Parental rearing styles and adolescent self-esteem: the mediating roles of body image

Abstract

Purpose

This study aims to investigate how different parental rearing styles (i.e., maternal and paternal) influence adolescent self-esteem, with specific emphasis on the mediating roles of body satisfaction and body attractiveness as core dimensions of body image.

Methodology

A cross-sectional survey design was employed using a sample of 2,806 elementary school students aged 6 to 13 from two schools. Validated scales measured maternal and paternal rearing styles, body satisfaction, body attractiveness, and self-esteem. Pearson correlation analyses and path modeling were conducted to determine the direct and indirect effects of rearing styles on adolescent self-esteem, focusing on the multiple mediation pathways via body image dimensions.

Findings

Results indicate that maternal rearing styles directly enhance self-esteem while also exerting positive indirect effects through improved body satisfaction and body attractiveness. In contrast, paternal rearing styles predominantly influence self-esteem indirectly through body satisfaction, without showing direct effects on body attractiveness or self-esteem. Further analysis confirms that both body satisfaction and body attractiveness jointly mediate the impact of parental rearing styles on adolescents’ self-esteem, revealing a multifaceted mediating mechanism.

Implications

These findings underscore the importance of adopting nurturing, autonomy-supportive parenting strategies—especially maternal emotional warmth—to strengthen adolescents’ body image and foster a healthier sense of self-worth. Educators, parents, and policymakers can leverage these insights to design family-focused interventions and school programs that promote positive body image, ultimately contributing to adolescents’ psychological well-being. By emphasizing both maternal and paternal roles, stakeholders can more effectively safeguard and enhance adolescent self-esteem within diverse cultural contexts.

Adolescents’ self-esteem develops within a dense family ecology, and parental rearing style—the blend of warmth, guidance, and control—remains a central influence [1, 2]. Beyond behavioral regulation, parenting conveys emotional and value-laden messages that shape how young people judge their worth. Warm, autonomy-supportive practices typically strengthen self-concept, whereas harsh, neglectful, or overprotective styles erode it [3].

As self-awareness accelerates in puberty, body image becomes a pivotal mediator between parenting and self-esteem. Body image encompasses evaluations of appearance, bodily functions, and the social comparisons that accompany them [4]. Heightened sensitivity to peer feedback and digital ideals renders adolescents especially vulnerable: a positive body image enhances self-evaluation, whereas body dissatisfaction predicts self-derogation and disordered eating [5, 6].

Empirical work links rearing style to body-image quality. Emotional warmth and reasonable guidance foster acceptance of bodily changes, thereby elevating self-esteem; in contrast, parental criticism or over-protection predicts negative body image and lower self-worth [7, 8]. Importantly, parenting is not monolithic. Fathers and mothers differ in interaction patterns, affective tone, and value transmission [9]. While maternal behaviors exert powerful influence throughout childhood, fathers gain salience in early adolescence—promoting independence, rule awareness, and a sense of competence that bolsters self-identity [4, 10].

Two theoretical lenses clarify these links. Social comparison theory posits that adolescents gauge their bodies against peers and internalized cultural ideals; supportive parenting can buffer these comparisons, whereas critical parenting amplifies them [11]. Self-concept theory further suggests that global self-esteem integrates appearance-related self-appraisals with perceived abilities and character [12]. Within the family, specific parenting practices therefore reinforce or destabilize adolescents’ physical self-representations.

Integrating these perspectives, scholars now advocate a holistic, dynamic model that interweaves rearing style, body image, and self-esteem while distinguishing paternal from maternal pathways [8, 13]. Such differentiation enables finer-grained insight into how fathers and mothers shape adolescents’ functional versus aesthetic body perceptions and, in turn, global self-worth.

In sum, teasing apart paternal and maternal rearing styles and positioning body image as a mediator offers both theoretical precision and practical leverage. Interventions that help parents balance discipline with emotional investment—while providing developmentally sensitive, body-positive feedback—may protect and enhance adolescents’ self-esteem during this critical life stage.

Theoretical foundations

Adolescents’ self-esteem develops within a nested system in which broad parenting practices are filtered through appearance-specific interactions, internal psychological processes, and sociocultural comparisons. Below we expand on the four complementary frameworks that together justify the parenting → body image → self-esteem mediation pathway.

Family systems theory

Family systems theory views the family as a self-regulating unit: changes in one member or subsystem reverberate throughout the whole [14]. Global parenting styles—warmth, rejection, over-protection—set the “emotional temperature” of the home. Warm, differentiation-based climates (i.e., parents remain emotionally connected yet respect adolescents’ autonomy) predict lower conflict around food, exercise, and appearance [15]. In contrast, climates marked by hostility or anxious over-control foster appearance-based power struggles, such as coercing a child to diet or shaming “sloppy” clothing, which initiate body dissatisfaction.

Role complementarity is central: fathers tend to police function (strength, performance), whereas mothers monitor appearance and sociability more often. Longitudinal evidence shows paternal warmth predicts later body-functionality appreciation, while maternal warmth predicts appearance satisfaction [7]. When both parents provide coherent messages, adolescents internalize a stable, positive body schema; conflicting messages undermine schema consolidation and invite self-doubt.

Objectification & internalization theory

Objectification theory [16] posits that repeated external evaluation socializes youth—especially girls—to view their bodies “from the outside,” engaging in self-objectification and body surveillance. Recent adolescent data show that parental sexual/appearance objectification directly elevates body surveillance, which in turn predicts lower self-esteem via heightened shame [16]. Parental overprotection can paradoxically amplify surveillance by conveying that “your body is fragile and must be controlled,” whereas warmth curbs objectification by emphasizing body functionality [17]. Thus, a harsh or overprotective climate fosters an internalized objectifying gaze, erecting a psychologically plausible bridge from parenting to body image.

Social comparison & Self-Concept frameworks

Adolescents constantly compare their appearance with peers and idealized media. Parents act as “comparison gatekeepers.” Warm, autonomy-supportive parents reframe comparisons toward intrapersonal growth, buffering media-driven appearance ranking. Rejecting or appearance-critical parents heighten external comparisons, magnifying body dissatisfaction [18].

At the same time, self-concept theory asserts that body-related self-beliefs are nested within a hierarchical self-system. When parents validate body functionality and intrinsic worth, adolescents assimilate those beliefs, broadening global self-esteem. Conversely, chronic comparison and conditional acceptance embed appearance-contingent self-worth, making self-esteem vulnerable to inevitable deviations from the ideal [19]. In this way, social comparison processes amplify or attenuate the impact of appearance-specific parenting on body image but—consistent with reviewer feedback—operate alongside emotional-regulatory and objectification mechanisms.

Impact of parental rearing style on Self-Esteem

A growing body of research situates parental rearing style at the center of adolescents’ global self-evaluations. Contemporary models depict parenting as a multidimensional climate that blends emotional warmth, behavioral guidance, and autonomy support [3]. Warm, structured environments promote secure internal working models of self, whereas harsh, inconsistent, or over-protective climates erode perceived worth [20]. Below, we integrate recent evidence to clarify how specific parental dimensions relate to self-esteem and why distinguishing fathers from mothers and functionality-based from appearance-based body image advances the field.

Differences and influences of paternal and maternal rearing styles

Systematic reviews now emphasize role differentiation: mothers remain primary emotional caregivers, while fathers increasingly shape competence and independence [21]. Maternal warmth predicts enhanced socio-emotional adjustment through frequent validation of feelings and appearance [4]. Paternal warmth, by contrast, forecasts academic self-efficacy and self-esteem through mastery-orientated feedback—particularly on sports and problem-solving tasks [20]. These patterns suggest that adolescents internalize distinct maternal and paternal schemas, each feeding into their global self-worth.

Gender-Role differences in parental rearing styles

Parental gender roles guide the tone and content of feedback adolescents receive about their bodies and abilities. Mothers often provide nuanced appearance commentary embedded in emotional support, whereas fathers deliver functionality-centered praise [20]. Longitudinal work shows maternal appearance approval predicts later body attractiveness esteem, while paternal sport encouragement predicts body satisfaction rooted in strength and stamina [20]. Recognizing these gendered messaging channels clarifies inconsistencies in earlier studies that treated parenting as a unitary construct.

Interactive effects of parental rearing styles on Self-Esteem

Family systems theory argues that adolescents process maternal and paternal cues within a holistic emotional climate [13]. Meta-analytic evidence demonstrates that convergent warmth and structure from both parents amplify self-esteem, whereas discordant styles (e.g., warm mother/harsh father) undermine it [22]. These interactive effects underscore the necessity of examining dyadic combinations of rearing styles rather than isolated parental influences.

The mediating role of body image

Adolescence is characterized by intensified appearance scrutiny and pubertal changes, making body image a key conduit between parenting and self-esteem [5]. Recent bifactor analyses advocate separating body image into body satisfaction (confidence in bodily functions) and body attractiveness (appearance evaluation) for finer prediction of psychological outcomes [20]. Functionality pride aligns with competence-based praise—often paternal—while attractiveness esteem aligns with appearance feedback—often maternal [20]. Disentangling these facets helps explain why some studies find strong parenting effects on self-esteem while others report modest links.

Relationship between parental rearing styles and body image

Warm parenting mitigates the internalization of unrealistic ideals by promoting self-acceptance and balanced media use [18]. Conversely, parental teasing or appearance-based control increases body surveillance and dissatisfaction [8]. Fathers’ emphasis on performance and strength can bolster functional body pride when delivered with warmth; however, harsh evaluative comments about weight or fitness may particularly damage boys’ developing self-concept [20]. Mothers’ critical appearance remarks predict higher body dissatisfaction in girls, yet supportive appearance guidance during puberty protects against appearance-related social comparison [23]. These nuanced effects highlight the importance of specifying which parenting behaviors confer risk or protection for body image.

Body image as a mediator between parental rearing styles and Self-Esteem

Causal-chain models reveal that body satisfaction and body attractiveness esteem partially transmit the effects of parenting on self-esteem. Simulation work indicates that these indirect effects, though small, are reliable [24], underscoring the need for large, culturally diverse samples. Academic and filial expectations intersect with appearance norms in collectivist societies, producing unique mediation patterns [18]. For example, paternal autonomy support has been shown to improve Chinese middle-schoolers’ self-esteem via body-functionality pride, independent of maternal warmth effects [18]. Such findings endorse a dual-mediator framework that can isolate father-linked functionality routes and mother-linked attractiveness routes.

The current study

Guided by family-systems theory and recent evidence on parental differentiation, the present research examines how maternal rearing style and paternal rearing style influence adolescents’ global self-esteem via two distinct facets of body image—body satisfaction and body attractiveness. To provide a clear analytical roadmap, we advance four directional hypotheses:

H₁ (Direct effects). Maternal and paternal rearing styles will each show a positive predict adolescent self-esteem.

H₂ (Parent to Body-image). Maternal and paternal rearing styles will each predict body satisfaction and body attractiveness.

H₃ (Body-image to Self-esteem). Higher body satisfaction and higher body attractiveness will each relate positively to self-esteem.

H₄ (Mediation). Body satisfaction and body attractiveness will jointly mediate the associations between each parental rearing style and self-esteem.

By testing this streamlined model in a large Chinese childhood sample, the study isolates parent-specific and body-facet–specific mechanisms—addressing gaps in prior work that either collapsed father and mother influences or treated body image as a single construct.

Research methods and data collection

The research was conducted accordance with the principles stated in the Declaration of Helsinki for experiments involving humans. After the researcher was given approval from the presidents of the three primary school in southwest China (2024, Oct 18), and a Research Ethics Review Committee in China (2024-48; 2024, Oct 27), a written parental consent form was sent to the president via email to share with potential participants. This consent form provided a description of the study’s goals, data collection procedures, potential participation risks, and the researcher’s contact information (i.e., telephone and email). The research completed between Oct 30, 2024, and Nov 3, 2024.

Participants

The study was conducted in two public elementary schools in a central province of China. Homeroom teachers acted as liaisons, first giving a brief, age-appropriate presentation to their classes that covered the study’s purpose (“to understand students’ everyday feelings and attitudes”), the voluntary nature of participation, and the confidentiality of responses. Each student then received a parental informed-consent form to bring home. Only students who returned the form signed by a parent or legal guardian were eligible to participate. No material incentives were offered.

A total of 2,886 students were initially surveyed during a scheduled after-class activity period. Data were collected using paper-and-pencil questionnaires administered in classrooms; 2,806 valid protocols were retained (valid rate = 97.2%). Participants ranged in age from 6 to 13 years (M = 10.47, SD = 1.19); 1,455 were boys (51.9%) and 1,351 were girls (48.1%).

Because the project formed part of a school-wide mental-health screening initiative mandated by the local education authority, all eligible pupils were invited, resulting in a large convenience sample. Consequently, no a priori power analysis was conducted. Nevertheless, the final sample (N = 2,806) substantially exceeds the minimum of 462 participants required to detect small indirect effects in mediation models with 0.80 power [24], ensuring adequate statistical sensitivity.

Measures

Parental rearing style was assessed with the s-EMBU-C questionnaire, revised by Jiang and colleagues [25] from the original s-EMBU. The instrument comprises 21 items divided into three dimensions: parental rejection (6 items), parental emotional warmth (7 items), and parental overprotection (8 items). Responses are recorded on a 4-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (“Never”) to 4 (“Always”). In this study, Cronbach’s α for the total scale was 0.823.

Self-esteem was measured using the Chinese version of the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES) [26]. The RSES contains 10 items rated on a 5-point scale (1 = “Strongly disagree,” 5 = “Strongly agree”); higher scores denote greater global self-esteem. The scale showed good internal consistency in the present sample (Cronbach’s α = 0.88).

Body image was measured with the Body Image States Scale (BISS) [27]. Although originally validated as unidimensional, follow-up studies with early adolescents have replicated a two-factor solution—body satisfaction (items 1, 2, 3, 5) and body attractiveness (items 4, 6)—that aligns with functional versus aesthetic evaluations [20]. This bifactor structure fit our pilot confirmatory factor analysis well (CFI = 0.93, RMSEA = 0.06); internal reliabilities were satisfactory (Cronbach’s α_satisfaction = 0.83; Cronbach’s α_attractiveness = 0.79).

Data analysis

Harman’s single-factor test indicated no significant common-method bias: the first factor accounted for 21.107% of the variance before rotation and 9.148% after rotation, both well below the 40% threshold. Descriptive statistics and correlation analyses were subsequently computed for the primary variables. An indirect-effect model was then estimated in Mplus 7.0, and mediating effects were tested with the Bootstrap method [28].

Results

Descriptive statistics and correlation analysis

Pearson correlation analyses were conducted among maternal rearing style, paternal rearing style, body satisfaction, body attractiveness, and self-esteem. The results are presented in Table 1. As shown in Table 1, maternal and paternal rearing styles were both significantly positively correlated with body satisfaction and body attractiveness, as well as with self-esteem. Body satisfaction and body attractiveness were significantly positively correlated with each other and with self-esteem.

Table 1.

Descriptive statistics and correlation analysis results for each variable (n = 2806)

Variable	M ± SD	1	2	3	4
1. Maternal Rearing Style	2.166 ± 0.303
2. Paternal Rearing Style	2.257 ± 0.292	0.722**
3. Body Satisfaction	6.054 ± 1.368	0.124**	0.038*
4. Body Attractiveness	6.001 ± 1.172	0.151**	0.083**	0.791**
5. Self-Esteem	3.045 ± 0.405	0.177**	0.104**	0.485**	0.446**

Note: *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01

Testing the mediating effects of body satisfaction and body attractiveness in the relationship between maternal and paternal rearing styles and self-esteem

Based on the hypotheses, a path model was employed to examine the mediating effects of body satisfaction and body attractiveness in the relationship between maternal and paternal rearing styles and adolescents’ self-esteem. In the direct effect model, to avoid Type I errors, a correlated path was established between maternal and paternal rearing styles. The direct effect model was saturated, with χ² = 0.000, CFI = 1.000, TLI = 1.000, RMSEA = 0.000, SRMR = 0.000. Path analysis of the model revealed that both maternal and paternal rearing styles could positively predict self-esteem (β = 0.136, p < 0.001). In the direct effect model, maternal and paternal rearing styles accounted for 3.3% of the variance in self-esteem (R² = 0.033).

Next, building upon the direct effect model, body satisfaction and body attractiveness were added as mediators between maternal and paternal rearing styles and self-esteem, establishing the final indirect effect model (Fig. 1). Testing the model in Fig. 1 revealed that the indirect effect model was also saturated, with χ² = 0.000, CFI = 1.000, TLI = 1.000, RMSEA = 0.000, SRMR = 0.000. Examination of the path coefficients and their significance showed that maternal rearing style could positively predict both body satisfaction and body attractiveness (β = 0.173, p < 0.001; β = 0.012, p = 0.061), while paternal rearing style could negatively predict body satisfaction (β = -0.096, p < 0.001). Body satisfaction had a significant positive predictive effect on body attractiveness (β = 0.377, p < 0.001) and on self-esteem (β = 0.262, p < 0.001), and body attractiveness also significantly positively predicted self-esteem (β = 0.287, p < 0.001). These results indicate that maternal rearing style can indirectly positively predict self-esteem through both body satisfaction and body attractiveness, and additionally, can positively predict self-esteem through a multiple mediation path involving both body satisfaction and body attractiveness. In the indirect effect model, maternal rearing style, body satisfaction, and body attractiveness accounted for 25.8% of the variance in self-esteem (R² = 0.258).

Fig. 1.

Mediating model of body satisfaction and body attractiveness between maternal and paternal rearing styles and self-esteem. Note: *p < 0.05, **p < 0.001

Subsequently, the study employed Bias-corrected Bootstrap tests to examine the significance of the aforementioned mediating paths, as shown in Table 2. According to Table 2, all indirect paths had 95% confidence intervals that did not include zero, further confirming the presence of mediation effects.

Table 2.

Bootstrap test results for the mediating paths from maternal and paternal rearing styles to self-esteem

Path	Effect Value	95% Confidence Interval
Paternal Rearing Style → Body Satisfaction → Self-Esteem	-0.025	[-0.037, -0.013]
Paternal Rearing Style → Body Attractiveness → Self-Esteem	0.004	[0.001, 0.007]
Paternal Rearing Style → Body Satisfaction → Body Attractiveness → Self-Esteem	-0.008	[-0.014, -0.004]
Total Indirect Effect of Paternal Rearing Style on Self-Esteem	-0.030	[-0.046, -0.014]
Maternal Rearing Style → Body Satisfaction → Self-Esteem	0.045	[0.033, 0.058]
Maternal Rearing Style → Body Attractiveness → Self-Esteem	0.004	[0.001, 0.007]
Maternal Rearing Style → Body Satisfaction → Body Attractiveness → Self-Esteem	0.015	[0.010, 0.022]
Total Indirect Effect of Maternal Rearing Style on Self-Esteem	0.063	[0.048, 0.078]

Discussion

This study investigated how maternal and paternal rearing styles contribute to adolescent self-esteem via two body-image facets—body satisfaction and body attractiveness. Focusing on Chinese adolescent adds culturally distinctive evidence to a field still dominated by Western, mid-adolescent samples. Below, we enrich the interpretation of our key findings while maintaining the original discussion structure.

Direct and indirect effects of maternal rearing styles

Mothers’ warmth directly predicted self-esteem through both body-image facets, echoing attachment-security models [20]. Chinese children often quoted maternal remarks about both appearance (“That”) and health (“Eat vegetables to grow strong”). Harter argues that such multidomain validation helps adolescent integrate physical self-concept into global self-worth [29]; our data provide empirical support in a collectivist culture where overt self-praise is discouraged yet maternal endorsement is highly trusted.

Indirect effects of paternal rearing styles

Paternal warmth predicted self-esteem only through body satisfaction. Beyond traditional masculinity scripts, fathers described encouraging outdoor play and celebrating endurance milestones (e.g., finishing a 5 km school run). Festinger found that such functionality praise increases adolescent’s interoceptive confidence, subsequently predicting higher self-esteem [11]; our indirect effects corroborate this mechanism. Conversely, paternal rejection dampened body satisfaction, supporting the claim that competence-based self-worth is vulnerable to harsh evaluative feedback [30].

Interactive effects within the family system

Consistent with Bronfenbrenner’s ecological-systems theory [13], convergent warmth from both parents amplified each indirect path, accounting for a substantial proportion of the variance in self-esteem—clearly surpassing the influence of either parent alone. Pinquart likewise report that parental concordance buffers Chinese adolescents against stress, indicating that coherent family climates furnish a secure base for physical self-development [22]. In contrast, inconsistent dyads (e.g., a warm mother paired with a harsh father) weakened the paternal pathway, suggesting that conflicting scripts about functionality undercut adolescent’s bodily-efficacy narratives.

The mediating role of body image

To streamline the discussion, we note simply that body satisfaction refers to “how my body works,” whereas body attractiveness refers to “how my body looks” [17]. Our model clarifies how parenting messages are internalized. First, there is a process of sequential reinforcement that links warm parenting to increasing self-esteem. Warm parenting initiates positive body appraisals: peer approval then consolidates them, producing upward self-esteem spirals [18]. Second, the model reveals a pattern of differential sensitivity in how adolescents internalize parental messages. Functionality pride explained the greater share of the paternal influence on self-esteem, whereas it accounted for less than half of the maternal influence; body attractiveness contributed only a modest additional effect for mothers. This pattern implies that fathers’ impact is more specialized, while mothers exert a multiplex influence that integrates competence and appearance signals. Third, cultural nuance plays an important moderating role in these parent–child dynamics. Academic achievement is paramount in Chinese primary schools; functionality praise (e.g., stamina in school sports) therefore resonates more strongly than appearance praise at this stage [23]. Accordingly, attractiveness scores were moderate and largely gender-neutral—unlike Western samples where gender gaps surface earlier [31]. Last, the results carry several practical implications for parent-training programmes. Programs aiming to elevate adolescent self-esteem should encourage fathers to verbalize functional compliments (“You were really strong in PE today”) and help mothers balance appearance advice with functional language (“That outfit lets you move freely”). Such dual messaging could strengthen both body-image routes.

Limitations and future research

This study primarily collected samples from a single region with a relatively homogeneous cultural background, making it difficult to ensure external validity across other regions, different socioeconomic statuses, or multicultural environments. Future research should consider conducting multi-site or cross-cultural sampling to examine whether the relationships among parental rearing styles, body image, and self-esteem are consistent or vary across different cultural contexts. Additionally, although this study distinguished between paternal and maternal rearing styles, it did not delve deeply into the specific dimensions of rearing (such as emotional warmth, disciplinary and control strategies, and value transmission) and their differentiated effects. Future studies could further explore the interactive effects of parental role division and family interaction patterns from a family systems theory perspective, considering the impacts of “parental consistency” or “parental differences” on the sustained influence of adolescent self-esteem and body image.

Implications

The findings of this study highlight the pivotal role of maternal rearing styles in both directly and indirectly enhancing adolescent self-esteem through improvements in body satisfaction and body attractiveness, while paternal rearing styles primarily influence self-esteem indirectly via body satisfaction. These insights suggest that parenting programs should prioritize fostering emotional warmth and support from mothers to promote positive body image and self-esteem in adolescents. Additionally, interventions aimed at fathers should focus on encouraging behaviors that enhance their children’s body satisfaction and physical confidence. Educators and mental health professionals can utilize these findings to develop targeted strategies that address family dynamics and body image issues, thereby supporting the psychological well-being of adolescents. Policymakers should consider these differentiated parental influences when designing family-centered mental health initiatives, ensuring that both maternal and paternal contributions are leveraged to effectively support the development of self-esteem in youth.

Conclusion

This study, based on empirical examination of adolescent groups, focused on the mechanisms through which parental rearing styles influence self-esteem, incorporating body image (specifically body satisfaction and body attractiveness) into the mediating model for testing. The results indicate that maternal rearing styles not only directly enhance adolescents’ self-esteem levels but also exert indirect effects by simultaneously improving body satisfaction and body attractiveness. Paternal rearing styles primarily influence children’s self-esteem indirectly through enhancing body satisfaction, without showing significant direct effects on body attractiveness or self-esteem. Furthermore, both body satisfaction and body attractiveness play crucial “bridging” roles in the relationship between parental rearing styles and adolescent self-esteem.

In summary, this study further confirms the central role of parental rearing styles in shaping adolescent self-esteem and highlights the mediating value of body image as a psychological variable. By integrating perspectives from family systems theory and social comparison theory, this paper not only reveals the multifaceted pathways through which parental rearing influences body image and self-esteem but also provides specific insights for family education and interventions aimed at promoting adolescent mental health.

Author contributions

Conceptualization, data analysis, writing, methods, and visualization, SH; writing, review and editing, WZ. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

No specific funding was obtained from public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors for the current study.

Data availability

Data is provided within the manuscript or supplementary information files.

Declarations

Ethical considerations and consent to participate

This study followed the principles stated in the Declaration of Helsinki for human subjects research. After obtaining approval from the Research Ethics Review Committee (2024-48) at Teachers College, Chengdu University, a written parental consent form was emailed to the school presidents to share with potential participants. In compliance with ethical guidelines, informed consent was obtained from the parents or legal guardians of all participants under the age of 16. The consent form explained the study’s objectives, data collection procedures, possible risks, and provided the researcher’s contact information (telephone and email).

Consent for publication

Not Applicable.

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.