The experience of Cultural Stress in the School System among Puerto Rican Hurricane Maria migrant families

Abstract

Hurricane María prompted a large-scale migration from Puerto Rico to the United States. Among other changes, this entailed a disruption to youths’ education and necessitated navigating a new educational system. While prior research indicates that school environments are important influences on migrant adolescents’ behavioral health, the specific mechanisms of this influence remain underexplored. Guided by cultural stress theory, we conducted qualitative interviews with Puerto Rican adolescents and parents (N=76) displaced to Florida by Hurricane María to explore how cultural stress manifests in the school context. The findings highlight three significant axes of interaction within the school context: language stress for youth and parents, peer relationships, and parental involvement with schools. This study underscores the critical role of schools in shaping the experiences of cultural stress for Puerto Rican Hurricane María crisis migrant children and parents. It emphasizes the importance of multilingual support, positive peer relationships, and addressing cultural differences in parental involvement to mitigate the negative impact of cultural stress on their well-being and educational outcomes.

Introduction

Hurricane María, a category 4 storm with wind speeds up to 155 mph, devastated Puerto Rico on September 20, 2017—just two weeks after Hurricane Irma struck the island (Fischbach et al., 2020; Nelson et al., 2020). María was the most destructive hurricane to make landfall in Puerto Rico since 1928 and collapsed the island’s essential infrastructure: energy, water, waste treatment, transportation, healthcare, and education (Fischbach et al., 2020; Marlier et al., 2022; Nelson et al., 2020). In María’s aftermath, death estimates varied from around 1,000 (Kessler, 2021) to more than 4,500 (Kishore et al., 2018). Net out-migration—which accounts for those who returned to the island—from Puerto Rico to the United States (U.S.) has been estimated to be over 120,000 (Schachter & Bruce, 2020), with Florida experiencing the largest relative increase in Puerto Rican migrants compared to other states (Alexander et al., 2019). This hurricane-influenced migration is a form of crisis migration—migration in the aftermath of a catastrophic event (e.g., war, flood) (Vos et al., 2021).

Significant interruptions in education often accompany crisis migration, as students often have to leave in the middle of academic terms with minimal planning (Jalbout & Bullard, 2022). This disruption may encompass more than just education, especially for Puerto Rican migrant families. In Puerto Rico, schools are often seen as community spaces—places of history, architecture, congregation, recreation, voting, and sustenance—where children, their parents, and community members gather (Rubiano Yedidia et al., 2020). Puerto Rican migrants thus often experience schools in the U.S. as less communal than those in Puerto Rico, so crisis migration to the U.S. potentially eliminates an important source of community support. That said, prior research suggests that students can become engaged and build community in U.S. schools, especially after feeling connection to and support from school (Osterman, 2000). This connection to school, plus continued ties to home cultures and/or parental involvement in education (through aspirations and expectations) can enhance academic achievement, positive views of self, and/or serve as protective factors for stress and other behavioral health issues, victimization, and misconduct (Fan & Chen, 2001; Osterman, 2000; Peguero & Jiang, 2014).

U.S. schools could potentially serve as a point of engagement and connection and belonging (Sibley & Barbeck, 2017) for Puerto Rican crisis migrant parents and children, particularly after their abrupt move to the U.S. However, despite the fact that Puerto Ricans are U.S. citizens at birth, many have received most of their education in Spanish, which limits their English proficiency at arrival in the U.S. Mastering English then becomes an important challenge, one that can be understood as a cultural stressor that Puerto Rican families may experience when they first arrive, and it may play a role in the involvement and connection to schools.

Cultural stress theory posits that pre- and post-migration-related adversity leads to stress among and between parents and children, which leads to reduced family functioning, which can lead to negative behavioral and behavior health outcomes (Salas-Wright et al., 2021). Research on Hurricane María survivors has identified myriad connections between hurricane stress and cultural stress and an array of behavioral health challenges (Hodges et al., 2023; Montero-Zamora et al., 2022; Schwartz et al., 2022). Cultural stress can manifest as discrimination (i.e., unfair treatment based on ethnicity or language), negative context of reception (i.e., feelings of unwelcomeness in the U.S.), and bicultural stress (i.e., assimilation differences between parents and children) (Capielo Rosario et al., 2019; Salas-Wright et al., 2021). Further, symptoms of trauma—such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)—experienced after disasters like Hurricane María, can amplify the experience of cultural stress among those who were displaced (Hodges et al., 2023; Schwartz et al., 2022). Specifically, Hodges et al. (2023) found discrimination and language stress were strongly linked with increased likelihood of PTSD. The disruption of familiar cultural norms, loss of community ties, and challenges in adapting to a new environment can compound the psychological distress stemming from the traumatic event. Conversely, cultural stress can exacerbate trauma-related symptoms by intensifying feelings of isolation, powerlessness, and vulnerability among survivors, further hindering their recovery process (Vos et al., 2021).

These stressors may be mitigated by strengths at multiple levels (e.g., individual, family, community) and may take the form of language fluency or continued connections to the home country through technology (Salas-Wright et al., 2021). For example, Hurricane María migrants in the U.S. who were more connected to both the U.S. and Puerto Rico experienced lower hurricane-related, behavioral, and migration-related stress (Pineros-Leano et al., 2023). Further, for many crisis migrants, there are push and pull factors that influence their decision to migrate. Prior to Hurricane María, there were factors pushing migrants to leave Puerto Rico (e.g., lack of opportunities, quality of life) and pulling them to the U.S. (e.g., increased opportunities, better quality of life) (Capielo Rosario et al., 2023; Gonzalez et al., 2020). For many, Hurricane María was the “tipping point” or “last straw” that, with the other push-pull factors, ultimately triggered migration to the U.S. (Capielo Rosario et al., 2023; Garcia et al., 2023).

At the same time, it has been recognized that bureaucratic institutions, such as schools and other governmental agencies, play important roles in the incorporation or exclusion of migrants from the rest of society, as they are typically the avenue by which public policies are enacted (Marrow, 2009). These institutions are where migrants directly encounter the state and thus become important sites where cultural stress can either be enhanced or mitigated. Furthermore, the street-level bureaucrats who staff those institutions can play a key role in migrant incorporation and the enactment of relevant public policies (Belabas & Gerrits, 2017). Street-level bureaucrats, such as teachers and other school staff, can either rigidly enforce exclusionary rules that inhibit migrants’ full participation in the education system or, conversely, they can use discretion to flexibly enact policies and services in a way that benefits migrants and their children’s education experience. As such, teachers play a significant role in migrant students’ lives that can have positive or negative consequences (Binhas, 2020). Beyond incorporation, these interactions with street-level bureaucrats, such as teachers, are likely to have critical implications for stress and the emotional wellbeing of migrants. Cultural stress theory provides a framework for understanding how concrete interactions with bureaucratic institutions, like school systems, can translate into behavioral health outcomes for migrants.

While it is clear that the school system and teachers can either work to include or exclude migrant students and their families, their specific role in cultural stress processes remains underexplored. Prior research suggests that the school context is important for cultural stress. Higher cultural stress can lead to worse adolescent academic outcomes; however, this may be mitigated by feelings of school belonging or engagement (Kia-Keating & Ellis, 2007; Schneider et al., 2006; Venta et al., 2019). School belonging, for example, was associated with lower levels of depression and higher self-efficacy among Somali crisis migrant youth (Kia-Keating & Ellis, 2007). Adolescent stress can materialize after experiencing typical adolescent acceptance-related issues and being bullied or “othered” at school because of race, ethnicity, or lack of language fluency (Durand & Blackwell, 2022; Kia-Keating & Ellis, 2007).

For parents, lack of language fluency, perceived lack of school belonging or inclusion, childcare issues, work responsibilities, family composition (e.g., one-parent houses), transportation, income, literacy issues, and unfamiliarity with the U.S. educational system may prevent engagement with their child’s school (Carreón et al., 2005; Schneider et al., 2006; Shea et al., 2016; Turney & Kao, 2009). Because Hurricane María migrant parents and their children may confront these school-related issues—some of which appear to be manifestations of discrimination, negative reception in the U.S., and bicultural stress—it follows that they may experience cultural stress in the school context.

Beyond individual bureaucratic actors, there are macro-level, school-system policies and practices that may inhibit migrant family inclusion at and connection to school. For example, school systems may be unprepared to receive migrant families (Jalbout & Bullard, 2022; Shea et al., 2016; UNESCO, 2018), migrants may be excluded from the curriculum (e.g., no instruction in primary languages, erasure of the home culture), and teachers may not be adequately trained to address crisis migrants (DeNicolo et al., 2017; Jalbout & Bullard, 2022; UNESCO, 2018; Walsh et al., 2016). To counter these issues, some schools and school systems have made changes (e.g., hiring bilingual staff to foster migrant family involvement in schools) when local politicians have failed to act, which has, in some instances, forced the hands of politicians to formalize inclusion practices (Marrow, 2009). Advocates have proffered—and some jurisdictions have started—promoting bicultural identities (Durand & Blackwell, 2022) and more open language policies (i.e., instruction in both primary languages and English); providing translation services and encouraging migrant parent participation in school (Marschall, 2006); moving away from the goal of assimilation (UNESCO, 2018); and developing inclusive curricula that identify migrant cultural strengths and ensuring adequate funding to meet the goal of inclusion (Jalbout & Bullard, 2022; UNESCO, 2018).

The Present Study

The effects of cultural stress on different migrant populations are well documented in the literature, however, limiter research has looked at how specific institutional contexts influence the experience of cultural stress. For many migrant families, schools are an important site of and resource for cultural integration and adaptation. In the case of Puerto Ricans displaced by Hurricane María, the disruptions to education and community support systems caused by migration highlight the importance of exploring the interplay between cultural stress and the experiences of crisis migrant families within school contexts. Consequently, the aim of this study is to shed light on the complex dynamics that influence mental health through an examination of how cultural stress manifests and is influenced by interactions with schools. The study aims to identify the role of schools as potential agents of support or aggravation in the face of cultural stress, offering insights that can inform policies and practices to promote inclusion, resilience, and well-being among different migrant populations.

While it is clear that schools are important for cultural stress outcomes among crisis migrant students and their families, the specific processes by which cultural stress can be worsened or attenuated through interactions with schools and their staff remains underexplored. Given that schools can be important institutions for fully incorporating crisis migrants, it is critical to understand the exact dimensions by which cultural stress is conveyed or buffered by schools to suggest potential routes of intervention to enhance academic achievement, migrant incorporation, and behavioral health outcomes. Since this is an unstudied area, we took an exploratory, qualitative approach in the present study. We sought to examine the following questions:

1. How does cultural stress present in the school context for Puerto Rican Hurricane María crisis migrant children and parents?

2. How does the school context influence cultural stress for Puerto Rican Hurricane María crisis migrant children and parents?

Methods

Recruitment and Sample

Participants were recruited from the Adelante Boricua study, a longitudinal cohort study of Puerto Ricans who were displaced to the U.S. following Hurricane María (Salas-Wright et al., 2021). We used a purposive sampling strategy to ensure focus on the experience of those impacted by Hurricane María and provide consistency in the processes being analyzed (Miles et al., 2014). Participants were recruited via a Puerto Rican serving community organization in Florida, and peer-referral. Additional incentives ($15) were provided to individuals who referred other eligible individuals who then enrolled in the study. Inclusion criteria were 1) to be a dyad of a parent or caregiver and a 10–17-year-old youth at baseline, 2) have resided in Puerto Rico before and during Hurricane María, 3) have left the island following the hurricane. Participants were excluded if they migrated to the U.S. prior to the hurricane.

A total of 38 parent-child (N=76) dyads were interviewed for this study. At wave one all 38 parent-child dyads were interviewed. A year later, a representative subsample of 12 dyads (N=24) reinterviewed to gain a deeper understanding of the school experiences. All families had relocated to Florida, primarily to Central Florida. All parents were women between 27 and 57 years of age, with an average age of 40. Most parents had achieved higher education, 25% had an associate degree and 29% had a bachelor’s degree. Most of the participants (65.95%) had a household income in the U.S. lower than $25,00 a year. Most families left Puerto Rico soon after the hurricane in 2017 or early 2018. Most of the youth participants were male (63%), between 10 and 15 years of age, with an average age of 11.

Data Collection

Participants took part in in-depth, semi-structured interviews, lasting on average between 45-60 minutes at two different time points. Wave one interviews were conducted between October 2020-May 2021 and wave two interviews between April and June 2022. All interviews were conducted in Spanish by bilingual interviewers and transcribed verbatim. The baseline semi-structured interview guide consisted of questions about life on the island prior to the hurricane, the experience of leaving the island, and getting established on the mainland. The second interview guide asked questions about their long-term relocation experience, and the experience with school and remote learning (please refer to Table 1 for sample questions and overarching topics of the interview guides). Parents received a $100 gift card for their time, while youth received $35. Study protocols and procedures were approved by the appropriate Institutional Review Board.

Table 1.

Interview Guides

First Interview guide
Overarching topics	Pertinent Questions
Life in Puerto Rico before moving to the U.S.	How were things for you and your family before Hurricane María?
Circumstance that led to relocation to the U.S	Before the storm, had you ever seriously considered leaving Puerto Rico? What were the main reasons you and your family decide to leave Puerto Rico?
Life in post relocation	Since relocating to Orlando/Miami (or you destination), how has life been for you? What have been the most important challenges for you and your family?
Mental health	Do you ever feel down, sad, or depressed? Did you feel this way before the hurricane and before you moved? Do you ever feel nervous or like it is hard to feel calm or relaxed? Did you feel this way before the hurricane and before you moved? What do you think are things that contribute to you feeling this way?
Hope and Faith	When you think about your life, what gives you hope? When times are tough, where do you find strength and support?
Second Interview guide
Overarching topics	Pertinent Questions
Long-term experience of relocation	Since coming to the U.S how do you perceive US culture to be like? How would you describe it? Do you think that your relationship with your child/parent has changed since you arrived and over the past year? If yes, how so? Compared to when you arrived and when we last spoke, do you feel less welcome, more welcome, or about the same? How do you think your child/parent feels? Please explain.
Experience of school and remote learning	For parent: How was your experience as a parent having your child doing virtual school? For children: how was it like for you to do virtual school? For parents: Before COVID how involved would you say you were in your child’s school and how was your relationships with the teachers and administration? For children: How did you relate to your teachers before COVID?

Data analysis

Analysis was conducted by a three-member team, who were bilingual and had both knowledge in qualitative methodology and cultural adjustment theories. The coding team met bi-weekly to discuss and reflect on the coding process. A deductive approach to thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006) was implemented guided by cultural stress theory. Employing a three-step coding approach, the coders utilized the framework of cultural stress theory—focusing on language stress, feelings of rejection, and discrimination—as guiding principles throughout the coding process. First, the team conducted initial coding (Charmaz, 2014) by breaking down qualitative data into discrete parts to compare them for similarities and differences. The team then conducted pattern coding, a way of grouping those parts into categories based on similarities and differences that emerged from constant comparison (Saldaña, 2016). Patterns emerged from the data describing the ways in which aspects of the school context either exacerbated or mitigated/buffered the effects of cultural stress for displaced Puerto Ricans. Lastly, the team discussed and further grouped these patterns into larger themes that best represented the experience of our participants as they navigate the school context in the U.S.

Trustworthiness

Ensuring the trustworthiness of qualitative research findings is paramount to establishing the credibility, dependability, confirmability, and transferability of the study’s outcomes. This section discusses the measures adopted in line with Shenton (2004) and Levitt et al. (2018) to enhance the trustworthiness of the present qualitative research.

Shenton (2004) suggests several strategies to enhance credibility (the extent to which the findings accurately represent the participants’ perspectives), such as prolonged engagement and persistent observation. This study involved an extended period of data collection, allowing the researcher to build rapport and establish a deeper understanding of the participants’ experiences. Additionally, member checking was employed via Community Advisory Boards, where community members and key Puerto Rican community leaders were given the opportunity to review and validate the researcher’s interpretation, thereby minimizing misinterpretations.

Dependability concerns the consistency and stability of the research process, ensuring that the findings are replicable over time or with different researchers (Shenton, 2004). Levitt et al. (2018) emphasize the importance of maintaining an audit trail that documents every step of the research process. In line with this, the present study maintained comprehensive records of methodological decisions, data collection, coding processes, and analysis procedures. Further, the present study implemented a well-established thematic analysis approach, following Braun & Clarke’s (2006) methodology.

Shenton (2004) suggests utilizing multiple coders to ensure intercoder agreement, which reduces individual bias and ensures confirmability. In keeping with this approach, the study involved three independent coders who analyzed the data separately and then collaboratively resolved discrepancies through consensus discussions. This approach minimizes the potential influence of a single perspective and enhances the objectivity of the findings. Peer debriefing, which refers to regular discussions held with colleagues and mentors to critically examine the researcher’s interpretations and conclusions, was implemented to help mitigate personal bias (Spall, 1998).

Lastly, transferability relates to the extent to which the findings can be applicable or relevant in different contexts or settings. Levitt et al. (2018) advocate for rich and thick descriptions of the research context and participants, which allow readers to assess the potential applicability of the findings to their own contexts. In accordance with this, the study provides detailed descriptions of the research setting, participant characteristics, and the research process itself, facilitating readers’ judgment about the transferability of the findings to their respective contexts.

Results

The results affirmed that the experience of cultural stress for Puerto Rican crisis migrants was influenced by the bureaucratic institutions they encounter upon resettlement, especially schools. In our study, Puerto Rican migrants described the ways in which their interaction with the school system either exacerbated or mitigated the experience of cultural stress. These interactions took place along three main axes: 1) language stress for youth and parents, 2) peer relationships for youth, and 3) parental involvement with schools. We describe the ways in which cultural stress presented in the school context for Puerto Rican families, the ways the school context exacerbated or mitigated this experience, as well as how the experience of cultural stress in the school context changed over time.

Axis One: Language stress for Youth and Parents

Participants described the struggles they faced while learning English, a key component of cultural stress. During the first interview, both parents and youth discussed experiencing difficulties navigating the school context due to the language barrier. First, parents described the struggles with communicating with school administrators, which understanding how to navigate the school system in the U.S. Often, parents described being met with resistance, perceiving that school staff dismissed them or were reluctant to help due to the language barrier. Some school staff were either unwilling or lacked the resources to attempt to find appropriate interpretation services. For instance, a 42-year-old mother stated:

In the same school as my son… the secretary, who was Cuban, spoke Spanish but didn’t want to speak Spanish. She told me to find someone to interpret for me because she wouldn’t interpret for me… the school secretary, and there was no one else there, almost no one spoke Spanish.

En la misma escuela de mi hijo… escuela con la secretaría, era cubana, hablaba español y no quería hablar español. Me dijo que me buscara a alguien que me interpretara porque ella no me iba a interpretar… la secretaria de la escuela ya y no había más nadie allí, casi nadie que hablaba español

Early after arrival, youth described their struggles with learning English which, in turn, negatively impacted their grades and inhibited their ability to form peer relationships. In this sense, language barriers in the school context exacerbated the experience of cultural stress soon after arrival. Although all schools provide English as a second language (ESOL/ESL) classes, youth in our study nevertheless described significant distress related to not being able to understand their teachers and peers. One 12-year-old boy shared:

I really liked going to school and I had good grades. I had many A’s [in Puerto Rico]. Here, when I started school, it was very difficult for me, and I had many F’s… because I didn’t know English.

Me gustaba mucho la escuela y tenía buenos grados, que tenía mucho muchas A’s [en Puerto Rico]. Acá cuando yo empecé la escuela se me hacía mucho difícil y tenía muchas F… porque no sabía inglés.

Parents also described a sense of powerlessness at not being able to help their children with their schoolwork due to being unable to understand the language of instruction. One 46-year-old mother described the pain she felt at seeing her child struggle at school and not being able to help:

That was terrible, especially when it came to virtual classes. Oh, because they didn’t understand, and I understood even less because I don’t know English. Their grades lowered… Oh no, that part for me was difficult.

Eso fue horrible, por lo menos en cuestión de las clases virtual. Ay, porque ellos no entendían, yo menos porque no se inglés. El nene me…ellos me bajaron las notas… Ay no, esa parte por lo menos fue difícil.

Parents who did not make connections with someone who spoke Spanish—either a teacher or school administrator—experienced more challenges enrolling and navigating the new school system. One 37-year-old mother stated:

I moved here two years ago, and he was now going to High School. I was looking for a middle school, they provided me with someone who had nothing to do with this school change, but she spoke Spanish and could help me navigate the school transition. When I arrived at that school, obviously, everyone there was American, mostly white, and the person didn’t treat me very well. I understand that my English was not the best, and maybe I couldn’t communicate well, and she couldn’t understand me. She didn’t give me the best attention.

Yo me mudé para aquí hace 2 años y ahora le toca ir a High School. Estaba buscando de middle school, me dieron una persona que no tenía que ver con este cambio de escuela, pero ella hablaba español y me podía ayudar a orientarme sobre el cambio de la escuela. Cuando llegue a esa escuela, obviamente todas las personas que estaban allí son personas americanas, blanquitas y la persona no me atendió muy bien. Pues yo entiendo que mi inglés no era el mejor y no podía comunicarme bien y ella no me podía entender. Y no me dio la mejor atención.

There were, however, instances in which the school context helped mitigate the experience of cultural stress. For example, some parents encountered Spanish-speaking staff and key personnel who went beyond their prescribed roles to helped them navigate the school system and provide external support and guidance. For instance, a 37-year-old mother described how a school counselor helped her cope with her child struggling to adapt to school:

When I used to drop him off at school and saw that he didn’t want to stay, that he didn’t know, that he didn’t understand, I would arrive at the school crying. I would go to the school counselor, and in that year, the school counselor was Latina, and she could listen to me. I would vent, cry [laughs], and had someone who would listen to me during that time; because seeing them like that, especially when it was harder for him, made me feel awful.

Cuando lo dejaba en la escuela y veía que él no se quería quedar, que no sabía, que no entendía, yo llegaba llorando a la escuela, iba donde el counselor de la escuela y pues en ese año el counselor en la escuela era Latina y ella me podía escuchar, ahí me desahogaba, lloraba [laughs] y tenía alguien que me escuchaba en ese tiempo porque al verlos a ellos así, por lo menos a él que se le hizo más difícil, pues yo me sentía horrible.

Some youth described bilingual teachers who were instrumental in helping them learn English. Further, youth described ESOL or ESL classes as helpful not only in learning English but in building peer relationships. For instance, an 11-year-old youth shared:

My teacher, the first one I had, spoke both English and Spanish, and she helped me. When I didn’t know how to say something, she would assist me.

Mi maestra, la que primero yo tuve, hablaba inglés y español y ella me ayudaba, cuando yo no sabía cómo decir algo ella me ayudaba.

In contrast, a 10-year-old youth expressed wishing he had the support of a Spanish speaking teacher:

I would love to have some help, like a teacher who knows Spanish or a translator who could assist me. Yes, because the students helped me, but what I really wanted was a translator, a teacher, or someone who could translate and explain things to me better.

Me encantaría tener como ayuda un, como te digo, una maestra que supiera español y como un translator que me ayudara. Sí, porque los estudiantes me ayudaban, pero como yo no quería pero lo que quería que me ayudara es un translator, una maestra, una muchacha que supiera translate y me pudiera explicar mejor.

We see that institutional support made it feasible for the youth to become integrated into the school system and learn the language, and that the lack of sufficient support presented challenges for youth. Although many parents struggled with English over many years, at the time of the second interview, all youth expressed feeling comfortable with English, and some even reported spoking English better than their native Spanish. This quick language uptake helped mitigate stress associated with the sudden relocation to the U.S.

Axis Two: Peer Relationships for Youth

Relationships within the school context also emerged as an important aspect of the youth’s resettlement experience. Both youth and parents discussed instances in which the youth experienced bullying or mistreatment at school. Tension with peers exacerbated the experience of cultural stress for Puerto Rican youth in our sample. Although participants did not describe these experiences as ones in which they were targeted for being Puerto Rican per se, the experience of mistreatment by their peers typically? appeared to be related to them being newcomers. For an 18-year-old youth describes his experience when he first arrived to school in the U.S:

At the beginning, when I started school, I was bullied. In Puerto Rico, when I was little, even up to 6th grade, I was also bullied, but after 7th grade, that stopped because I started being more open with people, and they stopped thinking what they thought of me. But here in the United States, since I didn’t talk to almost anyone, they thought I was a nerd or anti-social.

Al principio cuando empecé la escuela me hacían bullying. Yo en Puerto Rico cuando era chiquito como hasta 6to grado me hacían bullying también, pero después de 7mo eso se había acabado porque comencé a ser más abierto con la gente y dejaron de pensar lo que pensaban de mí. Pero [aquí en Estados Unidos] como no hablaba con casi nadie pensaban que era un nerd un antisocial.

This experience of rejection by some of their peers contributed to the struggles that youth faced adjusting to their new school environment and made learning even more difficult.

Parents again described feeling powerless in the face of such situations, given that they felt they could not advocate for their children as they would have in Puerto Rico. One 37-year-old mother described such an experience, and the ways in which the stress of bullying manifested in her child’s wellbeing and self-regulation.

It was a school where everyone was completely white, all American kids, and at the beginning, he was bullied a lot. They even threw him in a trash can. The teachers would call because of his behavior. So, I had to take him out of the school and provide him with a little bit of homeschooling for the remaining of the school year because it was a bad experience. It was a bad experience for everyone, even for him, when he was a baby, he never wet himself. He never did even when we took off his diapers, but he did it at school.

Fue una escuela donde eran completamente, pues, blanco, gringuitos todos y al principio, pues le hicieron mucho bullying. Incluso a él lo tiraron a un zafacón. Las maestras llamaban porque tenía un mal comportamiento. Y pues, yo tuve que sacarlo de la escuela y darle un poquito de home schooling lo poquito que quedaba de tiempo de clase porque fue una experiencia mala. Fue una [mala] experiencia para todos, incluso él, nunca de bebé, nunca se orinaba encima. Quitándole los pañales, nunca lo hizo, y estando en la escuela lo hizo.

However, youth discussed that developing positive relationships with both peers and teachers could serve to buffer experiences of peer/school rejection. Youth described building relationships with Spanish speaking peers—often through ESL/ESOL classes—was instrumental in helping them not only learn the class material, but also understand how to navigate their school environment. For example, a 10-year-old described how he was able to build relationships through his ESOL classes with other Latin American kids:

In sixth grade, I was in a different period, but then they moved me to ESOL periods, my classmates were from Colombia, and they spoke Spanish. And well… my best friend was also with me in sixth grade, and when I moved to the other ESOL class, he was there. He didn’t know the language, so he was there before me, before I moved. So, I made new friends there.

En sexto grado yo estaba en un periodo diferente, pero después me movieron a periodos de ESOL, [mis compañeros] eran de Colombia, hablaban español. Y nada… y mi mejor amigo también estaba conmigo en sexto grado y él, cuando me moví a la otra clase en ESOL, él estuvo ahí… Él no sabía el idioma so él estaba ahí antes que yo, antes de que yo me moviera él estaba ya. So nada, hice nuevos amigos ahí.

Further, some participants built relationships with English-speaking—primarily U.S.-born—peers even before they had a strong command of English, and these relationships helped buffer the stress related to language learning. These young participants described that building relationships with U.S.-born friends helped them learn English more quickly. Thus, developing connections with both Spanish- and English-dominant peers provided our participants with support and friendship, which was particularly important during the initial arrival and adjustment period, and helped buffer the stress related to their relocation.

One important challenge related to the experience of having to change schools one or more times after relocating to the U.S. Given that many Puerto Rican families displaced by Hurricane María were placed in hotels by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), youth often started in one school, but were forced to change—sometimes multiple times—once the family found more permanent housing. This disruption in their school environment, also caused a major disruption in key relationships youth had been able to build and, consequently, affected the youth’s adjustment and emotional health. For example, during our second interview this 14-year-old youth explained:

In Puerto Rico, I had many friends. I had my best friend from always, and he had been my friend since kindergarten, since HeadStart. So when I left, all the friends I had over there, I no longer had them, and I didn’t know anyone. I was all alone when I started, I had nobody, I get nervous when I go to a new place, so I stayed quiet, I didn’t talk much; I just remained quiet because I didn’t know anything. So, it was only after fourth grade that my language skills improved, and I began to understand what they were saying.

En Puerto Rico yo tenía muchos amigos, entonces como yo tenía el mejor amigo mío que siempre, el siempre y yo era mi amigo desde kindergarten, desde HeadStart. Entonces cuando me fui como todos los amigos que yo tenía ahí, como ya no los tenia, yo no sabía nadie. Yo estaba solito cuando empecé, no tenía a nadie, yo como yo me pongo nervioso cuando voy a un lugar nuevo, entonces yo me quede callado, yo no hable mucho, yo lo que me quede era calladito, porque yo no sabía nada. So ahí después fue que pase cuarto grado como el idioma se me mejoro más y empecé a entender ya lo que decían.

During our second interview, youths also described the disruptions caused by remote learning. Remote learning posed not only a challenge for their academic performance and English learning, but also impacted the relationships and routines the youth had been able to build soon after arrival. One adolescent participant described how, during the lockdown, he had a difficult time maintaining new friendships, and how this not only impacted him socially but also affected his overall wellbeing and adjustment to life in the U.S.

Axis Three: Parental Involvement with Schools

For parents, their experiences navigating the school system were influenced by the degree to which they felt they could be involved in their children’s school. Most parent participants expressed believing that they could not be as involved as they wanted in their children’s school. While they noted that language was an important factor in this process, they generally perceived the barriers to be primarily cultural. For instance, parents compared how in Puerto Rico they were able to build relationships with the teachers and felt more comfortable reaching out—both via formal school platforms and informal personal platforms such as WhatsApp—as needed to maintain constant communications with the teachers and be involved in school activities. However, once they arrived in the U.S., they felt it was difficult to build relationships with teachers because of the “formality” around how they could communicate with them. For instance, a 39-yearo-old mother noted:

Well, here it’s not like in Puerto Rico here because, if I want to go to the school to check on how my daughter is doing, you know, you have to wait for the open house, as they call it here, and well, no, I knew because she would show me her grades, and I would ask her, “What did you do in this one?” and she would tell me. But here, no, if you want to go to the school, you can’t just do it; it has to be by appointment and all that. What I do is, if I see that my daughter is struggling with something, I call or ask, talk to counselors, you know? I find a way to know what’s going on and how they can help her.

Bueno, acá no es como en Puerto Rico, porque aquí, si yo quiero ir a la escuela a ver cómo está mi hija, tú sabes que uno tiene que esperar, que tengan el open house como le dicen acá, y pues no, yo sabía, porque ella me enseñaba sus notas y yo le preguntaba “¿qué has hecho en que esta?” y ella me decía. Pero aquí no, si uno quiere ir a la escuela no se puede, eso tiene que ser por citas y eso. Yo lo que hago, que si yo veo que la niña está fracasando en algo yo llamo o pregunto, hablo con consejeros, ¿tú sabes? Busco la manera de saber qué es lo que está pasando y en que la pueden ayudar.

It was challenging for parents to have to wait to set up appointments with teachers and school administrators, and often they felt that this lack of personalismo—or lack of a personal connection—was a cultural boundary that parents were not allowed to cross in the U.S. It was the parents understanding that, within U.S. norms, parents were not expected—or even wanted—by the school system to be directly involved with school activities. This was particularly challenging for recently-arrived parents because they themselves were working to understand how to navigate the school system and, during remote learning, they were also trying to determine how to best support their children in a new educational context and in a completely new way. This feeling of not being included in the school remained a year after the first interviews were conducted; during our second interview one 46- year-old mother described how in Puerto Rico the school involved the parents in a lot of school activities:

In the school here, I didn’t really feel involved as much. At least in Puerto Rico, we are more connected with the teachers. Here, it’s not like that. And there are many activities where parents can’t attend, only the students. In Puerto Rico, it’s different. In Puerto Rico, they celebrate everything.

En la escuela de acá, mm masi como tal no [me sentía involucrada con la escuela]. Por lo menos en Puerto Rico sí, estamos más relacionados con los maestros. Acá no, acá no es así. Y en muchas actividades tampoco, porque hay muchas actividades que hacen aquí que los papas no pueden ir, solamente son los estudiantes solos. En Puerto Rico no, en Puerto Rico hasta todo lo celebran.

In situations where the parents experienced prejudice and discrimination, they also felt unsupported by the school and unwelcomed. One 52-year-old mother provided the example of how the school did not want to place her daughter in the gifted program even though she had all the required documentation from Puerto Rico. She noted that the school did not accept the documentation that was provided in Puerto Rico, explaining:

My daughter is “gifted”; she came diagnosed from Puerto Rico as “gifted”… When I arrived at the school, I provided the documents, but they didn’t give the teacher the documents from the psychologist in Puerto Rico stating that she was “gifted”… I kept going to the school, talking to the teachers, but they never placed her in the gifted program. It wasn’t until she was about to graduate from fifth grade that they called me to a meeting, and they… oh, they didn’t accept the tests from Puerto Rico when they were supposed to. That was something that, there I did notice a bit of, I would say that’s the first time I dare say with certainty that I noticed a bit of racism.

Mi nena es “gifted”, ella vino diagnosticada de Puerto Rico como “gifted”… Y cuando yo llegue a la escuela, yo di los documentos…y a la maestra no le habían dado los documentos del psicólogo en Puerto Rico, este, diciendo que era “gifted”…Yo estuve yendo a la escuela, hablando con las maestras, nunca la pusieron en el programa de gifted. Ya cuando se va a graduar de quinto grado, me llaman a una reunión y… ¡ah! no aceptaron las pruebas de Puerto Rico que se supone que sí. Eso fue algo que yo, ahí yo noté sí un poco de, yo diría que esa es la primera vez que yo me atrevo a decir con certeza que yo note un poco de racismo.

On the other hand, parents who found someone in the school who spoke Spanish, and understood their culture, helped them bridge that gap and buffered some of the lack of understanding that parents felt in terms of not being able to participate actively in their children’s school. A 43-year-old described how she received assistance from one of the school administrators, not only in enrolling her child in school, but also in providing resources. She explained:

Thank God the school where I enrolled my 12-year-old was excellent. They have helped us in all areas – emotionally, with school programs, language, and even providing clothes and food as if we were family.

La escuela gracias a Dios donde lo apunté al pequeño de 12 años fue excelente… Y ya nos ayudaron en todas las áreas, emocional, en sus programas de escuela, del lenguaje, este y hasta ropa, alimentos le dan como familia y todo.

Another parent described how the school where her children were placed soon after arrival provided tickets to local theme parks in an effort to provide a sense of warmth and welcome to families displaced by the hurricane. Such gestures helped not only to make parents feel welcome in their children’s school, but also helped parents to feel they could be actively involved in their children’s education and school environment.

Discussion

Findings from the present study underscore the significant role that schools play in shaping the experience of cultural stress for Puerto Rican crisis migrant youth and parents. Cultural stress theory emphasizes that stress related to cultural and migration factors is not solely an individual experience but is influenced by contextual social and cultural context (Salas-Wright & Schwartz, 2018). In the aftermath of Hurricane María, Puerto Rican families displaced by the hurricane faced a myriad of challenges, specially upon resettlement to the U.S. Some may even experience significant trauma as the result of the hurricane, exhibiting symptoms of PTSD after resettlement. The experience of trauma after a disaster can impact the experience of cultural stress after displacement (Vos et al, 2021) and vice-versa (Hodges et al., 2023). The bidirectional impact of trauma after a natural disaster and cultural stress emphasis the complex interplay between individual experiences of trauma and the broader socio-cultural context in shaping the experiences of Puerto Rican crisis migrants within the U.S. school system. Conceptually, our findings suggest that negative interactions with school systems may place migrant youth at higher risk of developing clinically significant trauma disorders, while positive experiences may be protective against adverse mental health outcomes.

Hurricane María migrants faced unique challenges upon resettlement to the U.S and their interaction with the school system was a crucial determinant of whether the experience of migration-related cultural stress is exacerbated or mitigated. We identified three primary axes along which these interactions occurred: language stress for youth and parents, relationships within the school context, and parental involvement with schools. Below we examine each of these axes and situate key study findings in the broader bodies of migration and cultural stress research.

Language Stress for Youth and Parents

Cultural stress theory is concerned with how migration relates stressors can increase stress and strain among migrant or displaced families (Salas-Wright et al., 2021). Language stress—understood as the anxiety, apprehension and nervousness when learning a new language—is a salient aspect of cultural stress (Hashemi, 2011). This includes a fear of, or being discriminated against due to language limitations, which could result in feelings of rejection and isolation. Within this realm of language, parents articulated two main struggles that emerge directly from their English language limitations and/or the inability of school leadership/personnel to engage in Spanish. The first was simply difficulty in communicating directly with school administrators, particularly during the early resettlement stage. In some cases, parents perceived that their requests were met with resistance and/or there was a lack of willingness to strive to provide interpretation or translation services. This first struggle speaks to two interrelated challenges: (a) the need for multilingual professionals who are able to engage with crisis migrant populations and (b) make clear to recently-arrived families that schools are not only able to communicate across languages but are willing and happy to do so, especially during the early arrival period. These findings are in keeping with a broader body of literature which underscores the benefits of both multilingual school services/accessibility and the effective communication to migrant families that cultural, racial/ethnic, and language diversity are celebrated in the school community.

In a number of cases, María migrant parents noted schools were successful in engaging across language and culture. Multiple mothers described how the presence of a school professional who was able to communicate in Spanish and to engage with the degree of cross-cultural adeptness was instrumental in terms of the family’s transition to the U.S. Spanish language supports were vital for the early transition of adolescent crisis migrants as well, even though many youths in our sample made great improvements in English over time. Parents and youth who encountered a single individual who could engage cross culturally in Spanish tended to describe the overall experience of the school in a much more positive light than those who were unable to find a Spanish speaker. Although perhaps straightforward, this is an important finding in terms of practice as it suggests that even relatively modest efforts to engage with families directly in their native language (i.e., hiring one bilingual social worker or administrator) can yield important dividends.

Peer Relationships for Youth

A number of important findings also emerged within the realm of peer relationships among crisis migrant youth. Within cultural stress theory, negative context of reception captures the sentiment that individuals from a particular group—such as Puerto Ricans—are not welcomed in the U.S, or do not have the same opportunities as host nationals (Schwartz et al., 2014). Puerto Rican families navigating cultural stressors, may experience a rejection within their peer groups, as they grapple with the intersection of their cultural identity and the social dynamics of acceptance and belonging. One particularly disconcerting finding was that a number of María migrant youth encountered bullying and mistreatment within their new school environments. Interestingly, participants and their parents believed that such experiences were not due to the youth identity as a Puerto Rican or as a María migrant, but rather due to being a newcomer in a school environment. That being said, prior research indicates that immigrant youth are substantially more likely to experience bullying victimization then their U.S.-born counterparts and such experiences are connected to an array of socioemotional and health problems (Maynard et al., 2016). Such consequences were observed among youth in our sample, including challenges related to behavioral health, self-regulation, and academic success. María survivor parents found it especially challenging to address the adversity experienced by their children in light of their own challenges in terms of engaging in English and in a new U.S. cultural landscape and educational system.

Although a number of participants noted that bullying/mistreatment was an important challenge, others also described successfully building relationships with peers and with school staff/teachers during the resettlement stage. Interestingly, youth reported establishing positive relationships with Spanish speaking youth (framed primarily within the realm of friendship) and monolingual English-speaking youth (described as critical to accelerating language learning), even before establishing advanced English proficiency. Such multilingual engagement seemed closely connected to adaptation and thriving among youth, which is consistent with a robust body of literature suggesting the benefits of biculturalism and cross-cultural skill development among immigrant youth (Schwartz et al., 2010). Challenges related to friendships and positive relationships were compounded for María migrant youth who were forced to relocate multiple times post-migration, which meant going through the process of adapting to a new school environment multiple times and was described as inherently stressful. This is in keeping with prior research which indicates that both residential instability and change of school environments are major psychosocial challenges for youth (Frounkfelker et al., 2020; Schafft, 2009).

Parental Involvement with Schools

Beyond language, culture played an important role in shaping parent involvement with schools. Cultural stress theory posits that stressors related to cultural identity, including language barriers and acculturation challenges, can significantly impact individuals’ well-being and interactions within their social environment (Zeledon et al., 2023). Multiple parents noted significant challenges due to English language limitations (or the lack of available Spanish language accessible supports), but crisis migrant parents also experience challenges that transcended language. Namely, in contrast to their experiences in Puerto Rico, multiple parents noted a surprising degree of formality and distance in terms of how they believe parents are expected to engage with teachers and schools. This is in keeping with prior research that has found that general cultural differences between mainstream U.S. culture and Latin American countries influences how Hispanic migrants interact with U.S. institutions, such as a cultural tendency to value close personal connections (personalisimo) (Ayon & Aisenberg, 2010).

With respect to parental engagement with schools, reports of discrimination experiences communicated a sense of unwelcome, while gestures of warmth/thoughtfulness communicated a sense of welcome to crisis migrant families. School administrators are powerfully positioned to make policy decisions that can positively impact the experiences of crisis migrant families by conveying a sense of welcome and inclusivity. While seemingly minor, our findings indicate that even small gestures of help on the part of school personnel could have major impacts on how participants experienced cultural stress in the school environment.

It is important to note that our data were collected during the COVID-19 pandemic. This likely impacted all three axes, particularly in light of prior research that found Hispanic migrants to face increased and unique barriers to remote services during the pandemic (Hodges & Calvo, 2023). The shift to virtual schooling, while short-term in Florida, interrupted newly-established peer relationships. It also created additional complexities for parents attempting to interact with teachers and the school system, compounding difficulties stemming from language barriers. The extent to which the cultural stress experienced by participants was exacerbated by the pandemic context remains to be determined.

Practice and Policy Implications

Our findings speak to the importance of integrating evidence-based strategies into educational/school practice. With respect to language stress, school administrators can increase language access by providing language services in the form of interpreters or translation services so as to foster communication with parents who are non-English speakers (Convention on the Rights of the Child [CRC], 1989, Article 29.c). This could also include making resources available for parent teacher conferences and other school related interactions so as to foster and facilitate parent-teacher-school engagement. Additionally, schools can successfully partner with community organizations that offer an array of language support and resources for both parents and for youth.

In terms of peer relationships, schools can draw from evidence-based anti-bullying programs, including those specifically designed to address the needs of newcomer students and to promote respect for diversity and inclusion (CRC, 1989, Article 2.2; Petriwskyj, 2010). Additionally, schools can establish peer support networks—such programs can include mentorship for Spanish speaking in English speaking students and can focus on building relationships and the provision of support to newcomer students, which can be a benefit to both newcomer youth and to other members of the student body (Boberiene, 2013). Another important policy consideration relates to continuity of education for crisis migrant youth. Namely, it would be beneficial to consider policies that provide greater stability for students who have been displaced and who may experience residential instability, particularly in light of research suggesting that such changes can negatively impact social relationships and overall social emotional well-being (CRC, 1989, Article 28; Peguero & Bondy, 2015).

With regard to parental involvement, it is important for schools receiving crisis migrants to provide cultural sensitivity training for teachers and other school staff to assure that school employees understand and appreciate the diverse backgrounds of their students and families (Comer & Haynes, 1991). In particular, understanding the experiences of crisis migrant families who relocate amid pre-migration stressors and other financial challenges (Vos et al., 2022). Additionally, schools can focus on parent engagement initiatives in terms of the development of strategies to engage parents, especially newcomers in their children’s education. This could include flexible communication channels, culturally sensitive outreach, and opportunities for parental involvement. Schools should ensure the educational assessments, certifications, and documents from Puerto Rico and U.S. territories are recognized and accepted within the US school system, thereby reducing barriers for children’s educational progress and enhancing education equity.

Limitations and Future Research

The present results should be interpreted in light of several limitations. First, because our sample was recruited through referrals from community partners and subsequent chain sampling, we do not know whether our participants are representative of all Puerto Rican families who left after Hurricane María. Further, our sample was located in Central and Sound Florida, and we do not know whether our findings reflect the experience of Puerto Rican migrant families in other states. Second, the sample was disproportionately female, with many more mothers than fathers. Therefore, caution must be taken in transferring the present results to other groups. Finally, we specifically sampled parent-child dyads with youth between the ages of 10 and 17 and did not interview dyads who migrated with younger children.

To better address the gaps in the literature around the experience of cultural stress, future research conducting comparative studies differentiating the experiences of Puerto Rican crisis migrant families in different geographical locations within the United States to assess variations in cultural stress levels, school engagement, and access to support services. Examining regional differences can help identify factors that contribute to resilience or exacerbate stress among migrant populations in various contexts. Additionally, future research could explore the intersectionality of cultural stress with other forms of marginalization, including ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and gender identity. This could help better understand how multiple social identities shape the experiences of migrant and displaced youth and parents in different context. Lastly, research evaluating the effectiveness of existing policies and practices aimed at supporting the educational integration and well-being of crisis migrant families would bring insights into the gaps and barriers that hinder successful adaptation within the school system.

Conclusion

In all, study findings provide new and important evidence relating to the ways in which schools functioned as an important context of reception for crisis migrant youth and families from Puerto Rico in the aftermath of hurricane María. In particular, we observe the ways in which language limitations functioned as a source of stress among youth and parents, the importance of peer relationships (both negative and positive), and the challenges relating to parental involvement in schools in a cross-cultural and multilingual setting. Amid the challenges presented by climate change and those of other large-scale disasters that prompt climate migration worldwide, educators and administrators are tasked with responding intentionally and thoughtfully to the experiences of crisis migrant youth and families to ensure that all youth have the opportunity to thrive within U.S. schools and communities in the 21^st century.

This study delves into the experiences of Puerto Rican youth and parents displaced by Hurricane María, revealing three key areas of stress within the school context: language barriers, peer relationships, and parental involvement. By understanding these dynamics, educators and policymakers can better support the well-being and educational outcomes of displaced families, emphasizing the need for multilingual support, fostering positive peer relationships, and addressing cultural differences in parental involvement. This research highlights the importance of understanding and addressing the challenges faced by migrant and displaced communities, making it particularly those who have been systematically marginalized.