Navigating the Intersection of Race, Gender, and Nursing: Voices of Black Canadian Male Nurses

ABSTRACT

Studies into the experiences of Black nurses in Canada's healthcare system provide policymakers with a deeper understanding into designing policies and practice guidelines to best support equity and diversity. With male nurses making up 9% of the nursing population in Canada, there remains a paucity of studies into their experiences and significantly less for Black male nurses (BMNs). The World Health Organization's call for more nurses means an increase in Internationally Educated and Canadian‐born BMNs who will experience sociocultural stereotypes and biases that underpin nursing practices. BMNs are left to navigate intersections of race and gender power relations within nursing. Remaining invisible and voiceless within nursing literature, and discriminated against in the workplace culture, this study uses an exploratory qualitative approach to understand the experiences of six BMNs working in the Greater Toronto Area and the strategies they use to navigate the intersections of race and gender that sustain the negative stereotypes and tropes of the Black man. The findings disclose the need for policymakers, nursing administrators, and organizations to co‐create policies that support dynamically tailored mentorship programs and practice guidelines when dismantling anti‐Black racism and promote inclusivity and a sense of belonging.

1. Background

Growing research into the experiences of Black nurses working within Canada's healthcare system has provided insight into nursing and workplace policies, practices, and guidelines for healthcare administrators and nursing organizations (Jefferies et al. 2022; Prendergast et al. 2024; Domey and Patsiurko 2024; The Government of Canada 2022; Statistics Canada, 2024). As a female‐dominated profession, studies into the systemic and structural barriers Black nurses face due to anti‐Black racism primarily focused on Black female nurses, resulting in the invisibility of the experiences of Black male nurses (BMNs) that remain significantly different (Kalemba 2020; Prendergast et al. 2024; Registered Nurses' Association of Ontario [RNAO] 2022). With Black people making up 4% of the population in Canada, and the steady increase in studies investigating the challenges Black nurses encounter within nursing, BMNs are underrepresented in research, and the multiple intersecting complex issues they experience remain invisible and normalized within the Canadian nursing profession (Achora 2016; Jefferies et al. 2022; Kalemba 2020).

The trope of the “Tough Black man,” also often referred to as “The Mandingo,” continues to influence how BMNs are perceived and treated (James 2024; National Museum of African American History & Culture n.d.; Shimizu 1999). Popularized from the movie “Mandingo,” the term defines a sociocultural perspective of viewing Black males as sexual deviants who behave ferally and brut‐like (National Museum of African American History & Culture n.d.; Shimizu 1999). These stereotypes and biases toward Black men remain a major sociocultural factor within Canadian society. They are mirrored within its healthcare system, showing lasting negative implications on their mental health and well‐being (Public Health Agency of Canada 2020). BMNs lack representation and role modeling within nursing leadership that provides support and mentorship for career development (Grant, Cary, Jones et al. 2025). For this reason, resources and policies fail to consider the sociohistorical barriers that Black males continually encounter when working within the culture of the healthcare system. They often develop a fear of speaking out and advocating for themselves (Filut et al. 2020). In a qualitative study, Joseph‐Salisbury (2019) interviewed 28, Black mixed‐race young men educated in the UK and the US and found that the intersection of race and masculinity played a significant role in how they were perceived and treated. These perceptions and assumptions are also experienced by BMNs, which generates ongoing double consciousness among BMNs working in a White‐female‐dominated profession (Du Bois 1903). For BMNs, this affects their health and well‐being (Brathwaite et al. 2022).

In 2021, the Canadian Nurses Association (CNA) reported significant growth of male nurses representing 9% of the nursing population in Canada. According to Smiley et al. (2023), in the United States, there has been an increase in male nurses from 8% to 11% since 2015. Nevertheless, there continues to be a plethora of nursing studies that focus on nursing as a congruent group and therefore contribute to the paucity of studies into the numerous barriers that BMNs face within a White‐female‐dominated profession (Barrett‐Landau and Henle 2014; Kalemba 2020). Common barriers identified in the literature tend to discuss the relegation of male nurses into heavy labor‐intensive nursing positions such as long‐term care facilities and high‐security mental health units and issues of sexual discrimination (Chang and Jeong 2021; Twomey and Meadus 2016). But the lack of research into the experiences of BMNs working within a White‐female‐dominated profession is sparse and unable to adequately inform policymakers and healthcare administrators of their needs when designing policies and best practice guidelines (Oudshoorn 2020; Agarwal et al. 2024).

The stereotypes and biases toward Black men remain a major sociocultural factor in Canadian society. They are mirrored within its healthcare system, showing lasting negative implications on their mental health and well‐being (Public Health Agency of Canada 2020). The purpose of this study is to explore how Black men who are nurses navigate the intersection of race, gender, and nursing within a White‐female‐dominated profession while experiencing alienation and feelings of inadequacy. With the workplace reflecting negative stereotypes and biases about the Black man, there is an urgency to dismantle anti‐Black racism by co‐creating appropriate resources that will support career development and mentorship programs when recruiting and retaining Black men as nurses who can significantly contribute to Canada's healthcare system.

2. Theoretical Framework

Intersectionality theory provides an integrative understanding of the complex dynamics of race and gender within structural and systemic contexts (Crenshaw 1989; Collins‐Anderson et al. 2022; Williams et al. 2024). According to Collins and Bilge (2020), intersectionality is an analytical tool that can critically explore multiple interlocking power relations within race, class, economics, and gender. Intersectionality can further conceptualize the experiences of BMNs working in a healthcare system where race and gender operate invisibly because of Whiteness (Jefferies et al. 2022; Patel 2022).

Intersectionality originated as a framework to describe the overlapping oppressions faced by Black women, it is now commonly used to understand the unjust treatment and misrepresentation of various marginalized groups, including Black men within the judicial and educational system. With nursing being a dominant feminized space, the works of Hooks (2000) and Collins (2004) support Semu's work on the intersecting experiences of Black women in white spaces (Semu 2020). The lack of studies of BMNs in these dominant feminized spaces calls for intersectionality as a critical analytical tool to identify sociopolitical power relations and adverse consequences they have on the experiences of BMNs (Collins and Bilge 2020; Collins 2004). For this reason, intersectionality can unravel sociocultural factors such as implicit biases and stereotypes that may be masked by neoliberal practices (Collins and Bilge 2020). Collins and Bilge further insist that intersectionality is not static but fluid and therefore capable of identifying changing social categories over time and the obscurity of social realities. Intersectionality offers a suitable framework to observe the invisibility of anti‐Black racism and interrogate other overlapping issues that are cultivated within Canada's healthcare system (Jefferies et al. 2022; Prendergast et al. 2024; Registered Nurses' Association of Ontario [RNAO] 2022; Williams et al. 2024). For example, Black boys and men are disproportionately affected by negative stereotypes socially constructed against them (James 2024; Joseph‐Salisbury 2019; Griffith and Cornish 2018). Therefore, Intersectionality is deemed a relevant and suitable analytical tool that can disrupt existing social dynamics within a historical and sociopolitical context (Crenshaw 1989; Collins and Bilge 2020).

3. Methodology

A descriptive qualitative design was chosen to allow a deeper exploration of the sociopolitical structures that shape the experiences of Black nurses. Guided by a critical qualitative inquiry approach (Denzin 2017), we drew on methods that enabled us to center the voices of BMNs and interrogate their experiences within a White‐female‐dominated profession. Such an approach to inquiry serves as a powerful medium for highlighting the ways systems of power work intersect with racism and whiteness to impact the experiences of BMNs and the strategies used by BMNs to resist structures of oppression and navigate professional nurses' spaces. As Wojnicka and Nowicka (2023) argued, “treating narrations on racism on face value and plead for carefully analyzing the extent to which individual narrations align with political agendas and normative discourses within the research contexts” (p.1). This ensures researchers recognize and avoid reinforcing stereotypical stories while presenting counter‐narratives that challenge structures of oppression.

3.1. Recruitment and Data Collection

After receiving ethics approval from the Toronto Metropolitan University Research Ethics Board, digital posters about the study were created and shared across nursing associations and organizations' online platforms and an email listserv. We purposely recruited and interviewed 6 BMNs from the Greater Toronto Area (GTA). Given that nursing is a high‐gender profession where males account for 9% of the total, and BMNs account for less, we were aiming to recruit 12 male nurses. We circulated the flyer widely on social media and via nursing groups, organizations, and hospitals within the GTA. We also used snowballing by asking nurses of all genders to share our flier with BMNs they may know. Despite our recruitment efforts, only 10 nurses expressed interest in participating. However, three dropped out for no reason, and one did not meet the criteria due to not having a license to practice in Canada, although had experience working in Canada's healthcare system in a non‐nursing role. The final number of Black male participants was 6, which according to Guest and colleagues (2006), a sample size of six participants can be adequate for generating insight about a phenomenon. Data collection was supported by a semi‐structured guide and conducted virtually over the Zoom platform with a unique meeting link for each participant. The use of virtual interviewing platforms, such as Zoom, allows flexibility in accommodating participants with scheduling constraints (Irani 2018; Keen et al. 2022.). Following COVID 19, Smith et al. (2022) support the use of online interviews as being equally effective as in person and can accommodate the participants' preference of time and location. Interviews were guided by an overarching question facilitating a deeper exploration of their experiences, challenges, supports, and triumphs within nursing practice. A copy of the interview guide has been attached as supporting material. As part of the interview question guide, we initially asked participants to share their experiences of working in a dominated female profession as nursing and their encounters with anti‐Black racism in the nursing profession. We subsequently used the following probing questions to delve deeper into their experiences. A copy of the interview guide has been attached as supporting material. All interviews were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. The six participants in the study self‐identified their race as Black of African descent, gender as men and biologically male. When asked about their sexual orientation, they stated they were heterosexual. They each defined their pronouns as he and him, and all worked within the GTA and held at minimum a Bachelor of Science degree in Nursing. Two of the participants worked at the bedside, two in management and one in the community. However, one participant chose not to identify their age range, education level or their nursing position within the demographic guideline.

3.2. Data Analysis

We conducted both inductive and deductive thematic analysis, guided by the framework of intersectionality, to better understand the experiences of Black men in nursing. Because some of the themes arose from the data, some were situated by intersectionality which provided a powerful framework for understanding and analyzing the overlapping issues affecting Black nurses as they relate to race, gender, and power dynamics (Clemons 2019; Patterson et al. 2016; Keen et al. 2022). Following the completion of the transcription, all the transcripts were exported to the NVivo version 14 to ensure better organization and management of the data coding. Drawing on Braun and Clark's (2006) six stages of thematic analysis, we started by reading each transcript multiple times to gain a complete sense of the data. N.P., P.B., and J.S. read each transcript independently and generated codes. The three then met to discuss and refine the codes. Subsequently, the codes were applied to each transcript to highlight statements that capture the BMNs' experiences as supported by the theoretical framework guiding this study. We categorized the codes into groups based on the analytic ideas emerging from the data. We further grouped the categories into themes and labeled them. The three coders met to discuss the emerging thematic categorization and shared our insight with the entire research team for input. Subsequently, we identified quotes that captured the essence and meaning of each theme, ensuring that our interpretations remained firmly grounded in the data.

3.3. Trustworthiness

Trustworthiness was maintained throughout the study by following the principles of trustworthiness including credibility, dependability, and confirmability (Maher et al. 2018). The study meets credibility criteria by delving into the realities of each participant. Note‐taking and audio recordings allowed researchers to capture the statements of participants and seek clarification if needed to ensure their experiences were captured accurately. The study's dependability is demonstrated using audit trails. Audit trails give readers an understanding of decisions made by researchers such as choices for methodology and theoretical frameworks (Nowell et al. 2017). To maintain an audit trail, researchers kept various records including interview transcripts, participant interview notes, and team meeting notes focused on reflective practice. In maintaining reflective practice throughout the research process, the research team acknowledged their position as Black researchers and identified their biases and assumptions to ensure these factors did not interfere with the research process or data analysis, thus maintaining the confirmability of the study.

3.4. Ethical Considerations

Ethics board approval detailing methods and design was gained before conducting the study (REB: 2024‐018) from Toronto Metropolitan University. Measures were taken for study practices to be in accordance with ethical standards such as minimizing risk, ongoing informed consent, and confidentiality. The researchers anticipated the potential for negative emotional states that could occur as they recounted their past experiences. To minimize harm during or after interviews, participants were reminded of their ability to withdraw consent at any time, stop or pause the interview, and/or utilize the list of free counseling services sent to them via email. Additionally, there was a potential fallout from sharing specific negative events. This was mitigated by maintaining anonymity in published works and redacting identifiable names, places, or facts mentioned. Furthermore, audio recordings, transcriptions, forms, written material, and email correspondence were managed on password‐protected platforms.

The principal investigator and research assistants involved in this study identified as Black individuals, and recognized their personal lived experiences could influence their judgment during all stages of research. According to Galdas (2017) and Yarborough (2021), awareness and self‐reflection of values and beliefs can aid in maintaining an objective viewpoint, mitigating researcher bias. To this effect, the researchers engaged in detailing their values, assumptions, and emotions through an iterative review of their journaling as a means of minimizing the risk of researcher bias. Additionally, participant interactions were standardized from recruitment to interviews and audio transcriptions.

4. Findings

The analysis yielded four key themes which were (1) Feelings of alienation, (2) Perceived as emotionally unavailable, (3) Part of the Norm, and (4) Feeling inadequate.

4.1. Feelings of Alienation

The participants in this study all entered nursing with expectations of working in the healthcare system where their passion for people and service would be a safe and welcoming space. BMN2 captures this when he says,

I love science and everything, but the people aspect of nursing is what kept me in it. It's about making a small difference like remembering something small the patient has told me and putting it into practice. Just being that bridge for the patient, reminding them they're not just a patient but a person in the healthcare system. I wanted to do my best to help that person realize their healthcare goals without forgetting who they are.

Therefore, they perceived nursing as the ideal profession, according to BMN4, who felt “nursing was an amazing profession to be able to do that sort of benevolent work of healing people and being with people during their illness and their suffering.” However, they shared that several factors created a cold and chilly climate which they encountered through attitudes, behaviors and responses they faced in the workplace regularly. BMN2 states,

When they see me, there's a bit of a shock, they don't expect to see me in that role. So just wrapping their heads around seeing me there in general. I've noticed there's a bit of an aversion. Sometimes people want to switch nurses. Their guard is up, that's definitely challenging.

For BMN2, the facial shock was followed by a response by which the participants had to navigate through their shock of feeling alienated and out of place and a desire to be accepted and would compensate for the feelings of alienation by mindful positive affirmations. BMN5 describes this as

Sometimes I've gone into the room, and I was like, oh my God, I wish I was a White guy right now. Because if I was, this patient would treat me differently. The only rewarding thing is being seen as different and unique. People are surprised to see you.

The shock and blank stares had personal tolls on the participants resulting in feelings of insecurities and triggering of past traumas. Additionally, feelings of exclusion and inequality expressed by the need to be a white guy created an additional emotional burden while navigating and performing their everyday duties as nurses. These made them question their abilities, competencies, and desire for another identity, as BMN4 shares,

I felt maybe it was my own insecurity. Because there was such a lack of Black male nurses, if a person is questioning you or questioning your judgment, you wonder if that person sees you as competent…You don't know this, or I'm questioning what you're saying, because you're Black. I really want to be fair, and not make it seem like people were questioning me because I was Black. But because of my experience growing up, I wondered if this person was questioning my competence because I was Black.

The stereotypes of the Black man were visible within the workplace as how BMN2 describes,

It's just stereotypical. I'm a Black male nurse, young, with locks. There's that stereotype out there, It's not a good one so when you see the same characteristics out in the healthcare field and in nursing particularly, as a male nurse it kind of throws people off.

For BMN3, the stereotypes of the Black man were obvious in the unpredictable attitudes they encountered in the work environment. At times people were friendly, and this was soon followed by what BMN2 described as a stone face.

I had a mild interaction prior. You can just see the change in demeanor going from friendly, or trying to be friendly to that stone face. Questioning who you are and where you're going. And what are you doing in this area right now?

BMN6 alludes to BMN2's statement by sharing,

I know how they interact. Why is there a difference in how you interact with me, and how you interact with everyone else? And it's not that I've had the opportunity to leave an impression because if I'm just walking in the room and you're already tense, you're already saying, who are you and what do you want? When it's someone else, you're like, “oh, hi, how are you doing today?” It's just not an equal reaction.

BMNs felt alienated within their identity as a Black man in a White‐female‐dominated profession and the workplace spaces with which they shared with colleagues, and patients. BMN2 describes “how there were some days where I just didn't want to come back to work.” The feeling of alienation created a gulf in their nursing experience and a compelling desire to be accepted, as BMN2 describes,

And if we can get to a place where they just accept that I'm their nurse, we can move past any challenges. But it definitely is usually a challenge because it does come with that shock value of, oh, you're here, and, then it's them having to make peace with the fact that I'm not going anywhere and going forward with nursing care.

BMN5's solution was to detach himself from the everyday experiences of feeling alienated, by

I've gotten used to it whereby all I tell myself is, ‘I'm only here for 12 h, I just have to deal with it, I'm going to go home very soon, this is just a job, do not get emotional about it’. But sometimes it gets to you. And you break down emotionally. You just get stronger with what people say…Sometimes patients call us names and you ask yourself is it worth the conversation or just letting go. Half of the time, I just let it go because I'm not gonna let the patient ruin my mood and put me in a very deep emotional state.

The act of letting go while silently suffering emotionally was often misinterpreted and perceived as not emotionally available.

4.2. Perceived as Emotionally Unavailable

The perception that BMNs were emotionally unavailable was shared by most of the participants, who found themselves “having to do more and more” (BMN2). BMN2 describes that “often, it's sometimes things that may not be in line with who you are, but you're kind of doing it just so you can find some type of connection.” Their efforts to gain connection or relationship came with a cost. BMN4 describes how “I was a lot more aware of my insecurity, and my feelings of Do I belong here? Am I intelligent enough? Am I being perceived as intelligent? Or do you just look at me as some young Black guy?” The stereotype of being some young Black guy, weighed heavily on how they were judged and perceived as nurses and within the healthcare system. BMN5 states,

The drawback of being Black male nurse is, it is very easy to get into trouble. I've seen it, right in front of me whereby, if patients wanted to make a complaint about something that was not done, right, all the patients have to say is, ‘oh, it was a Black male nurse’. They didn't even call me by my name. It's just, addressing me by my gender and my race.

Being described by their gender and race was a typical way of dehumanizing them and ignoring their ability to be emotionally affected. Racial and sexist comments toward them were commonly encountered, and to mitigate the emotional effect, BMNs had to intentionally respond in ways that would protect themselves because “they tend not to believe you. It could be because of your gender, and it's because of your race” (BMN5). BMN3 shares how,

I've had clients in the emergency department as well who've expressed racial slurs towards me like, “oh, I want to fight that Black guy” a lot of N words here and there. So, it's something I would say I've gotten used to and accepted as part of the role of being a nurse. It's not something you react to, but you want to reciprocate the energy in a positive way.

Therefore, for the participants the perception that they were emotionally unavailable was based on implicit biases that they met daily and which had lasting impacts on their health and well‐being, while trying to have “that communication, empathy, being able to communicate and just be there for the family under pressure” (BMN6).

4.3. It's the Norm

Systemic racism and sexism were normalized within nursing and working in the healthcare system, which BMNs had to acclimatize to. BMN5 states

The anxiety of dealing with certain people who might not like you because of your skin color is the anxiety of people not taking you seriously as well. But it's something [you] have to get used to because it is the norm.

The normal practices of systemic racism extended beyond BMNs but were also evident in the care of Black patients. Therefore, BMNs played an important role 1‐in dismantling the norm as advocates. BMN6 shares that

I have learned to advocate for my patients a lot more. For example, I once had a patient with sickle cell who was already on pain meds, but they were not adequate enough. And I told the doctor, and the doctor said, ‘Oh, no, no, they're already on pain meds’ But because I have this positive relationship with them [doctors], I was able to advocate for my patient. I said, ‘No, you can look at the blood pressure. You can look at the heart rate, they have physical signs that they are still in excruciating pain'. Using this relationship, I was able to help my patient more.

Despite BMN6's relationship with the doctor providing a positive outcome, his concern lay in the reality that,

They [doctors] are understanding and willing to help but the fact that I have to push them shouldn't be the case. It should be something that they already understand because they've gone to school and research is out there to show the pain that occurs.

The lack of awareness around pain management for Black people with sickle cell created another layer of responsibility on the BMNs to speak out and advocate for Black patients and their families, which BMN1 describes as “I have to be a change agent in some way or the other. And I cannot, at every point in time, just shy away from it.” BMN1 shared that he also needed a “community of support around myself, to support myself with people who have the same understanding of Black male nurses. That's how I've been able to cope.”

BMNs play an intrinsic role in supporting Black professionals and Black patients, the negative stereotypes within society were equally central and obvious within healthcare. BMN3, a younger nurse, had additional stereotypes that were marked by his appearance as a BMN. He shares

I feel like there's a lot of stereotypes in healthcare, one is that it's a female‐dominated profession. When you come in as a male nurse, you can see glances and glares like, oh, this is not my nurse… On top of that, being a Black male nurse with locks and tattoos, you kind of get the cold shoulder at first. You can tell just by first impression, people are stunned or shocked.

The stereotypes surrounding locks and tattoos became challenges for BMNs, and BMN6 felt that for BMNs, there was less leniency and consideration given to them within the norms of nursing and healthcare spaces. He adds that

I would see nurses from other backgrounds and races and also seniority have a lot more leniency with what they can say, do and what actions they take. They're not scrutinized as much.

The notion of being scrutinized lay heavily within the policing of Black men, a common phenomenon in society. This created a fear of speaking out which was not readily experienced by other races and gender‐identities. Therefore, BMNs were often hypervigilant of the negative consequences that would occur if they spoke out. As a result, remaining silent created feelings of a sense of inadequacy especially in a White‐female dominated profession that excluded their voices, experiences, and needs.

4.4. Feeling Inadequate

Feelings of inadequacies were cultivated from the cultural working environment they were exposed to. As BMNs, the BMN3 described that “there is no perception of Black male nurses just because they're so underrepresented so, there's not much to go off of.” He continues to say that “being a Black male nurse, I feel like there's a lot more expectations of me to prove my worth in a way because obviously Black male nurses are underrepresented … and I feel like there's that perception…”. BMN5 alludes to the fact that the lack of representation of BMNs in leadership had a profound impact on how the BMN was perceived and treated. Nursing leadership excluded BMNs and contributed to them being undermined or assumed as inadequate. BMN5 shares how,

I've had family in the past that have told me, I'm no good, get your manager, or supervisor, because they didn't believe what I said. I've had family in the past whereby I have given adequate health teaching, but they didn't believe what I said. They have to get teaching from somebody else as well. And it just made me feel like, is it because of my race, because somebody else that is superior than me, told you the exact same thing, but you believe them

The undermining of the BMN was further influenced by some families asking for someone in a superior position which corresponded to the leadership space being a White space devoid of a Black presence. To preserve their dignity, the participants echoed how they channeled their efforts of resistance into perfecting their knowledge to prove their competence to others, but also to themselves. BMN4 states that “despite the fact that I'm Black, we also belong here and making sure that I was competent enough to prove that. I guess, a sense of having to prove myself or show up as competent.”

Feeling inadequate also came with the fear of losing their profession if they spoke out. BMN5 describes

Being in a nursing profession, if somebody says this kind of thing to you, you can't say anything, you just have keep your calm because if you say anything, and you lose your professionalism, the blame is gonna be on the nurses, rather than the patient, because you get reported to the licensing board saying that this person is very unprofessional. So that is one of the challenges I've seen in this profession being a Black male nurse

For the participants, BMN6 shares that “instead of me dealing with the issues, I have to get someone who I know won't get in trouble.” The fear of getting in trouble was a common factor of BMNs being silent. The issue of getting in trouble was not just associated with their gender identity but more so with their race, as BMN6 explains,

A lot of the White male nurses I know just make comments, mostly ignorant in a certain type of way, and it's not all White male nurses. But a lot of them will say stuff that you just stop, and you look like did you really just say that out loud? If a Black male nurse says the same thing, they will be reported to the manager immediately. So they get away with saying things that I just find so inappropriate and wrong for work settings, while the Black male nurses, even though there's the stereotype that they're the aggressive loud ones, they are the ones that keep their head down, just try to do their work. without any competition or trouble.

The participants concluded that “Nursing is for sure, it's a female‐dominated profession. And I feel like this has significantly influenced my practice, especially when it comes to how I interact with patients” (BMN6). Being silent became a protective mechanism from existing sociocultural factors in nursing that impact how they are perceived and treated within the workplace.

5. Discussion

This study is situated within the everyday experiences of BMNs, demonstrating the intersecting layers of the social isolation and alienation that BMNs find within the White female‐dominated profession (Grant, Cary, Glymph et al. 2025; Grant, Cary, Jones et al. 2025; Kalemba 2020). The body of nursing research often focuses on nurses as a homogenous group, paying minimal attention to the barriers and challenges that BMNs encounter due to their race and gender (Grant, Cary, Glymph et al. 2025, Grant, Cary, Jones et al. 2025). The lack of literature on BMN reflects a bleak similarity to sociocultural stereotypes embedded within society, resulting in BMNs having to navigate the intersecting layers of race, gender, and nurse identity within the terrain of whiteness and the feminization of nursing as a profession. Made to doubt their abilities by being underrepresented within leadership and lacking mentorship support and role modeling, they become invisible, unfavorably labeled by society and by their profession (Kalemba 2020; Patterson et al. 2023; Robinson 2021; Tucker 2021).

BMNs often experience a sense of alienation within the nursing profession and workplace environment. Feelings of alienation derive from the historical and structural framework that nursing operates from. For instance, a study by Twomey and Meadus (2016) showed altruism and autonomy were significant attractions for men entering nursing as a profession, however, persistent barriers caused by sociocultural stereotypes about men were visible within nursing. These stereotypes included a lack of representation of them in the media and being pipelined into physically intensive positions (Twomey and Meadus 2016). Their findings were supported by Caputo and Ross's (2023) recent integrative review on male nurses, which emphasized the need for male mentorship and addressed gendered references that further isolated male nurses. In our study, BMNs encountered more intensive stereotypes than their White male counterparts that are deeply ingrained in the current Canadian sociohistorical context. These stereotypes view a Black man, regardless of their profession, status, and attitude, as a violent, aggressive criminal (Collins 2004). James' (2024) study identified the severity of being marked as violent and aggressive while working in a caring and compassionate profession had severe repercussions on their health and well‐being and was often the cause of severe depression.

Feelings of alienation were commonly buffered by three intentional actions BMNs would take. They were (1) self‐affirmation, (2) seeking out men's representation in leadership, and (3) overachievement in their role as a Black male nurse. Self‐affirmation was an effective means to safeguard them from the visible alienation they felt (Agarwal et al. 2024; Griffith and Cornish 2018). They used self‐affirmation as a mantra helped to mitigate feelings of alienation. According to James (2024) and Barrett‐Landau and Henle (2014), male stereotypes within nursing would cast doubt on their suitability in a female‐gendered profession. However, James (2024) also found in their study on racialized gendered beliefs that the stereotype of the Tough Black Man at times operated as a self‐affirmation, demonstrating resilience from the social and racial aggressions they faced.

For BMNs, the relevance of proving oneself garnered within the works of Connell's hegemonic masculinity that explicates the various forms of gender hierarchies that are culturally located (1987, 1995). For this reason, seeking out male representation in leadership was another way they navigated and validated their identity within nursing as Black and male nurses (Chang and Jeong 2021; James 2024; Kalemba 2020). This validation resonated with the Black female nurses in the study by Prendergast et al. (2024). Griffith and Cornish (2018) associate the social and cultural roles men play with the notion of masculinity (2018), whereas Jefferies and colleagues associate Black nurses generally with the underrepresentation of Black nurses with the layers of discrimination they face throughout the healthcare system. Likewise, the lack of Black representation was evident to the male nurses. BMN2 states that “there's definitely not a lot of representation in [leadership]. Because I don't even think I've seen a Black doctor at this hospital.” For BMNs, the lack of representation often was associated with them being perceived as not caring due to societal negative stereotypes of being violent and aggressive, which contributed to negative mental health consequences and personal perceptions within the participants (Robinson‐Perez 2024; Smith et al. 2007). In a study by Bass and Alston (2018) looking at the psychological implications of internalized race and gender beliefs, Black men were not considered as caring. This belief conflicted with the participants' values and beliefs which contributed to influential role models in their lives that were nurses, namely, female figures (Patterson et al. 2023; Robinson 2021). They often found themselves caught between the lack of BMNs in leadership and being labeled as effeminate because they were nurses devoid of entering leadership spaces (Kalemba 2020; Ng et al. 2024; Sasa 2019). BMN1 shares that “when we talk about the nursing profession or caring, they expect that it can only be given by a female. Care is not something that a male can do, I'm really passionate about this, I understand what caring is.”

Essentializing BMNs as emotionally unavailable was misinterpreted as being socially disconnected (Young 2021). Young refers to being socially disconnected as a protective strategy from disciplinary measures. According to Kalemba (2020), the distancing of themselves was also tied to them wanting to be dissociated with feminine traits, and intentionally trying to preserve their masculine identity. However, Griffith and Cornish (2018) argued that Black men defined how their masculinity identity conflicted with stereotypes and biases of social norms, which promoted a false narrative of the Black man as aggressive and violent. Therefore, societal depictions of Black men create further complex layers of identities that contribute to their invisibility and fear of speaking out (James 2024; Williams et al. 2023). Consequently, they intensely desired male representation and role models in leadership positions, and being perceived as emotionally unavailable were assumptions that were socially constructed and lived out sacredly among female nurses and patients who, BMN3 states, “when I tell them, I'm the nurse, they're kind of taken aback.” Despite their experiences, the participants shared that they are fully aware of their feelings (Young 2021).

The focus on overachievement was a result of what the participants felt in the form of unfair treatment they encountered within a dominant female profession. Rajacich et al. (2014), in their study on work satisfaction among male Registered nurses, found a close correlation with male nurses wanting to leave nursing due to gender mistreatment. Feeling inadequate and the need to atone by overcompensating behaviors, Prendergast and colleagues (2024), also found that Black nurses were constantly made to feel devalued, which led to them measuring their value with their colleagues. Racolţa‐Paina and Irini (2021) argue that Generation Z is the most connected and educated generation, and for this reason, they tend to be more vocal than previous generations. This was evident by BMN3, a younger participant who felt that within his generation, things were moving “in a positive way just because I don't feel like there's any barriers people have to fight against to make myself feel heard.” (Aggarwal et al. 2022; Racolţa‐Paina and Irini 2021). Although this was not the sentiment of others, it could be assumed that with further research and opportunities given to address the needs of BMNs, they may become further vocal in sharing their experiences, whereas the fear of speaking out has been the outcome of sociocultural factors. Despite the negative stereotypes of Black men that continue to be perpetuated within nursing and cultural practices in the workplace, they continue to display a passion for serving and advocating for their patients and fellow health professionals, while navigating through the multiple intersections of race, gender, and identities within nursing.

6. Implications

The invisibility caused by anti‐Black racism produces a fear of speaking out because of the possible consequences posed by the trope of the Black man (National Museum of African American History & Culture n.d.). According to Prendergast and others (2024), anti‐Black racism remains pervasive within nursing, and studies by the RNAO's Black Nurses' Taskforce (Registered Nurses' Association of Ontario [RNAO] 2022) show the lasting impact anti‐Black racism has on the well‐being of Black nurses. The implications of this preliminary study demonstrate the need to address the importance of further studies that can assist with the World Health Organization's (2020) call for the recruitment and retention of nurses, especially BMNs. Through critical reflection, the study identified several implications

• The need to revisit existing policies and best practice guidelines may reflect the unique needs and experiences of BMNs working in Canada.

• Co‐create policies and best practice guidelines that work to dismantle anti‐Black racism.

• Involve BMNs in decision‐making positions, such as leadership and management to diminish the silencing of their voices.

• A need for dynamically tailored resources with the potential to enhance career development and provide mentoring support.

• Develop training and workshops that can inform healthcare administrators on the experiences of BMNs who work in a White‐female dominated profession such as nursing.

• Identify and disrupt sociocultural factors such as stereotypes and biases against BMNs that are normalized within healthcare.

• The use of inclusive terms within nursing can assist in defeminizing the profession and promote inclusivity among administrators, colleagues, patients, and their families.

7. Limitations

This study provided an overview of the barriers BMNs encounter while working in Canada's Healthcare system. However, there is a need for further studies in this area due to the limitations of this study. Recognizing the lack of race‐based data in Canada, and specifically regarding statistics of BMNs, six participants are not a significant representation of the experiences of BMNs within Canada. Additionally, the participants were within the GTA; therefore, this was not reflective of the cultural dynamics among other provinces within Canada. Although the study primarily focused on BMNs currently working in the GTA, it did not identify the experiences of Canadian‐born BMNs compared to that of Black Internationally Educated Nurses (IENs) from the Caribbean, Africa, and other places, whose experiences may be significantly different or similar.

The use of intersectionality provided insight into power dynamics and layers of oppression, but the study did not use a masculinity framework to shed further light from a male, hegemonic masculinity perspective. Because the study was conducted online, we acknowledge the limitations faced when addressing the working times of the participants, who often worked unpredictable shifts and in long‐term care facilities. Much of the literature on Black men's experiences, including those in nursing, has been shaped by research from the United States. However, Canada has its unique manifestations of anti‐Black racism, which can influence the experiences of Black men in nursing and other professions. It remains crucial to consider the differences between the United States and Canada when conducting research or engaging in discussions about anti‐Black racism and its adverse effects on Black men in nursing.

8. Conclusion

This study contributes to the growing body of studies on anti‐Black racism within nursing and Canada's healthcare system. With nursing being the largest employed sector in healthcare and studies during COVID‐19 showing the poor health outcomes among Black communities, this study will provide further insights on co‐creating policies and best practice guidelines to support BMNs. As six BMNs demonstrate their shared experiences and how they navigate the intersections of race, gender, and nursing, policymakers and nursing leaders can gain an understanding of designing and dynamically tailoring critical mentorship programs and career development strategies that will yield positive results. Furthermore, the findings of this study will provide valuable insights for educators, policymakers, and nursing organizations on effective strategies to promote the integration of Black men into the nursing profession.

Ethics Statement

Ethics approval was granted by the Toronto Metropolitan University Ethics Board.

1. Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

Supporting information

Attached_file__Supplemental‐Information‐Interview‐Guideline.

Data Availability Statement

The authors have nothing to report.