can be prevented through interventions and effective legislative enactment. And, while legislation and policy are certainly important, everyone in our society can play a part in children’s social ecology. Thus, results further suggest that the general public would benefit from community education campaigns about things they can do in everyday life that promote CSA prevention.

4.3. Study findings concerning knowledge about CSA, and government and collective efficacy

Knowledge about CSA and factors that influence CSA were variables that were consistently associated with perceptions of CSA as unpreventable or support for CSA-related policies. Patterns of these association’s directionalities were not consistent, however. For example, misunderstanding of CSA was associated with viewing CSA as unpreventable, while inaccurate knowledge about factors influencing CSA was associated with viewing CSA as preventable. Findings suggest knowledge about CSA regardless of its accuracy is tied significantly to perceptions about CSA as a preventable problem as well as the policies that surround it. This further reinforces the value of community-level education-based interventions on how perceptions of CSA can be reframed (Busso et al., 2021).

Higher perceptions of government efficacy were significantly associated both with reduced perceptions of CSA as unpreventable, and with supporting policies to punish those who perpetrate CSA. Given government efficacy was meaningfully associated with all study variables of interest except support for punishment policies, it might reflect a critical factor to target in efforts to move public perceptions toward viewing CSA as preventable.

Collective efficacy was not associated with perceptions about policy, which makes sense given existing literature because people tend to place the onus of protecting children onto individuals and families (Assini-Meytin et al., 2020; Busso et al., 2021; Del Campo & Fávero, 2019). Thus, the general public does not tend to think that we as a society are all responsible for the prevention of CSA, and existing interventions to address CSA reflect this reality (Russell et al., 2020). Still, collective efficacy was significantly associated with viewing CSA as unpreventable. One possible explanation for our finding could be a multifaceted mistrust coupled with misperceptions about CSA and our ability to collective prevent CSA. For instance, there has been an erosion of faith in public institutions (Perry, 2021; Yaghi, 2023), and possibly the lack of trust that meaningful interventions exist and can be implemented and distrust in one’s fellow citizens to prevent CSA. It is important to note how the decline of healthy democracies and related broader issues likely contribute to public perceptions of CSA prevention. This finding might also reflect perceptions that CSA should be a government-led endeavor, and that the onus should not be on society as a whole.

4.4. Study implications

Results from our study could influence new communication strategies specific to CSA as preventable and provide support for CSA prevention-oriented policies. Indeed, one of our encouraging overarching findings was that most people support policies that both aim to prevent CSA and also policies to punish people who have a CSA-related offense. This finding was encouraging because we found two common ways of thinking about how to respond to CSA at a policy level within the general public. Future research is needed to develop, tests, and disseminate information about how to communicate effectively with the public about CSA as a preventable problem (for recommendations, please see Horsfall et al., 2010; Walsh et al., 2023).

4.5. Limitations and future directions

There were limitations of our study, primarily ways in which to strengthen data collection in future research work. First, there were a few ways in which survey content was incomplete. Some key factors were not measured on the survey, such as whether respondents were parents or caregivers (Fong et al., 2016; Johnson et al., 2014; Livingston et al., 2020). There was also no distinguishing between knowing a survivor of CSA and experiencing CSA. Asking each question separately in future research is advised. Additionally, asking respondents if the survey questions made them feel upset provided challenges for interpretation, as it was not clear what this factor represents or means for intervention targets. For future studies that use such an item, qualitative follow-up would be useful for ascertaining the context behind why certain people found survey content specific to CSA upsetting.

Second, this study examined factors associated with perceptions of CSA as preventable and support for policies to prevent CSA and policies to punish people who were convicted with CSA offenses. More research work is needed to develop and test interventions and community-level public education programming to promote perceptions of CSA as preventable and generate support for policies specific to prevention of CSA (Russell et al., 2020). There has been some movement toward creation of mobile apps to extend the possible reach of community CSA education, but such interventions remain limited and underexamined (Pritha et al., 2021). Indeed, there is a paucity of existing community-level programming, and what programming is available is limited (Nurse, 2018).

4.6. Conclusion

Child sexual abuse (CSA) is a preventable problem. However, many individuals are unaware or have difficulty imagining CSA prevention as a reality. Using a nationally representative sample, we identified several factors such as age, political affiliation, being or knowing a survivor of CSA, and knowledge about CSA that were associated with perceptions about CSA as being preventable, and CSA-related policies that aim to prevent CSA and punish CSA perpetrators. We also observed collective responsibility, government efficacy, and collective efficacy were significantly associated with perceptions of CSA as unpreventable and CSA-related policies. Findings further suggest many people demonstrate preexisting (1) perceptions about whether CSA is preventable and (2) support for policies that should be enacted to address CSA. Our findings provide information that could be used to influence communications strategies focused on increasing support for CSA prevention efforts. Moving forward, it is critical we develop and test interventions to reframe CSA as a preventable problem with target audiences based on the factors found in the current study.

Acknowledgments

This work was supported by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development [R24HD089955]. During the study period, Alex T. Newman was supported by the National Institute of Mental Health (T32 MH 122357). The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the NICHD. The authors extend their appreciation to our research partners in this work at the FrameWorks Institute.

Footnotes

1

Data were collected as part of a larger study in which frames were developed to shift public perceptions of CSA as preventable. Data were collected in two separate waves (N1 = 2254, N2 = 3155) because our team tested two sets of frames. All of the other survey content (which was included in the current study) remained identical between the two surveys.

2

Participants with Dynata earn points for completing surveys, which they can then exchange for various rewards. These rewards vary by panel and recruitment method but may include things such as airline miles or gift cards.

3

Participants were asked the question, “Overall, did answering the questions in this survey upset you?”

Data availability

Data will be made available on request.

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