Table 2.
Context of Migration and Mental Health Outcomes
| Authors, year | Context of migration | Migration flows | Key outcomes | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| From | To | |||
| Alvi and Zaidi, 2017 | Structural inequalities | India Sri Lanka Pakistan |
Canada | Limited social networks, cultural differences, lack of mobility, language difficulties, dependence on children, unfulfilled care expectations, and abuse at the hands of the family led to loneliness and isolation. Physiological decline was not identified as a significant factor. |
| Caidi et al., 2020 | Family reunification | China | Australia Canada |
Language barriers, unfamiliar environments, inaccessibility of services, declining health, diminished social networks, loss of autonomy, and higher cost of living all led to psychological distress. Coping strategies included seeking out co-ethnics and expanding the local network. |
| Chiu and Ho, 2020 | Family reunification | China | Singapore | Prioritizing future generations over oneself, time-consuming childcare duties, adapting to new environments and language, financial dependence, lack of social protection, discrimination, and loss of autonomy led to loneliness and isolation. |
| Chou, 2007 | Family reunification | Asian countries 44.7% western and developed countries 21.5% other countries 33.8% | Australia | General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-12) score deteriorated over a period of 1 year among older migrants. Family reunification migrants had better mental health than refugees but worse than skilled labor visa holders. Older migrants from developing nations, retirees, and women experienced higher psychological distress. |
| Dhillon and Humble, 2020 | Family reunification | India | Canada | Family reunification was found to have a positive impact on mental health. However, factors such as reliance on offspring, language barriers, and decreased social networks contributed to feelings of loneliness. |
| Girgis, 2020 | Structural inequalities | Egypt | United States | To manage daily stress migrants leveraged social capital, family support, religious organizations, and social services as part of problem-solving coping. Emotion-focused coping involved adherence to traditional gender roles and cognitive strategies like acceptance, mindfulness, and reminiscence. |
| Guo et al., 2019 | Family reunification | China | United States | Low income, poor health, dependence on family, weak social ties, and lack of health care access contributed to emotional distress and depression. Family support and social ties confounded the effect of age at migration on depression. |
| Hamilton et al., 2021 | Family reunification | China Nepal Vietnam |
Australia | Language barriers, cultural differences in childrearing practices, inaccessible health care, intense childcare duties, dependence on adult children, and financial concerns caused psychological distress. Community engagement promoted emotional well-being. |
| Karacan, 2020 | Lifestyle migrants | Germany | Turkey | Despite social and economic advantages, migrants felt vulnerable due to limited familial support, fears about obtaining residence permits, limited access to public health care, and bureaucratic hurdles caused by the legal regulations of the two nation-states. |
| Lai and McDonald, 1995 | Sponsored migrants | Hong Kong or mainland China | Canada | Both genders valued financial adequacy, social support, personal control, and psychological/physical health. Men specifically valued activity levels, while women also emphasized the length of residency in Canada, English proficiency, and self-perceived health. |
| Lee et al., 1996 | Not stated | Korea | United States | Too much or too little contact with children was harmful, and infrequent contact with friends raised depressive symptom risk. Emotional support from family was crucial to mental health. |
| Montayre et al., 2017 | Family reunification | Philippines | New Zealand | Immigrants were optimistic about adapting to new ways of life but faced challenges such as language barriers, navigating the health care system, cultural differences, and negative attitudes from hospital staff. |
| Mullins and Tucker, 1992 | Lifestyle migrants | Canada | United States | Living alone was linked to emotional isolation in English Canadians, while this association was moderated by age, gender, and self-rated health in French Canadians. French Canadians with fewer children and English Canadians with fewer friends reported higher levels of isolation. |
| Park and Kim, 2013 | Family reunification | Korea | New Zealand | Social isolation and depression resulted from language barriers, limited social life, lack of access to social welfare, decreased family support, and abuse or neglect. Gender served as a protective factor for women. |
| Ron, 2007 | Did not want to stay in USSR | USSR | Israel | Older immigrants had significantly higher scores on measures of depression, hopelessness, and suicide ideation compared to veterans. |
| Sah et al., 2018 | Lifestyle migrants | Nepal | United Kingdom | The absence of family, language barriers, limited mobility, housing issues, illness, fear of death, separation from children, and financial struggles led to emotional distress. |
| Sepulveda et al., 2016 | Family reunification | African, Asian, Spanish, Middle Eastern, European, Pacific Island and Maori | Australia | Caring for grandchildren provided a sense of purpose, but exhausting childcare duties, conflicts over childrearing, and limited access to legal and immigration advice led to social isolation. |
| Serafica and Reyes, 2019 | Family reunification | Philippine | United States | Caregiving, losing a sense of agency, authority, and confidence because of language issues, dependence on children for mobility, and diminished social networks all negatively affected the quality of life. |
| Stewart et al., 2011 | Family reunification | Chinese, Afro-Caribbean, former Yugoslavian, and Spanish-speaking immigrant seniors | Canada | Loss of social networks, harsh climate, family conflict, dependence on family, language, and cultural barriers, exhausting childcare responsibilities, inaccessibility of governmental services, and homesickness led to social isolation and loneliness. |
| Treas and Mazumdar, 2002 | Family reunification | Korea, Mexico, Taiwan, Iran, Egypt, Jordan, Pakistan, and Vietnam | United States | Partner loss, reduced socialization, language barriers, demanding caregiving duties, changing family dynamics, and reliance on kin for mobility led to loneliness and social isolation. Presence of partner, co-ethnics, and involvement in local organization activities protected against negative outcomes. |
| Treas, 2008 | Family reunification | Bangladesh, Cambodia, Cuba, El Salvador, Egypt, Iran, Japan, Jordan, Korea, Mexico, Pakistan, Philippines, Spain, Taiwan, and Vietnam | United States | Appreciation for better facilities in the United States did not mitigate the longing for the homeland. Concerns faced included loss of authority in their children’s house and the pressure for housekeeping and childrearing. |