Social construction of kentongan for disaster risk reduction in highland java and its potential for educational tool

Abstract

Kentongan (bamboo instruments), a traditional Javanese communication tool, continues to exist to this day, and its existence is based on its function, especially in the Java mountains. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze and uncover local wisdom behind the social construction of the Kentongan, exploring the practical and symbolic meanings and the societal and cultural implications. It also explored the community's local knowledge regarding the mitigation of disasters (disaster risk reduction), as well as its cultural heritage within the community's social fabric. To unravel knowledge held by the local community, a qualitative method using a phenomenological approach was adopted, complemented by a thorough review of relevant literature. Furthermore, the snowball approach was employed to select informants, focusing on identifying key individuals who were cross-verified through member checks. The village head and the elders were identified as the key informants, and the data collected were analyzed using an interactive model. The results showed that Kentongan served as a telecommunication tool to signal disasters, alert individuals of dangerous situations, and indicate the presence of fire. Additionally, it served as a means to assemble people or initiate prayers, and the conveyed messages could be inferred through the number of beats and the sounds produced. Empathy and social solidarity emerged as the underlying social values embedded within Kentongan. The associated significance and symbolism were actively practiced and passed down through generations within the community. As a form of indigenous knowledge, Kentongan held great relevance in the lives of the local population, thereby presenting the potential to be integrated into educational contexts as a valuable source of learning.

1. Introduction

In Javanese villages, some traditional methods are still employed for disaster reduction and community communication, such as using Kentongan, despite advancements in technology [[1], [2], [3]]. Kentongan is a traditional communication tool that consists of a wooden or bamboo slit drum [4]. It is struck with a mallet to produce a distinct sound, which can be heard across the village. Kentongan conveys important messages and warnings to the community during emergencies, including natural disasters [1,2,5]. Furthermore, it serves as an early warning system, alerting people to take necessary precautions or evacuate an area. This communication tool is still valued for its effectiveness in reaching a wide audience quickly.

It is apparent that Kentongan remains and continues to be used by the Javanese population to this day. During disasters when conventional communication channels are often disrupted, its employment proves to be highly valuable. The instrument is still actively employed within the community, serving its original purpose as a means of communal communication and providing additional advantages that have emerged over time [4]. Furthermore, in mountainous areas of Java, Kentongan is used as a means of communication [[4], [5], [6]]. One contributing factor to the continued use is the relatively underdeveloped access to technology in rural areas compared to urban regions. Despite the introduction of telecommunications infrastructure, Kentongan remains essential for summoning residents, signaling potential hazards, and serving various other purposes within the community.

The question revolves around social construction of Kentongan. Social construction refers to the concept that social processes and interactions create and shape various aspects of reality. It suggests that understanding the world is influenced by individuals' cultural, historical, and social contexts. Meanwhile, indigenous knowledge consists of the systems, practices, and beliefs developed by the communities over generations [7]. It encompasses understanding the natural environment, spirituality, social organization, and healing practices. The application of the social construction concept underscores how the social and cultural context of indigenous communities influences it. Furthermore, indigenous knowledge is not fixed but subjected to evolution and adaptation in response to environmental and societal shifts. It is profoundly grounded in the interconnection between indigenous communities and their lands, emphasizing sustainability, reciprocity, and interconnectedness with nature.

Indigenous knowledge distinguishes itself from Western science, which has historically exerted significant influence over mainstream education and institutions [8,9]. Western science often relies on an objective, reductionist approach that seeks to understand phenomena through controlled experiments and empirical evidence. In contrast, indigenous knowledge incorporates holistic perspectives, intergenerational wisdom, and the integration of spiritual, ecological, and cultural dimensions. Recognizing social construction challenges the dominant narrative that privileges Western science as the only valid form of knowledge. It recognizes the significance of diverse knowledge systems and the imperative to honor and acquire wisdom from indigenous communities' insights and epistemologies. Embracing the societal construction of indigenous knowledge can facilitate the advancement of cultural diversity, nurture sustainable practices, and make valuable contributions to fostering inclusive and equitable societies.

Social construction of indigenous knowledge for education involves incorporating indigenous culture's traditional wisdom, practices, and values into educational systems. It recognizes the deep connection between indigenous communities and promotes a holistic approach to learning [10,11]. Indigenous knowledge for education engages Indigenous communities in designing and implementing educational programs, respecting their unique knowledge systems and perspectives. Furthermore, indigenous pedagogies incorporate teaching methods, such as experiential and hands-on learning, observation, and mentorship, to enhance engagement and knowledge retention [12]. It fosters a deep connection to their ancestors by integrating indigenous knowledge and practices into the curriculum, emphasizing sustainable resource management and environmental stewardship [[13], [14], [15]]. This facilitates knowledge exchange between generations, promoting the involvement of elders and cultural leaders in educational processes. It also recognizes and validates indigenous languages, cultures, and worldviews within educational frameworks, fostering pride, self-esteem, and a positive sense of identity [16]. By integrating indigenous knowledge systems into sustainable education, cultural preservation, environmental stewardship, and the empowerment of indigenous communities can be promoted.

The cultural wealth of a particular society or a nation is principally a valuable inheritance [17]. It becomes good for supporting society's identity, both tangible and intangible. Intangible culture generates tangible one [18]. Some examples of the products of tangible culture are artifacts such as buildings, art-supporting tools, and household apparatus. Furthermore, intangible cultural products can be from ideas, thoughts, or social rules. These cultural products serve as a manifestation of society's identity and represent valuable cultural wealth.

Furthermore, cultural wealth forms the foundation of civilization within a particular society. The products are continuously engaged in dialogues with the evolving needs and progress of time. In the present context, cultural products face significant challenges in maintaining relevance amidst the rapid expansion of knowledge and technology [4,[19], [20], [21]]. Enculturation is required to internalize and make cultures survive and develop [22]. It is a fundamental process aimed at transmitting positive values from one generation to the next, ensuring the continuity and preservation of culture. This is akin to the significance of artifacts such as Kentongan, which symbolize the essence of cultural existence.

Utilizing Kentongan remains intriguing, particularly in the Javanese mountain villages where houses are sparsely distributed. One notable example is Wonogiri Sidoharjo Samigaluh in Kulonprogo. As a sub-culture of Javanese society, the people of Wonogiri Sidoharjo Samigaluh Kulonprogo reside in a mountainous region characterized by steep slopes and a focus on agriculture. They possess a unique perspective on developing and preserving their cultural values. Despite the rapid advancements in knowledge and technology that have prompted social changes and transformed the lifestyles of individuals globally, these mountainous farmers exhibit minimal cultural and social value shifts. Establishing communication becomes challenging in certain regions characterized by plateau-like mountainous landscapes surrounded by steep slopes.

Moreover, areas like these often lack coverage by services like Google Maps, and phone signals are limited. Consequently, the study aims to analyze the local construction of the Kentongan in the Javanese community. It also uncovers the community's local knowledge regarding the mitigation of disasters (disaster risk reduction), as well as its cultural heritage within the social fabric of the community.

2. Methodology

2.1. Study design

This study was conducted using a qualitative method with the phenomenology approach. It was a descriptive study focusing on social phenomena based on people's life experiences, presented narratively [23]. The procedures were started by focusing on the behavioral phenomena of the people in Wonogiri Sidoharjo Samigaluh Kulonprogo Yogyakarta, Indonesia. The study primarily focused on utilizing local knowledge of Kentongan within the village uphill of Suralaya, characterized by a steep slope topography.

2.2. Description of the study area

The hamlet of Wonogiri in Sidoharjo is one of the villages in the sub-district of Samigaluh Kulonprogo District, Special Region of Yogyakarta. Geographically, almost all the areas are hills and steep slopes, and the distance from the center city of Kulonprogo is around 20 km². Access to the sub-district was primarily limited to motorcycles, although it was still possible to reach by car. However, it was not recommended for inexperienced drivers due to the challenging terrain. The roads were characterized by steep inclines, sharp corners, cliffs on the left side, and narrow passages on the right, making navigation difficult. The map of the Samigaluh District is shown in Fig. 1.

Fig. 1.

Map of district of Samigaluh Kulonprogo.

The location of the area in Menoreh Hill, characterized by its steep slopes, creates significant distances between houses. Consequently, people tend to inhabit the region in a more radial pattern rather than a centralized one due to the challenges posed by the hilly terrain. The steep and varied fertility of the land, along with the narrow and uphill topography, necessitates traversing difficult terrain on foot. At least two important requirements should be noted when considering an ideal inhabitant pattern for such a society. They are the physical environment reflecting local life, culture, and public services. Therefore, the environment's condition will always be related to the life of the inhabitants. The relief, climate, and land fertility also play crucial roles in determining the settlement patterns of a society. These factors are important considerations in developing settlements as significant elements that contribute to national development. The village of Sidoharjo, the focus of this study, is geographically surrounded by other villages such as Kebonharjo, Banjarsari, Purwoharjo, Gerbosari, Ngargosari, and Pagerharjo. The area is 6929, 3, ha/69, 29 km^{2; with} this number, Sidoharjo is in the mid-range. Based on the geographical position, the sub-district of Samigaluh shades the territory of Sidoharjo and other villages. The borderline is the north district of Magelang, province of Central Java, East-subdistrict of Kalibawang. The area of Sidoharjo village has 16 hamlets, 210 community associations, and 448 neighborhood associations. (Accessed from Central Bureau of Statistics of Kulonprogo District on January 29th, 2021 at 20.15).

In analyzing the topography of Sidoharjo Samigaluh, a significant portion of the region consists of uphill terrain within the Menoreh mountain range. Covering an expanse of 41.50 ha, the rainfed land in this area can be accurately characterized as the primary means of livelihood for the village, sustaining its residents through self-employed agricultural endeavors. The governance aspect of Sidoharjo Samigaluh is efficiently organized, with a strong emphasis on fostering communal awareness and cooperation. The cultivation of cultural activities and the arts are actively encouraged, contributing to their ongoing development. Moreover, the occupations pursued by the residents have become increasingly diverse, indicating a willingness to engage in external communication and trade. The village administration comprises key figures such as the village head, the head of the community association, the head of the hamlet, and the neighborhood association head, each playing a crucial role in local governance structure. In general, a typical family comprises approximately 5–6 individuals.

Moreover, a self-employed village can be defined as a community that is no longer secluded, as it possesses ample and appropriate transportation infrastructure. The density of this village is 24952/km, which means there are 24,952 people for every kilometer. The steep and uphill characterization of the area causes the avalanches. In 2018, there were four times avalanches.

2.3. The data collected

This study was carried out based on the assignment letter for the implementation of program No: 002/BAP-LPPM/KOMPETENSI/I/2021 and also received approval from the ethics committee from the Institute for Research and Community Service, Universitas PGRI Yogyakarta. To gather the data, Indigenous community agreements were received from Wonogiri, Sidoharjo, Samigaluh, Kulonprogo.

This research activity lasted for three months. During this study, we made observations, documentation, and direct interviews with indigenous representatives closely tied to the culture. The duration of the in-person interview is about an hour for each informant. This study involved five informants (four men and one woman). The key informant was the head of a hamlet in the area, Mr. Sarmanto. Subsequently, the determination of other informants was made through the Snowball method. Other informants were Mr. Kiswandi, Mr. Pujianto, Mr. Supangat, and Mrs. Jumiriyah, community members in the hamlet.

This interview was conducted using the language of the local population, i.e., Javanese, to make informants more comfortable during the interview. We provide informants with the opportunity to tell everything about kentongan, i.e., how it is made, its forms, as well as its use or designation in the local community. Meanwhile, the indicators were society and artists, especially in Kulonprogo, who understand Kentongan from symbolic and practical perspectives. The method gained valid study data, which would be subsequently interpreted. Study data gathered through in-depth interviews, such as the report of local people's experiences, was designed chronologically based on the meaning of experience or the life course stages. During the interview, we conducted voice recording and wrote in field notes. We also conducted follow-up interviews using WhatsApp to get further information.

In addition to employing in-depth interviews, observation, and documentation, data was gathered by conducting literature reviews from relevant books, journals, documentation, videos, and the web. The literature study was used as a commentary and supporting tool to analyze the findings. A literature study on Javanese Kentongan was conducted to show its cultural meaning. To perform this literature review, the study used books and journals from Sonobudoyo Yogyakarta Library, Pakualaman Yogyakarta Library, and the Regional Library of Yogyakarta. Additionally, previous journals and related studies shared a common theme with this study. After reviewing various sources, the subsequent processes involved analyzing and critiquing the gathered sources. This study had two sources: written works such as literature, documents, and archives.

The re-telling approach and member check were adopted to gather stories or society's knowledge. The general story frameworks can be arranged through story gathering and analysis to obtain the important elements, and then re-written in a chronology series [24]. Furthermore, the arrangement of results employed critical and phenomenological approaches. This result would be compared and analyzed using Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann's social construction theory [23] and Clifford Geertz's culture interpretation analysis [25].

2.4. The data analysis

The study used verificative descriptive analysis by reducing data in the first step. In this case, data grouping was selected to address the study problems related to Javanese Kentongan development in Wonogiri Samigaluh Kulonprogo Yogyakarta. Furthermore, information was gathered from the informants by employing the data gathering methods. Then, the study categorized the collected information based on the needs. The intended information was obtained through in-depth interviews about the social construction, form, and ways of Kentongan, especially on the reduct risk disaster. The main themes of the interview regarding the categorizations were history, the development of Kentongan, the product of Kentongan, and local people's knowledge regarding Javanese Kentongan.

The second step was the data display, where information gathered in a matrix and description was used to draw conclusions and take important actions. The study categorized the field findings based on the designed instruments in this step. The third step was concluding, finding the meaning of the data gathered, determining the possible configuration, organizing notes, giving the preferred patterns to explain, the cause and effect pattern, and the proposition. In conclusion, the technique of triangulation consists of sources, related studies, and theories. The findings were analyzed by referring to the previous results' theory of cultures and values.

3. Results

3.1. Social construction on highland java community

Java, Indonesia, has a land construction consisting of lowlands and highlands. In Java, several volcanoes and mountain areas stretch together or are separated by lowlands. The mountainous area in Java has some characteristics that are almost the same, such as the existence of folklore, supernatural or mystical things, or social constructions. However, each region has a uniqueness that distinguishes it from other mountainous areas in Java. This uniqueness varies depending on local factors that influence the local community.

The topographic conditions of Java are diverse, be they in the form of coastal areas, flat areas, or mountainous and volcanic areas, making differences in the character of the people. Some social constructions of communities in mountainous and volcanic areas have similar things, including the community's economic and social conditions, belief systems, art, and others. In the Javanese Mountains, including Merapi volcano, the Yogyakarta court has a ritual relationship with the volcano and its beliefs regarding a parallel spirit court within the volcano [26]. The topographic conditions of Sidoarjo village are shown in Fig. 2.

Fig. 2.

Topography of the village of Sidoharjo Samigaluh.

The indigenous people of Sidoharjo village in Samigaluh Kulonprogo have willingly embraced positive social changes while upholding their life principles, cultural values, and traditions. In this phase, it can be observed that people have embraced social interactions from both internal and external sources. However, they continue prioritizing the collective awareness of values and cultures established over time as shared agreements. These well-preserved cultural values serve as objective knowledge perpetually passed down when the community maintains solid communal bonds. To sustain their existence, all members of society must consistently develop and interpret their cultures through symbols, ensuring harmony with the ever-evolving social dynamics [27].

The indigenous people in Sidoharjo village have been subjected to changes in their mindset and cultural aspects, primarily influenced by economic factors and tourism. These two factors have significantly impacted people's perspectives, lifestyles, and overall thinking. From socio-cultural perspective, the society of Sidoharjo Samigaluh exhibits a notable absence of social stratification. In contrast to societies characterized by social classes, the people demonstrate egalitarianism. This harmonious behavior is evident in their collective efforts to construct houses, maintain the cleanliness of the village, engage in communal gatherings, participate in Quranic readings, and various artistic and performance activities. The social dynamics of this farming community greatly differ from the industrial societies described by Marx and Engels. There was a significant difference between the Bourjois, identically to the owners of production elements, and the proletariat [28].

In addition to the religious aspect, the arts have flourished in this region, specifically in the forms of Jatilan and Ketoprak. Each art form has its dedicated group of performers. Jatilan and Ketoprak are unique art forms that blend traditional dance with elements of magic. These performances involve the use of artificial horses made of bamboo, known as Jaran Kepang or braided horses. The artistic expressions showcase the rich cultural heritage and creativity found within the community. The other Instruments used are a set of Gamelan (Javanese traditional music instruments) consisting of drum, kendang, kenong, gong, and slompret (a flute with high sound). Ketoprak is one of the Javanese performing arts from Surakarta [29]. Etymologically, it originates from the term 'tiprak,' which refers to an artistic implement crafted from bamboo and employed to deter birds. There are plays, dialogues, acting, tools, make-up, clothes, and accompaniment music. For the society of agriculture, the arts are the ones that are communal and togetherness.

Similarly, the delivered symbol undergoes a comparable transformation since it represents values encompassing fertility, solidarity, and religion. These symbolic elements are intricately linked to the circumstances of agrarian communities. Consequently, traditional artists develop profound ties to institutions, relationships, and social connections, reinforcing the significance of artistic contributions. In this case, arts and society are farming values systems consisting of a set of rules, norms, and conventions that are legal as guidance to achieve goals.

From an occupational perspective, individuals are engaged in livestock rearing in addition to agriculture. According to the records provided by the Central Bureau of Statistics, the sub-districts of Samigaluh possess 2397 cows, six buffaloes, 15,127 goats, 2641 sheep, 30 pigs, 94,039 free-range chickens, 9500 broilers, and 1396 ducks. The land yields 1386 tons of corn, 601 tons of cassava, 10 tons of nuts, and 9989 tons of rice. Furthermore, the agricultural output can be classified as highly productive based on the data. Despite being surrounded by uphill terrain, the land exhibits exceptional fertility.

Regarding education, the residents of Sidoharjo village have an average educational attainment of junior high school. The rice fields are privately managed by their owners, with only a few entrusted to others under a 3/5 profit-sharing system. The average monthly income of the community amounts to 700 thousand rupiah. This can be categorized as relatively low compared to the minimum income stipulated for the region at 1,750,000 rupiahs in Kulonprogo. Despite the modest income levels, there is a strong sense of social cohesion among the villagers, evident in different communal activities. Most income is derived from individually managed lands, with some additional earnings.

The hamlet or village activities actively conducted are as follows: communal working to build houses, cleaning the village way, cleaning the village, community association gathering, and neighborhood association for the young generation. The profit sharing can be 70 % for the workers and 30 % for owners. In terms of cattle, the owner gets 50 % with the caretaker. (Research, interview with the head of Hamlet on January 30^th, 2021)

In addition, the village society bounding model is still very strong. Communal activities in society and religion are still well maintained and developed. It means that the economic levels do not influence the social bounding of the society whose occupation is the farmer.

3.2. Social construction of kentongan as disaster risk reduction in highland java

The village of Sidoharjo is part of the Samigaluh sub-district and District of Kulonprogo, a Special Region of Yogyakarta. In this land, people have long known Kentongan as an instrument made of wood or bamboo, often hung from the ceiling of the front part of a house to signify specific circumstances. Furthermore, certain buildings have Kentongan installed in each room. This indicates that it remains a customary instrument employed by the community to indicate communal activities, death, and potential dangers. This social phenomenon demonstrates that the functions and practical values have been deeply ingrained in society's collective knowledge. The shared awareness of its purpose has transformed it into an objective fact.

Consequently, Kentongan is a communication tool facilitating tele-social interactions within the community. Despite the rapid advancement of technology, society continues to use the instrument to communicate among its members. In this context, Kentongan has transcended its role as a mere communication tool and has become an integral part of Javanese identity, perpetually evolving and preserved. The processes involved in cultural inheritance are continuously tested in terms of viability [30]. This is closely linked to the environmental structures that have shaped and influenced the maintenance of the culture. From a theoretical perspective, Kentongan remains a cultural identity provided the surrounding society strongly supports it.

In teams of religion, the architectural elements found in the old mosques of Java exhibit features such as the Bedug and Kentongan, which are rhythmically struck during designated periods. These percussions serve as a call to prayer known as Adzan, symbolizing the principles of Islam. Furthermore, the Menara Kudus Mosque in Central Java, constructed in the 16th century under the guidance of Sunan Kudus, possesses a prominent Kentongan at its pinnacle. This instrument is struck multiple times to signify the commencement of prayer for Muslims. Beyond the religious significance, Kentongan holds additional symbolic values to communicate the status of an individual within society to the surrounding community. The interpretation of these signals depends on the specific number of beats employed. After hearing the resonating sound, others within the vicinity replicate the same auditory pattern, creating an impression of interconnectedness between different locations.

Even though social cohesion remains strong, not all families reside in the village. Some young men seek employment outside of Java, such as in rubber plantations in Sumatera (Source: Research, interview with Mr. Kiswandi in Wonogiri Sidoharjo Samigaluh on Thursday, December 24th, 2020). Furthermore, Kentongan serves an additional religious function to signal the designated prayer times for Muslims, which occur five times a day. In every mosque, the instrument is struck to mark the beginning of each prayer time.

Besides using the signal in particular circumstances, Kentongan is also employed to signal the five times-praying times before the azan. During the COVID-19 pandemic, people beat Kentongan every night hourly (Research, Interview with Mr. Supangat and Mrs. Jumiriyah on Thursday, December 24^th, 2020).

The instrument is also utilized to announce the commencement of communal gatherings. This is indicated by a specific rhythmic pattern of two sets of "tung-tung, tung-tung, tung-tung." These gatherings encompass a variety of activities such as hamlet meetings, traditional lotteries, communal work projects, and others. Fig. 3 shows the head of the hamlet beats the kentongan to have communal activity.

Fig. 3.

The head of Hamlet beats Kentongan as a sign to have communal activity.

Furthermore, the beating is also employed to gather individuals for the annual ritual of village cleaning, which takes place during the Sapar month of the Javanese Calendar, and this ritual serves multiple purposes. It expresses gratitude towards the blessings bestowed on the community by a higher power, encompassing elements such as nature and good fortune. The ritual is intended to seek divine protection from misfortune while fostering prosperity among the people.

In addition, Kentongan also serves as a vital tool for the communal security basecamp, known as "Cangkruk" in Javanese (shown in Fig. 4). This basecamp functions as an environment security hub, where individuals take turns assuming the role of security agents weekly. From a social perspective, Kentongan's placement within the security base camp fosters social solidarity and strengthens the bond among individuals as members of society. It serves as a symbolic attachment that brings people together for various activities, including night security gatherings, community association meetings, hamlet and neighborhood gatherings, and communal work projects. In times of emergencies, such as a house fire, the instrument is struck continuously, without intervals, producing a distinct rhythmic pattern like "tung tung tung tung tung tung tung." Individuals in other locations hear the sound and respond by replicating the same rhythmic pattern. In addition to fostering social solidarity, Kentongan also cultivates social empathy.

Fig. 4.

Cangkruk (security home base to secure surroundings at night).

The members of society also beat Kentongan. The society members model how to use Kentongan, as shown in Fig. 5. It is beaten with specific sound patterns to notify and evoke a collective sense of mourning and support when there is news of a death in the community.

For example, when a child died, Kentongan would be beaten once “tung.” Adults would get twice of “tung-tung.” The eldest would get 3 times the beat of “tung-tung-tung”. (Research, Interview with Mr. Pujiyanto on Thursday, 24^th December 2020)

Kentongan has other functions, such as the design of a dangerous situation. For example, when a stranger come into the village, then Kentongan will be beaten 2-2 just like “tung-tung, tung-tung, tung-tung, tung-tung.” When the stranger has been caught, Kentongan will be beaten 3-3 just like “tung-tung-tung, tung-tung-tung, tung-tung-tung.” (Research, interviews with Mr. Kiswandi in Wonogiri Sidoharjo Samigaluh on Thursday, December 24^th, 2020).

Fig. 5.

One of the society members models the way to use Kentongan.

In addition, danger warnings are carried out by hitting Kentongan quickly and repeatedly until all members of the community come out and are aware of the danger.

If there is a crime, so it was hit with a titir tung-tung-tung-tung-tung-tung- … or hit once fast repeatedly (Research, Interview with Mr. Supangat and Mrs. Jumiriyah on Thursday, December 24^th, 2020).

This warning or danger sign is intended if there is a natural disaster, landslide, fire, or disturbing criminal act. The kentongan beating was stopped until all members of the community were alert to the danger. The beating was carried out in unison by a member of the community and another.

Based on the finding of the sound of Kentongan, people's knowledge is shown in Table 1.

Table 1.

People's knowledge of Kentongan.

Sound type	Function & aims	Practical values
Tung (beaten once)	Information about a kid who has died	Signaling the mourning for the dead
Tung-tung (beaten twice)	Information about an adult who has died	Signaling the mourning for the dead
Tung-tung-tung (beaten three times)	Information about the elder who has died	Signally, the mourning for the dead
Tung-tung, tung-tung, tung-tung, tung-tung (beaten twice repeatedly, sometimes at midnight).	When people find suspicious man	Safety alert
Tung-tung-tung, tung-tung-tung, tung-tung-tung, (beaten three times repeatedly)	When the suspicious one has been caught	Important Information for the public to gather (social communication/communal work).
Tung-tung-tung-tung-tung-tung-tung … (beaten without any stop).	Fire warning, landslide warning, theft warning	Safety alert

3.3. Social construction of kentongan as disaster risk reduction in education

The process of inheritance can be observed through the utilization of Kentongan as a means of daily communication. It is manifested in different artistic and performance forms, such as Ketoprak and Jatilan. The function of this instrument has been passed down through generations. Through socialization and internalization within families and society, Kentongan also serves as a vehicle for transmitting values of local wisdom, including the importance of communal work, empathy, and social solidarity.

Furthermore, cultural inheritance and local knowledge from the social construction of Kentongan can be done through education. The position of kentongan in education can occur in 3 ways, i.e., learning “about” kentongan, learning “through” kentongan, and learning “with” kentongan [31]. Learning about kentongan can be done in cultural arts subjects, skills, or integrated into other subjects. Kentongan material can be interesting, for example, discussing its types, how to make it, and how to use it in society as a means of communication, musical instruments, and warnings or danger signs.

As a material lesson on art and culture, students can be taught that Kentongan consists of two types, i.e., kentongan made from jackfruit trees and those made from bamboo trees. In addition, a big Kentongan, made from the tree of Jackfruit, should be placed at the head of the village's house. In contrast, a smaller wooden or bamboo Kentongan is also placed in the security home base. Concerning construction, Kentongan made from Jackfruit trees is relatively more intricate than wood or bamboo. Therefore, most of the kentongan owned by community members are kentongan made of bamboo. According to Mr. Supangat, and Mrs. Jumiriyah, “Here, every house has a lot. Most of them are bamboo, so they're easy to make. Just staying in the cut is ready-made” (Interview on Thursday, December 24th, 2020).

Kentongan from bamboo is more accessible, so how to make this kentongan can be taught to students in arts and culture subjects at school. So, how to make it? Kentongan can be made from bamboo by cutting it on both deer.

Kentongan is made from bamboo; we cut it into pieces, crusting them until we can see the segments to make a handle. We made a hole in it, then tested it by beating Kentongan until the ‘tung’ sound was produced. It is made from bamboo, then cut, leaving a little to be used as a handle. The middle is given a hole, and the sound is out. In the past, it was elders when making kentongan; the point was not to use size (Research, Interview Mr. Supangat, and Mrs. Jumiriyah on Thursday, December 24^th, 2020).

Making wooden kentongan can also be taught in schools, but it takes longer and costs more. Kentongan derived from wood requires a more expensive wood price and a more complicated manufacturing process. Hence, wooden kentongan are more valuable to the community and vulnerable to being lost to thieves. According to Mr. Pujiyanto, “Use bamboo because if you use wood, people will take it because there must be many who want it” (Research, Interview on Thursday, December 24th, 2020).

However, kentongan made of wood has many advantages. One of them is a soft shape and is not easily broken or durable. According to Mr. Kiswandi, “Kentongan punch makes the wood softer and does not break (Research, Interview on Thursday, December 24th, 2020). Furthermore, according to Mr. Pujiyanto, “When viewed for the long term, it is more durable to use wood. The wood comes from the Jackfruit tree” (Research, Interview on Thursday, December 24th, 2020).

However, making kentongan from wood can also be taught or just as knowledge on the subject of art and culture. Then, how to make kentongan derived from wood? According to Mr. Kiswandi, “It is more complicated, and easier to use bamboo. Using wood is more complicated because it must be cut first and then given holes. The process of making it is longer” (Research, Interview on Thursday, December 24th, 2020). Beside that, according to Mr. Pujiyanto

From wood, we are starting from a cut tree. Then, adjust the size of the bag as desired. Previously, the wood was dried in the sun for further shaping. To make the wood soft. Making when using wood becomes longer. When the wood has been crusted, the next step is drying under the sun. The wood or bamboo is put in the water for 3 days and placed under the sun. (Research, Interview on Thursday, December 24^th, 2020).

Furthermore, learn "with" and "through" kentongan is a learning activity that utilizes kentongan to be integrated in learning. One example used kentongan on learning mathematics is to learn geometry material at school, or as a context in learning [32].

In addition, local knowledge from kentongan can also be used in the Indonesian language (Bahasa) or other materials. The material can be in the form of knowledge about disaster mitigation or the use of kentongan in the local community. Of course, this will provide knowledge for students, as cultural inheritance, as well as bring students a sense of pride in their culture.

4. Discussion

Kentongan is still popular among the people of Wonogiri Sidoharjo Village, a sub-district of Samigaluh, in the District of Kulonprogo, Yogyakarta. Furthermore, it has become a telecommunication tool among people. The sound is used to signal a dangerous circumstance, communal working, and even death. Some people, such as Jatilan and Ketoprak, use Kentongan as art tools. In the realm of religion, individuals utilize the tool to indicate both the times of prayer and suhoor which refers to the pre-dawn meal consumed during the fasting month of Ramadhan. The quantity of beats produced by the instrument varies, as there is no standardized or widely accepted number.

Additionally, the smaller version of Kentongan serves as a means of supporting traditional art forms, such as Jatilan and Ketoprak. The instrument has assumed the role of a societal symbol and representation of identity. The conception of local society's knowledge is known as the objectification process [23]. The acceptance and adherence to rules, values, knowledge, and culture within a society can be understood as a collective agreement. However, objectification is significantly influenced by the level of externalization or individuals' interpretations of other cultures introduced into their social environment. This consideration plays a crucial role in determining whether the society and its members uphold longstanding cultural values or are inclined towards embracing new influences from external sources. In essence, preserving cultures and values primarily hinges on the pivotal interplay between individuals and society since these autonomous elements mutually shape and influence each other.

In Bali, Indonesia, the equivalent of Kentongan is known as Kulkul, which serves as a communication tool among people in the Banjar. Beyond signaling gatherings, it also indicates communal work activities and summons individuals for sacred ritualistic ceremonies. Similar to the Javanese Kentongan, Kulkul is employed to convey information regarding natural conditions and potential hazards.

Traditional communication tools such as the tele-marker are employed in various countries to facilitate the exchange of information. One example of this can be observed in the village of Antia, situated on the island of Evia in Greece, adjacent to the Aegean Sea. Due to its isolated location, Google Maps is inaccessible in this area. Nestled amidst the slopes and ravines of Ochi Mountain, local inhabitants have developed a unique communication method within the Antia community through whistling. This whistled language has been used for an estimated 2500 years, known as "Sfyria." Most villagers are shepherds and farmers, with the tradition of whistle communication being passed down from generation to generation. This communication method serves as a medium for summoning and signaling in various circumstances (as reported in "Greece Whistle Language Is Disappearing" - BBC News Indonesia, January 11th, 2020).

Socio-cultural development of Kentongan for sustainable education entails the appreciation of cultural heritage, active engagement with local communities, promotion of environmental sustainability, facilitation of communication and collaboration, and integration of appropriate technologies. By incorporating Kentongan into educational practices, schools can establish an inclusive, culturally diverse, and environmentally conscious learning environment.

Kentongan is one of the cultural aspects attached to the individual identity, group, or community. In the theoretical framework, the cultural part of the individual and social environment is face-to-face and influences each other to form the society's knowledge or social construction [23]. According to theoretical principles, each individual plays a role in forming society, while society shapes the individual. This interplay between the two entities is characterized by dialogical interaction. Additionally, society can be regarded as a product of human activity, emerging from the externalization of observable phenomena that undergo processes of habituation and cultivation [33]. Therefore, humans are autonomous individuals who keep developing reality with their social knowledge through subjectivity [34]. Society can be understood as the outcome of an individual's actions. The elements contribute to the development of society's social construct through the dialectic of externalization, objectivity, and internalization.

In addition to encompassing diverse cultural dimensions, the Indonesian populace tends to exhibit a communal nature, which leads them to regard culture as a cohesive entity comprised of shared beliefs, faith, actions, and symbols. These symbols serve as unifying elements, fostering a collective identity and shaping distinct societal perspectives and ways of life [35]. Based on this understanding, a unity of values, practices, and symbols is integrated into the culture, which becomes society's perspective and way of life. The attribution of significance to these cultural symbols is often intertwined with the prevailing social conditions and traditions within a given society, exerting a profound influence on their interpretation. It is important to recognize that the meaning and symbolism of these cultural elements do not exist in isolation, but rather mutually shape and critically impact one another [36]. According to Ref. [25], cultural symbolization will always be intersected, crossed, and connected with the development of human history and the supporting society inherited from one generation to the next. The symbolization is then used to communicate, enlighten, and continuously develop knowledge of a particular society. That is why the symbols in particular cultures would be sustainably developed and interpreted, harmonizing with the times' development [25].

5. Conclusion

In conclusion, the processes of people's local knowledge in Wonogiri Sidoharjo Samigaluh were built through long historical processes, focusing on the function of Kentongan with cultural symbols. This explanation was under the conception of Geertz [25], where the processes of cultural symbolization applied by every society always intersected with the supporting society's history of development. Inheritance was not simply determined since there was a process of mutual influence between individuals and society. This involved a critical dialogue where individuals and society influence each other with autonomous roles in shaping and inheriting cultures. Additionally, the process of cultural inheritance was influenced by the level of empathy and societal solidarity, which played a vital role in supporting the development of culture.

The finding also developed the theoretical conception from Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann [23] regarding the influences in objectification and internalization of cultural social values as the autonomous agents to form cultures. The development of this finding involved several steps. Firstly, there was the process of externalization, where cultural and social values from outside sources were assimilated. Individuals and society engaged in symbol interpretation to make sense of these values. After this process was completed, society proceeded with the objectification of the developed cultural values. Finally, the internalization process occurred, incorporating these values into society's individual and collective consciousness. These explanations reinforce the theoretical framework put forth by Ref. [27]. Every society that wishes to maintain its cultural identity must engage in symbol interpretation to ensure the culture and symbols remain relevant in the modern era. In the context of Javanese Kentongan, values and cultural processes were subjected to a dialectical relationship with the surrounding social environment through critical dialogue. Furthermore, the findings align with the conceptions of Brown and de Gonzalez [35], where cultures with symbols serve to integrate and bind societies, shaping their perspectives and culture. At the practical level, Kentongan as a means of social communication was inherited from generation to generation.

6. Suggestion

This study suggests the need to conduct a further and in-depth analysis related to the development and maintenance of Javanese Kentongan. Cultural socialization always involves autonomous individuals bound to the citizen's social structure. Therefore, it becomes important to consider in depth the relationship of the dialogue between individuals and society's social structure concerning socialization and the internalization of cultural values. A comprehensive study on social change is necessary to thoroughly examine the way of life and social patterns in a given context. This study would help understand how social power and cultural values interact with and respond to the influence of various external cultures. On a practical level, it is important to develop Kentongan for local wisdom-based learning, particularly for farmers in mountainous areas. This can include incorporating Kentongan into educational practices for subjects like Mathematics and Natural Sciences. It is crucial to ensure that the concepts and methods used in teaching these subjects align with the character of the society's culture and local wisdom derived from their environment.

CRediT authorship contribution statement

Muhammad Iqbal Birsyada: Writing – original draft, Resources, Methodology, Data curation, Conceptualization. Niken Wahyu Utami: Writing – review & editing, Visualization, Validation, Supervision, Investigation, Formal analysis, Data curation, Conceptualization.

Declaration of competing interest

The authors declare the following financial interests/personal relationships which may be considered as potential competing interests. Niken Wahyu Utami reports administrative support was provided by Universitas PGRI Yogyakarta.

Appendix ASupplementary data

The following are the Supplementary data to this article: