Dynamic stages of personality adjustment: language switching and acculturation in first-generation Chinese immigrants

Abstract

Background

This study explores the perceived personality adjustment of first-generation Chinese immigrants in bilingual communication contexts. While previous research highlights the role of language proficiency in the acculturation process, little attention has been given to how bilingual immigrants perceive personality shifts when switching languages. This study seeks to address this gap by investigating the dynamic stages of personality adjustment among Chinese immigrants in English as a Second Language (ESL) communication settings.

Methods

A phenomenological approach was used, with thirty semi-structured interviews conducted among first-generation bilingual Chinese immigrants residing in a Southern U.S. state. Participants discussed their experiences of personality adjustment when switching between Chinese and English. Data were analyzed following Moustakas’s four-step psychological phenomenology framework, with thematic analysis performed using NVivo software. Descriptive and pattern coding strategies were employed to identify key themes.

Results

The findings reveal a dynamic, non-linear four-stage process of personality adjustment: (1) absence of personality adjustment, (2) personality inhibition, (3) personality authenticity, and (4) personality cultural adaptation. ESL competence significantly influenced this process, but not all participants experienced every stage, nor did they follow the stages in a fixed order. Participants with lower Englis proficiency were more likely to experience personality inhibition, marked by emotional concealment, embarrassment, and self-doubt. Those with higher proficiency demonstrated personality authenticity and cultural adaptation, characterized by increased confidence, openness, and assertive communication styles.

Conclusions

The study underscores the complex, non-linear nature of personality adjustment in bilingual immigrants, shaped significantly by English competence. While higher language proficiency facilitated smoother acculturation and greater personality authenticity, lower proficiency was associated with acculturation stress. The findings highlight the importance of ESL programs addressing both language skills and the psychological dimensions of language learning. These insights provide valuable guidance for practitioners and policymakers in supporting bilingual immigrants through their acculturation journey.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1186/s40359-025-03222-w.

Introduction

Chinese immigrants, who constitute the third-largest foreign-born group in the United States, face significant acculturation stress following their relocation. Key factors in their cross-cultural adjustment include competence in English as a Second Language (ESL) and the evolution of their personality traits [1, 2]. According to Allport [3], an individual's personality adapts in response to environmental changes. Notably, bilingual individuals often perceive a shift in their personality when using a nonnative language; for instance, a study involving 468 Italian migrants in English-speaking countries have reported "feeling like a different person" when switching from their native language to English [4]. This perception is often accompanied by behavioral changes (e.g., ways of speaking, dressing, or eating) and psychological variations (e.g., anxiety or depression) during the acculturation process [5–7]. This study investigates first-generation Chinese immigrants’ perceptions of personality adjustment within ESL communication contexts, offering new insights into their acculturation journey.

Literature review

Personality adjustment refers to the process by which individuals modify their social behaviors, emotional responses, and self-perceptions to navigate the demands of a new cultural environment. In the context of this study, it specifically involves how first-generation Chinese immigrants adapt their secondary personality traits (e.g., communication styles, social interactions, emotional regulation) in response to the host culture’s expectations and norms. These shifts can be driven by the need to navigate different social norms, communication patterns, and cultural values, all of which influence how immigrants adjust to their new surroundings [8]. Language, in particular, plays a significant role in shaping personality adjustment, as bilingual immigrants must learn to express themselves within the constraints of their second language while also integrating aspects of their native culture and identity [9].

ESL competence and acculturation

Proficiency in the host country’s language, particularly English as a Second Language (ESL), is pivotal for successful cultural adaptation. Kim’s Integrative Theory of Communication and Cross-Cultural Adaptation emphasizes that adaptation is a dynamic process driven by effective communication with the host culture, facilitating psychological transformation, behavioral changes, and identity negotiation [8]. Research on Japanese students in California highlights the importance of second language (L2) self-confidence and acculturation in enhancing willingness to communicate in English, underscoring communication as central to cultural adjustment and personal growth [10]. Similarly, studies on Polish-English bilinguals in the UK reveal that higher acculturation levels are associated with increased L2 use, even in private domains, fostering cultural integration and deeper social connections [11].

Conversely, qualitative research among Chinese international students highlights barriers such as low English proficiency, perceived discrimination, and lack of confidence, which hinder integration and complicate personality adjustment [12]. Lysgaard’s U-Curve Model of Adjustment illustrates how such language barriers exacerbate frustration and isolation during the crisis stage of acculturation [13]. Empirical evidence further links language barriers to heightened risks of mental health challenges, including depression and anxiety, particularly for individuals with limited communication abilities [14–17]. Data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2010 and 2019 American Community Surveys reveal that immigrants from Eastern Asia in the United States face significant linguistic challenges, with 53% classified as “limited English proficient”. Among these, Chinese immigrants represent the largest subgroup, and Chinese is one of the most commonly spoken foreign languages among Asian immigrants. This underscores the substantial difficulties many Chinese immigrants encounter in navigating English-speaking environments [18]. English competence correlates with improved social integration, mental well-being, and the alignment of personality traits with host cultural expectations [19, 20].

Moreover, English competence serves as a cultural cue that influences self-perception and personality adjustment [21]. According to Kim’s theory, language learning can lead to shifts in identity, especially through the modulation of secondary personality traits such as communication styles and social behaviors, which are shaped by language switching [5, 8, 9, 22]. Language thus functions not only as a communication tool but also as a mechanism for navigating new social roles and integrating into the host society.

Empirical studies confirm the impact of language use on personality expression. For instance, Ożańska-Ponikwia [23] found that Spanish–English bilinguals exhibited higher levels of extraversion, agreeableness, and conscientiousness when speaking English compared to Spanish. Similarly, Ramírez-Esparza et al. [24] observed that bilinguals often feel like different individuals when using their second language. Dewaele and Pavlenko [25] reported that 65% of bilinguals experienced personality shifts in second-language contexts, reflecting the fluidity of personality expression. Tracy-Ventura et al. [26] further noted that prolonged immersion in a second language can lead to enduring personality adjustments, such as increased openness and adaptability, as observed among British students studying abroad. These findings emphasize the transformative role of ESL proficiency in aligning personality traits with host cultural norms [26–30].

Cultural adaptation and personality adjustment

Cultural adaptation is another critical factor in personality adjustment. Immigrants must learn to navigate social norms, values, and expectations in the host culture, which often involves modifying their secondary personality traits (e.g., social behaviors, emotional responses) [3, 31]. Personality adjustment is closely tied to cultural adaptation, as individuals need to balance the demands of the new culture with their original identity. Kim’s Integrative Theory emphasizes that successful adaptation depends on how individuals engage with the new culture and adapt their behaviors accordingly [8].

This process of adjusting secondary personality traits in response to cultural demands is central to understanding how cultural adaptation influences the broader phenomenon of personality adjustment during acculturation. While central personality traits serve as relatively stable characteristics that influence an individual's interactions with the world, personality adjustment specifically refers to the ways in which the secondary traits are expressed or modified in response to acculturation challenges. For instance, a highly extraverted (central personality trait) individual may adjust their behavior to become more reserved in certain social contexts when interacting with unfamiliar cultural norms, yet their core trait of extraversion remains unchanged. This adaptability is crucial in the context of acculturation, where immigrants must adjust to new cultural frameworks that challenge their previously established personality expressions [22]. As Kim’s Integrative Theory suggests, successful acculturation depends on how individuals engage with the new culture and adapt their behaviors accordingly. Those who are open to intercultural communication and flexible in adjusting their personality traits tend to experience more successful cultural adaptation.

In line with this, traits such as openness, extraversion, and conscientiousness have been found to positively correlate with successful adaptation [8, 32, 33]. For instance, Ahadi and Puente-Díaz [34] discovered that Hispanic college students with higher levels of extraversion and conscientiousness tended to report greater life satisfaction and positive affect. Conversely, neuroticism has been linked to negative emotional outcomes, including heightened acculturation stress and depression, a pattern also observed among Chinese students [35]. The adaptability of personality in acculturation is further supported by Ramírez-Esparza et al. [24], who compared monolingual individuals from the U.S. and Mexico, each group speaking only their native language. Their study found that U.S. monolingual individuals scored significantly higher on traits such as extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, and openness, while Mexican monolinguals exhibited higher scores on neuroticism. These findings illustrate how the expression and modulation of personality traits are influenced by the acculturation process, with language competence serving as a key variable in this dynamic. The integration of Lysgaard’s U-Curve Model highlights that personality traits may shift as immigrants progress through the stages of adjustment, from initial optimism (honeymoon stage) to the challenges of culture shock (crisis stage), and eventually towards more authentic self-expression as they adapt (adjustment and adaptation stages) [17].

Psychological resilience in the acculturation process

Psychological resilience is widely recognized as a critical factor in the acculturation process, facilitating immigrants’ ability to navigate the challenges of cultural adjustment. Resilience refers to the capacity to maintain or regain psychological well-being in the face of adversity, including stressors such as culture shock, language barriers, and social isolation [16, 36]. In the context of acculturation, resilient individuals are better equipped to regulate their emotions, adapt to new cultural norms, and manage the complex demands of integration into a host society [8, 35].

Theoretical models of cross-cultural adaptation emphasize resilience as a dynamic resource that mitigates acculturation stress. Kim’s Integrative Theory of Communication and Cross-Cultural Adaptation, for example, conceptualizes adaptation as a stress-adaptation-growth process in which resilience enables individuals to transform stressful encounters into opportunities for growth and learning [8]. Similarly, Berry’s acculturation framework identifies coping resources, including psychological resilience, as essential for balancing the demands of the host culture with the maintenance of one’s original cultural identity, thereby promoting overall well-being and adjustment [36].

Empirical research supports the protective role of resilience in reducing the negative mental health consequences of acculturation stress. Wei et al. [16, 17] found that higher levels of psychological resilience among immigrants were associated with reduced symptoms of anxiety, depression, and social withdrawal. Resilience enables immigrants to employ adaptive coping strategies, maintain self-efficacy, and preserve a sense of continuity and coherence in their identity during the often-disruptive process of cultural transition. Conversely, lower levels of resilience and difficulties with emotional regulation have been linked to heightened vulnerability to acculturation stress, persistent self-doubt, feelings of alienation, and poorer overall adaptation outcomes [8, 35].

Moreover, psychological resilience is not a static trait but a dynamic process that can be developed and strengthened over time. Interventions that promote resilience—such as skills training in emotion regulation, stress management, and adaptive coping—have been shown to improve acculturative outcomes by equipping immigrants with the tools to manage cultural challenges more effectively. As such, resilience is increasingly recognized as a key target for programs and policies aimed at supporting the successful integration of immigrant populations into their host societies [16, 36].

Social support and acculturation

Social support plays a vital role in the acculturation process by buffering the stressors and psychological challenges associated with cultural adaptation. Theoretical models emphasize that access to supportive social networks—whether within ethnic communities or the broader host society—enhances well-being and facilitates integration by providing emotional reassurance, practical guidance, and a sense of belonging [8, 36].

Kim’s Integrative Theory of Communication and Cross-Cultural Adaptation describes acculturation as a stress-adaptation-growth dynamic in which social support enables immigrants to transform stress into opportunities for learning and personal development [8]. Similarly, Berry’s acculturation framework highlights coping resources, including social ties, as essential for balancing the demands of the host culture with maintaining one’s cultural identity [36].

Empirical studies confirm the positive effects of social support on acculturative outcomes. Peer networks within ethnic communities help immigrants maintain cultural identity while offering practical strategies for navigating language barriers and unfamiliar norms [23]. Such networks provide empathy, validation, and culturally tailored advice that reduce alienation and promote psychological well-being. For example, Bertram et al. [12] found that social support among Chinese international students was associated with lower anxiety and depression and greater satisfaction with their host culture experience.

Beyond emotional benefits, social support facilitates language acquisition and communication competence by offering safe contexts to practice language skills, thereby improving confidence and integration [12]. Importantly, social networks extend beyond ethnic communities to include relationships with host society members. Intercultural friendships and mentorships provide cultural knowledge, social capital, and opportunities for inclusion, helping reduce cultural distance and challenge discriminatory barriers.

Overall, social support functions as a complex, multifaceted mechanism through which immigrants manage the psychological demands of acculturation and achieve successful adaptation in their new cultural environments.

The integration of Kim’s Integrative Theory of Communication and Lysgaard’s U-Curve Model of Adjustment provides a comprehensive framework for understanding the complex relationship between language competence, personality adjustment, and cultural adaptation [17]. By examining how English proficiency influences personality expression, this study highlights the central role of communication in the acculturation process. Language competence not only facilitates smoother adaptation but also enables individuals to express their evolving identities and adjust their behaviors in response to cultural expectations. This framework offers a nuanced understanding of how first-generation Chinese immigrants navigate the challenges of acculturation and adjust their personalities, providing critical insights into the broader dynamics of cross-cultural adaptation.

Method

Study design

This study employed a phenomenological approach to explore perceptions of personality adjustment among first-generation Chinese immigrants in ESL communication contexts. A convenience sample was recruited from two distinct settings: adult students at a large metropolitan university in Houston, Texas, and members of a community center offering services for Chinese immigrants in Houston, Texas. Recruitment occurred between May 10, 2017, and August 28, 2017.

Ethic statement

Ethical approval for the study was granted by the University of Houston Institutional Review Board (IRB approval ID: STUDY00000199). Participation was voluntary and anonymous, with no incentives offered to respondents, and they could quit at any time. Informed consent was obtained from all participants before the start of the interview, including explicit consent for the publication of anonymized direct quotes. The participants were assigned unique subject codes to ensure confidentiality and anonymity.

Sample characteristics

Participants for this study were recruited through convenience sampling from both academic (e.g., university settings) and non-academic (e.g., community-based environments) settings, allowing for a diverse representation of experiences within the Chinese immigrant population. Given the central role of language competence and personality adjustment in the acculturation process, the study specifically focused on individuals who were in the early stages of their cultural adjustment. As Berry [36] suggests, the first five years of immigration are typically marked by heightened acculturation stress and significant psychological adjustment challenges as immigrants navigate the demands of a new culture while maintaining ties to their home culture. This time frame is particularly critical for understanding how English proficiency influences personality shifts and identity formation.

The recruitment was intentionally limited to a single city in the southern United States, primarily due to the convenience sampling method and the practical constraints of time and resources. While this geographical focus may limit the generalizability of the findings, the large Chinese immigrant community in this city provided a rich and relevant context for examining the acculturation process.

The sample consisted of 30 first-generation Chinese immigrants who met the following inclusion criteria: (1) aged 18 years or older, (2) fluent in Chinese with basic verbal proficiency in English, (3) had resided in the United States for five years or less [36], and (4) were currently residing in the designated southern city. Among the participants, the majority (56.67%, n = 17) were between the ages of 28 and 37, with the duration of their stay in the U.S. varying: half of the participants (n = 15) had lived in the U.S. for 1.5 to 2 years, 43.33% (n = 13) had resided in the U.S. for 3 to 5 years, and 6.67% (n = 2) had been in the country for less than six months.

Each participant was assigned a code based on their gender and recruitment setting. Male participants were coded as "M" and female participants as "F," with additional codes for the recruitment setting: "A" for academic and "N" for nonacademic settings. For example, "FA1" denotes the first female participant from the academic setting (e.g., MN2 for the second male participant from a non-academic setting). Although the use of convenience sampling limits the external validity of the findings, it allowed for an in-depth exploration of the personality adjustment experiences of first-generation Chinese immigrants within this specific geographical and social context.

Interview questions

Participants were presented with three hypothetical ESL communication scenarios during semi-structured interviews. These scenarios were orally described by the researcher to encourage participants to reflect on and relate their own experiences and feelings in similar situations. The semi-structured interviews were conducted in Chinese in a quiet, private setting to ensure the comfort and confidentiality of participants, and each interview lasted approximately 40–60 min. Participants were informed that the interviews would be recorded to ensure accuracy and completeness. The scenarios included:

1. An English-speaking individual joins a conversation between the participant and another Chinese individual, initially conducted in Chinese.

2. A group of English-speaking individuals joins a conversation among a group of Chinese individuals, initially conducted in Chinese.

3. An English-speaking individual joins a conversation among a group of Chinese individuals, initially conducted in Chinese.

Participants were then prompted to describe their personality adjustments in these contexts by recalling and reflecting on their own real-life experiences that paralleled the given scenarios. The intention of these scenarios was to provide relatable and contextually relevant prompts to guide participants in discussing their bilingual communication experiences and personality adjustments.

The semi-structured interview questions, designed by the research team (Supplementary file 1), encouraged participants to elaborate on these reflections. For example, participants were asked: (1) What were your experiences and feelings of changing language from Mandarin to English in similar situations? (2) Please describe any perceived adjustments in your personality during these moments, such as manner of speaking, body language, facial expression, introversion or extroversion, shyness or openness, or changes in attitude when switching between Mandarin and English.

Given the qualitative nature of the study, English competence was treated as a subjective measure, with participants describing their linguistic capabilities in relation to the challenges they encountered during their acculturation process. This approach allowed the study to capture individualized and context-dependent perceptions of ESL competence, rather than providing a fixed or objective measure of language proficiency. While this method may limit the generalizability of the findings, it offers valuable insights into how participants experienced their English skills within the context of their everyday lives and cultural adjustment.

Transcription and translation

The interviews were transcribed verbatim in Chinese. To ensure accurate translation into English, a multi-step process was employed. First, the corresponding author, who is bilingual, translated the transcripts into English. The translated transcripts were then reviewed by two English native speakers in the research team to ensure clarity and identify any ambiguities. Subsequently, a back-translation was performed by another bilingual team member, a full professor with extensive experience in qualitative research. The corresponding author verified the accuracy of the back-translations against the original Chinese transcripts to resolve discrepancies and confirm the fidelity of the translations.

Data analysis plan

Moustakas’s [37] four-step psychological phenomenology framework guided the study’s examination of perceptions of personality adjustment. Phenomenology provides a deep understanding of common patterns within the phenomenon experienced by a group of first-generation Chinese immigrants as well as a fresh perspective toward the understanding that their awareness of personality may adjust in various communication environments. This method emphasizes participants’ descriptions, as opposed to researchers’ interpretations, when describing common experiences of a specific phenomenon.

The first stage of the study needed the researcher to abstain from preconceived assumptions and interpret the data without bias. The second step was a phenomenological reduction consisting of five elements: (1) bracketing (only focusing on personality adjustment to analyze qualitative data), (2) horizontalizing (highlighting all statements with equal value related to perceptions of personality adjustment), (3) horizons (rechecking the highlighted statements to delete irrelevancy or repetitions), (4) themes (clustering highlighted statements into themes) and (5) textural description of the phenomenon (organizing statement themes into a coherent textual description). Two coders provided an overall summary of the results from each transcript before beginning the process of phenomenological reduction. Data were then assessed by an imaginative variation aiming to build structural descriptions of experiences through the utilization of imagination [37]. In the final step, textual and structural descriptions generated from previous steps were integrated for a unified statement of influences that led to perceptions of personality adjustment.

The 30 interview transcripts were imported into the Computer Assisted Qualitative Data Analysis Software Nvivo12 for data analysis. The coding process followed a systematic and rigorous approach to ensure validity and reliability. Initially, the two coders met to discuss and confirm the study's aims and objectives, aligning their understanding of the research focus and establishing a clear foundation for the coding efforts.

In the first coding phase, a combination of descriptive coding and in vivo coding was employed to identify potential codes related to perceptions of personality adjustment. Descriptive coding involved assigning concise labels to summarize data segments into words or short phrases, while in vivo coding used the participants’ own language from the transcripts to authentically capture their experiences. Once the initial coding was completed, the two coders compared their results to assess reliability and validity. Discrepancies were discussed, and code revisions were made based on a consensus to ensure consistency.

To achieve an agreement rate, the coders independently coded all interview transcripts using the refined coding framework. Following this, a consistency check was performed where the coders reconvened to compare their coding results, discussing and resolving discrepancies until a high level of consistency was reached. This collaborative process resulted in an agreement rate of 90%, demonstrating a reliable alignment of the coding across the dataset.

In the second phase, the coders utilized a pattern coding strategy to identify recurring patterns and overarching themes. Through iterative discussions, the coders collaborated to refine these themes, ensuring they accurately reflected the data and provided a deeper understanding of the phenomenon of personality adjustment. This rigorous process ensured the findings were both credible and reflective of the participants' experiences.

Results

This study reveals a non-linear process of personality adjustment among first-generation Chinese immigrants, with participants exhibiting varied experiences and timelines for cultural adaptation. Drawing upon Lysgaard’s U-Curve Model of Adjustment, four stages of personality adjustment were identified: Absence of Personality Adjustment, Personality Inhibition, Personality Authenticity, and Personality Cultural Adaptation. However, it is important to note that these stages were not experienced in a fixed or uniform manner. Participants’ transitions through these stages were shaped by multiple interacting factors, including English competence, psychological resilience, and social support, which are discussed in the following analysis.

While English competence was the primary facilitator of personality adjustment, other factors—such as psychological resilience and the presence of social support networks—played critical roles in either accelerating or hindering participants' progress through these stages. The stages and their corresponding themes are outlined in Table 1, and Fig. 1 provides a visual representation of the U-shaped model of personality adjustment, illustrating the distribution of participant experiences.

Table 1.

Perceptions of personality adjustment stages among first-generation Chinese immigrants

Stages	Themes	Codes
Stage 1	Absence of personality adjustment	• Alienation from the ESL communication context
		• Communication in a formal context
Stage 2	Personality inhibition	• Emotion concealment due to language barriers
		• Embarrassment due to perceived feedback or social cues
		• Self-doubt within a foreign environment
Stage 3	Personality authenticity	• Relief with improved ESL competence
		• Self-acceptance of low ESL proficiency
		• Communication with peers
Stage 4	Personality cultural adaptation	• Communication in a more direct manner
		• Expression with exaggerated body language
		• Confidence in ESL acquisition

Fig.1.

U-Shape four-stage perceptions of personality adjustment. This figure was devised to visually represent the U-shaped trajectory of personality adjustment as conceptualized in this study. The stages of adjustment—Absence of Personality Adjustment, Personality inhibition, Personality Authenticity, and Personality Cultural Adaptation—are depicted on the x-axis, while the perceived depth of adjustment is indicated on the y-axis. The graph was created using Edraw, a diagram and visualization software. The figure was based on aggregated qualitative insights and is intended to provide a conceptual representation rather than quantitative data

Stage 1: absence of personality adjustment

In the initial stage of absence of personality adjustment, twenty-five participants (83.33%) recalled experiencing minimal or no personality adjustment when they first arrived in the United States, primarily due to low English competence and lack of engagement with the host culture. This stage was marked by participants’ reliance on their native language and limited exposure to English-speaking environments, which restricted opportunities for personality adaptation. From the data, fifty-six relevant statements were identified, with two key themes emerging: alienation from ESL communication contexts and communication in formal settings.

Alienation from the ESL communication context

Ten participants (33.33%) described feeling isolated from English-speaking communities due to limited interactions, which were largely influenced by their language proficiency. For example, FA18 stated, “I will keep some distance from English-speaking people,” while MA4 noted, “80% of the day, I speak Chinese.” This lack of exposure to English-speaking environments, driven by their limited confidence and proficiency in English, reduced opportunities for these participants to engage in the process of personality adjustment. Similarly, FA28 remarked, “I’ve connected with a limited number of English-speaking individuals… I have had few experiences communicating with people about personal issues,” further highlighting the sense of alienation experienced by participants in this stage. The data suggest that low English competence not only restricted participants' engagement with the broader English-speaking community but also inhibited the possibility of significant personality adjustment during their early experiences of acculturation.

Communication in a formal context

Eighteen participants (60.00%) reported an absence of personality adjustment when required to switch between languages in formal settings, such as academic or professional environments. In these contexts, participants viewed communication as a formal obligation rather than an opportunity for personal expression. The data suggest that individuals often concealed their personal emotions in these situations and prepared extensively in advance, which contributed to a greater sense of competence and confidence. For example, FA19 shared, “My contact with Americans mainly occurs during work, so it has only a very minor impact on my personality.” This observation aligns with the experiences of MA13 and MA5. MA13 similarly described, “At work, it’s all about tasks and clear instructions. There isn’t much space for showing personality.” MA5 added, “I focus on getting the job done in English. It’s professional talk, no personal feelings.” These observations highlight the professional and task-oriented nature of participants’ interactions in formal contexts, indicating that personality adjustments were minimal when communication was goal-directed and impersonal. The preparation and emotional regulation required in such environments allowed participants to feel more in control, thereby mitigating the need for personality adaptation.

Stage 2: personality inhibition

This study defines personality inhibition as the experience of constrained self-expression when switching from Chinese to English, influenced by perceived social cues, limited cultural adaptation, and low levels of English competence. In the personality inhibition stage, A majority of participants (n = 25, 83.33%) stated feeling constrained in expressing their personalities, as they were still navigating the acculturation process and adjusting to the new cultural environment. Personality inhibition can be further understood through three themes: (1) emotion concealment due to language barriers, (2) embarrassment caused by perceived feedback or social cues, and (3) self-doubt within a foreign environment.

Concealment of emotion due to language barriers

Seventeen participants (56.67%) expressed that their emotions were concealed in ESL environments due to language barriers and limited English competence. For example, FA18 remarked, “The biggest limitation is my limited English competence, which restricts me from making more profound expressions.” Participant FA27 described herself as “Poor in English” and “Did not integrate into English-speaking environments well.” She elaborated,

“I feel that I am not outgoing when talking with foreigners…Back in China, I had a sense of humor. However, I cannot describe such a feeling when expressing myself in English…I can only stand there and listen…which may make others think I’m quiet or submissive. In fact, I’m not like that. Restricted by language barriers, I could not be the real me.”

This phenomenon was echoed by FA22, who shared, “Most of the time, my personality isn’t released completely, it’s restricted by language.” Likewise, FA25 described her experience,

“I think I’m more introverted and reserved when speaking English than in speaking Chinese. When I speak Chinese, I’m more vigorous and exultant. I may also use a wider range of words. I’m more reserved when speaking English… I could not be open. My personality may be hidden more deeply.”

All of these emotional mechanisms are auto-reactions to the shame caused by a low level of English competence.

Embarrassment due to perceived feedback and social cues

Fifteen of participants (50.00%) described feelings of embarrassment when speaking English, often fearing they might confuse native speakers or appear less competent. This perceived inability to communicate fluently acted as a significant blow to their confidence. For example, FA20 stated, “On many occasions, my boss frowned as I spoke; I think he was confused. The frowning meant an enormous blow… his response was painful to me.”

When recalling a situation of switching to English in front of a group of Americans and Chinese speakers, FA22 expressed the fear of being judged for poor English both by native speakers and other Chinese peers,

“I’m afraid of saying something wrong. It’s because there are so many eyes staring at me. Meantime, you need to consider whether other Chinese people will think your English is poor. I think I’m a bit reserved in behavior. I’m not as natural as I’m speaking Chinese. Because I cannot say anything as I desire.”

The sense of social anxiety in this stage was often accompanied by self-doubt and discomfort when communicating in English.

Self-doubt within a foreign environment

Ten participants (33.33%) often expressed passive self-evaluations regarding their English competence, which led to diminished confidence and increased reservation. FA27 reflected, “I kept wondering what if they could not understand me. I could not communicate at all…I felt a bit unnatural… I will keep wondering what others will think of me.” FA22 added, “I think it’s because I’m not confident and don’t believe that I can speak English well. It will make my mind closed.”

MA12 echoed similar sentiments, “Your confidence can be beaten down when you feel disappointed with your own talking.” This self-questioning, particularly related to grammar and vocabulary, hindered their ability to engage in spontaneous conversations. FA25 explained:

“When speaking English, I need to consider … whether (or not) my grammar is correct or what word I should use. I just don’t have that much energy to think about what to express…Maybe people may think that I don’t respect them.”

Similarly, FA19 shared, “I thought my English was not good and I was not confident. That’s why I just wanted to end the conversation with Americans”. These patterns of thought often overrode participants’ natural inclination to engage.

Stage 3: personality authenticity

The personality authenticity stage emerged as participants improved their ESL competence and began to feel more comfortable expressing their true personalities in English. This stage was characterized by increased self-confidence and the development of a more authentic bilingual identity. Twenty participants (66.67%) reported feeling more aligned with their authentic selves as their English proficiency improved. Three main themes were identified: relief with improved ESL competence, self-acceptance of low ESL proficiency, and the supportive presence of Chinese peers in ESL contexts.

Relief with improved ESL competence

Ten participants (33.33%) expressed that their personalities became more “open” as their English competence increased. With more frequent exposure to English-speaking environments, their comfort and confidence grew, allowing for a more authentic expression of self. For instance, FA27 remarked, “I think I am brave enough to speak English now. In the beginning, I dared not speak at all. I was truly anxious. My low English proficiency truly prevented me from doing many things in the past.” MA7 similarly noted, “I feel more natural every day. It seems that my English proficiency is much better than before, maybe more natural when communicating in English.” FA25 reflected, “I need to speak English so people will feel that I’m more relaxed… I think I am more capable of expressing myself with better English proficiency, as well as presenting who I am and my personality more in-depth.” Another participant, FA28, added, “I was fearful of making mistakes during communications in the past. Now, I don’t think it matters. I can repeat certain things a couple of times if I cannot make them clear. I’m less shy now.”

Self-acceptance of low ESL proficiency

Ten participants (33.33%) reached a stage of self-acceptance regarding their English limitations, allowing them to feel more comfortable in their bilingual identity. FA23, for example, acknowledged her identity as a "nonnative speaking immigrant," stating, “We are in America and living in their culture. Americans will understand that English is not our mother tongue.” Similarly, MN8 reflected on the pressure to present a polished image in Chinese culture, noting, “In China, we were taught to show the best image to others as a first impression. Later, as I think about it, I think it is what it is.” He further emphasized the importance of a positive attitude towards learning: “They know that my English proficiency is low… I shouldn’t care that much. I should have a thicker skin.”

Involvement of more Chinese peers in the ESL context

Nine participants (30.00%) reported that the presence of Chinese peers in ESL environments fostered a sense of shared support, allowing them to express their personalities more freely. The involvement of peers reduced the pressure of navigating social interactions alone. FA29 reflected, “With Chinese being around, I feel happier and more open.” Similarly, FA21 suggested, “With Chinese peers around me, the pressure from this group is smaller and I don’t feel that I am different from others. After that, you will be relaxed in this group.” This sense of peer support was seen as a critical step toward successful acculturation, as participants felt less isolated and more empowered to express their authentic selves.

Stage 4: personality cultural adaptation

The final stage of personality adjustment is defined as personality cultural adaptation. Reflected in the interviews, participants who perceived themselves as having successful acculturation were more likely to adapt their expressions to “Americanization”, both intentionally and unintentionally. Three adaptations were identified: communication in a more direct manner, expression with enhanced nonverbal communication, and confidence in bilingual identity.

Communication in a more direct manner

Twenty-five participants (83.33%) reported adopting a more direct and assertive communication style in English. FA19 shared, “When interacting with Americans, I make myself more direct intentionally. Maybe I didn’t express myself so directly in Chinese. When speaking English, I will express my ideas, subjective feelings, and demands more directly. I will especially tell others my demands.” MA7 described his personality as, “I think my English personality is…, mindless when speaking English, I say what I want to say. That is, I am very open.” Participant MN1 felt that “With Chinese, my expression is very implicit. In English, good is good and there is no ambiguity.” MA3 also expressed the feeling of “Freeness to express whatever I wanted to express.” FA21 said, “American education encourages you to say and express your opinions directly.” Participant FA23 also stated, “English makes people more direct by speaking vernacular in the American environment.”

Expression through enhanced nonverbal communication

Fifteen of participants (50.00%) noted adopting more expressive nonverbal communication, including facial and body language, within ESL environments. Participant MA11 shared, “When I speak English, I use my hands a lot more. I’ll point, wave, or even make big gestures to explain something.” Similarly, FA25 described, “I noticed I nod my head more and raise my eyebrows to show I understand or agree, which I didn't do as much in Chinese.”

Participants also noted that they learned these nonverbal expressions from observing and interacting with Americans. For example, FN16 explained, “Americans use a lot of hand gestures and dramatic expressions. I picked it up in my neighbor and I even do things like shrug my shoulders or widen my eyes when I'm surprised.” Participant MA7 added, “I smile more and use my arms to emphasize my words. I think I learned it because everyone around me did it.”

Moreover, participants described expressive nonverbal communication as a strategy to compensate for limited English proficiency. FA26 stated, “When I can’t find the right English words, I act it out with my hands or make a face so people understand. It helps me share my ideas even if my words aren’t perfect.”

Confidence in bilingual identity

Fourteen participants (46.66%) felt more confident about their competency in English when compared to their Chinese peers. For example, “I was quite proud. It was because I was the only one in the group that could speak English…That’s why I felt quite natural in my feeling…I was bilingual,” stated FA22. FA23 felt more outgoing in an ESL environment. “Back in China, I did not talk much. I was quite reserved. After arriving in America, however, I think I would like to talk more, and that is because I’m quite confident now. Participant FA26 said, “If you can communicate with Americans fluently without obstacles, it will build your confidence.” MA7 also gave his experience by saying, “I think my personality is more open unconsciously when speaking English.” Practicing the host language is a learning process that helps the foreign speaker gain confidence.

Discussion

This study contributes to the growing body of research on bilingual immigrants’ personality adjustment by examining the acculturation process of first-generation Chinese immigrants in ESL contexts. The findings illustrate a dynamic, non-linear process of personality adjustment, characterized by four stages: Absence of Personality Adjustment, Personality inhibition, Personality Authenticity, and Personality Cultural Adaptation. These stages highlight the complex interplay between language proficiency, cultural adaptation, and self-perception. However, the transition through these stages was not uniform or strictly linear. Instead, it was influenced by a range of intervening factors, such as English competence, individual personality traits, psychological resilience, and social support networks. Moreover, these patterns must be understood within the broader cultural context of Chinese norms emphasizing emotional restraint, collectivism, and face-saving, which can significantly shape how immigrants navigate acculturation challenges [38, 39].

The non-linear process of personality adjustment

In line with Lysgaard’s U-Curve Model of Adjustment, the study identifies that personality adjustment involves a psychological trajectory marked by stages of honeymoon, crisis, adjustment, and adaptation [17]. However, as suggested by Kim’s Integrative Theory, the study’s findings emphasize that adaptation is not a linear process [8]. Instead, the progression through these stages was shaped by multiple dynamic factors, with language competence playing a central role in self-expression and identity integration.

Participants in the early stages of adjustment, particularly those reporting an absence of personality adjustment or experiencing personality inhibition, faced limited English proficiency and feelings of alienation in English-speaking environments. While Lysgaard’s model highlights the emotional and social challenges of acculturation when language barriers hinder integration, these difficulties did not progress in a simple, linear fashion. Participants described varying levels of confidence and inhibition depending on social context, communication demands, and concerns about losing face, a concept central to Chinese cultural values. Norms of emotional restraint and indirect communication in Chinese society further shaped this process, leading participants to suppress feelings of anxiety, confusion, or frustration in unfamiliar linguistic settings [40, 41]. Fear of appearing incompetent in English, given the importance of maintaining face in both host and cultural communities, encouraged careful self-monitoring and reduced participation in some contexts, even as participants felt more comfortable in lower-pressure situations [38–41].

Language competence and its role in personality adjustment

Consistent with previous research, this study underscores the critical role of English competence in the personality adjustment process. Language proficiency was closely linked to cultural adaptation and self-authenticity. As participants improved their ESL competence, they progressed from personality inhibition to personality authenticity, eventually reaching personality cultural adaptation. This progression is consistent with findings by Aoyama and Takahashi [10], who emphasized that language proficiency facilitates cultural integration and enhances self-expression. As English competence improved, participants were more likely to develop a more assertive communication style, feel comfortable in using English, and exhibit greater confidence in their bilingual identity.

Conversely, limited English proficiency emerged as a significant barrier, particularly in the early stages of acculturation. Language barriers were associated with feelings of alienation, self-doubt, and embarrassment, often leading to emotional concealment and avoidance of social interactions. This observation is consistent with Wei et al.’s work [15], which links low language competence to acculturation stress and inhibited emotional expression. These challenges were further shaped by Chinese cultural norms that emphasize face-saving and avoiding public mistakes. Participants often preferred silence over the risk of error, motivated by fear of judgment from both host society members and their own ethnic peers. Such cultural pressures to maintain face reduced opportunities for authentic practice and ultimately slowed linguistic and psychological adaptation [38–41].

Personality traits and their impact on acculturation

The findings of this study also align with previous research on the role of personality traits in acculturation. Openness, extraversion, and neuroticism were identified as significant factors influencing the personality adjustment process. Participants who displayed higher levels of openness and extraversion were more likely to experience personality authenticity and cultural adaptation. These individuals engaged more freely with English-speaking environments, expressing themselves more confidently. This is consistent with Ahadi and Puente-Díaz [34], who found that extraversion and conscientiousness were positively correlated with life satisfaction and positive affect among immigrants.

Conversely, participants who exhibited neuroticism—a trait associated with emotional instability—were more likely to experience personality inhibition and struggle with acculturation. This finding is in line with the work of Ryder et al. [35], who found that neuroticism predicted negative emotional outcomes during the acculturation process. The study also emphasizes the adaptive nature of secondary personality traits, such as communication style and social behaviors, which are more malleable in response to environmental stimuli [22]. Within the Chinese cultural context, which emphasizes collective harmony over individual self-assertion, even participants high in openness or extraversion often needed to navigate tensions between authentic self-expression and cultural expectations. This negotiation shaped the pace and form of their adjustment, balancing personal growth with the maintenance of cultural identity [36, 38, 41]. In the later stages of personality adjustment, participants were able to adapt their secondary traits to align with host cultural norms, a process that supports the concept of cultural frame switching [24].

The role of social support in personality adjustment

Social support emerged as a key factor influencing personality adjustment. Participants who reported stronger social support networks, particularly within the Chinese immigrant community, felt more secure in expressing their authentic selves. This finding is consistent with Ożańska-Ponikwia [23], who found that bilingual individuals express their authentic selves more readily when they feel supported by their linguistic and cultural peers. Peer support, particularly in ESL contexts, provided participants with emotional security, allowing them to overcome the emotional challenges of acculturation. FA29 expressed, “With Chinese being around, I feel happier and more open,” highlighting the importance of cultural peer networks in fostering self-expression and reducing acculturation stress.

Moreover, peer support was associated with improved language acquisition, as participants practiced their English skills in familiar social contexts. This not only boosted their confidence but also facilitated their integration into English-speaking environments. Importantly, these culturally congruent networks also provided a safe space where face-saving concerns were minimized, enabling participants to experiment with language and self-expression without fear of judgment. Such environments helped buffer the psychological costs of navigating dual cultural expectations, allowing participants to reconcile collective values with the demands of individual adaptation [12, 23, 36, 38].

The interaction of language, personality, and social support

The findings of this study provide a systematic framework for understanding how language competence, personality traits, and social support interact to influence personality adjustment. The progression from personality inhibition to personality authenticity and ultimately to personality cultural adaptation was largely facilitated by increased language competence, but also depended on the ability to navigate cultural norms around emotional expression, collectivism, and face-saving [10, 16, 36, 38, 41]. Participants in this study who displayed higher psychological resilience were more likely to transition smoothly through these stages, moving from initial culture shock (crisis stage) to authentic self-expression in the adjustment and adaptation stages. Psychological resilience and social support acted as critical buffers against the emotional toll of acculturation, enabling participants to manage stress, reduce self-consciousness, and express themselves more confidently and authentically within both English-speaking and culturally familiar environments [12, 17].

By integrating Kim’s Integrative Theory of Communication and Lysgaard’s U-Curve Model of Adjustment, this study underscores the dynamic nature of personality adjustment and highlights the central role of language competence in the acculturation process. Language is not only a tool for communication but also a mechanism for navigating cultural differences and negotiating identity. As participants progressed through the stages of personality adjustment, their ability to express authentic identities in both Chinese and English was increasingly facilitated by language proficiency, psychological resilience, and peer support.

Limitations and future directions

While this study offers valuable insights into the personality adjustment process of first-generation Chinese immigrants, several limitations must be acknowledged. First, the study’s geographical scope was limited to participants from a single city in the southern United States, which restricts the generalizability of the findings to other regions with different cultural dynamics. Future research should expand the sample to include participants from multiple cities or regions to better understand the impact of geographical and cultural variations on the acculturation process.

The convenience sampling method, though appropriate for exploratory qualitative research, may introduce selection bias, as it relies on readily accessible participants. To enhance the representativeness of the findings, future studies should employ more diverse sampling strategies that encompass a broader range of immigrant experiences across different socioeconomic, educational, and cultural backgrounds.

Additionally, the self-reported nature of the data may be subject to social desirability bias or cultural biases, potentially affecting the accuracy of participants' responses. Future studies could mitigate this limitation by integrating mixed-methods approaches, combining qualitative data with longitudinal or observational studies to capture more objective measures of personality adjustment over time.

While this study explores the relationship between ESL competence and personality adjustment, it does not establish a clear causal link between these variables. Given the qualitative design, causality remains speculative. Future research should incorporate quantitative methodologies (e.g., longitudinal studies or experimental designs) to investigate the causal mechanisms and identify mediating and moderating factors that influence how language competence shapes personality adjustments. Specifically, social support and cultural distance may play critical roles as mediators or moderators, and further exploration of these factors could provide a more comprehensive model of acculturation.

In summary, while this study contributes significantly to our understanding of the personality adjustment process among first-generation Chinese immigrants, future research should address these limitations by expanding the sample, employing mixed-methods designs, and investigating the causal pathways and moderating influences that underlie the complex dynamics of acculturation.

Implications for practice and policy

The findings of this study highlight the complex interplay between language competence, psychological well-being, and cultural adaptation, offering valuable insights for both practitioners and policymakers.

For practitioners working with immigrant populations, it is essential to move beyond traditional ESL programs that focus solely on language acquisition. Instead, a more holistic approach should be adopted, integrating language learning with psychological support to address the emotional and identity challenges that often accompany the acculturation process. For instance, ESL instructors and counselors should collaborate to design programs that build immigrants’ self-confidence in expressing their personalities across languages. Role-playing exercises that simulate real-world social interactions can help immigrants practice their language skills while exploring adaptive communication styles.

Peer support networks can also play a transformative role in fostering resilience during the acculturation process. Practitioners should consider facilitating group-based interventions, such as peer mentorship programs, where newcomers can learn from individuals who have successfully navigated similar challenges. These programs could focus on building emotional security, mutual understanding, and practical strategies for managing language-switching situations. Additionally, workshops on cross-cultural communication could help immigrants navigate the expectations and norms of their host culture, empowering them to express their bilingual identities confidently and authentically.

From a policy perspective, the study underscores the importance of designing integration policies that address both the linguistic and psychological dimensions of acculturation. Policymakers should prioritize funding and resources for comprehensive language acquisition programs that incorporate mental health support. For example, integrating culturally sensitive counseling services into language learning centers could help mitigate the stress and self-doubt that many immigrants experience during their adjustment period.

Furthermore, policies should promote inclusivity in educational, workplace, and community settings to create environments where bilingual individuals feel valued and supported. This includes mandating cultural competency training for educators, employers, and public service providers to reduce the stigma often associated with language barriers. Policymakers could also incentivize workplaces and schools to develop mentorship or buddy programs that pair immigrants with native speakers, fostering mutual learning and reducing isolation.

Finally, a greater emphasis on community engagement initiatives could strengthen the social fabric that supports immigrants’ adaptation. Local governments could sponsor cultural exchange events, language cafes, and workshops that celebrate bilingualism and cultural diversity, reinforcing the value of immigrants' unique contributions to society. By fostering inclusive communities where immigrants feel empowered to express their bilingual identities, these initiatives can lead to improved mental health outcomes, stronger social cohesion, and more successful cultural adaptation.

Conclusion

In conclusion, this study sheds light on the multifaceted process of personality adjustment among first-generation Chinese immigrants in ESL communication contexts. The findings illustrate that personality adjustment is not a linear process but rather a dynamic progression influenced by English competence, personality traits, and cultural adaptation. By recognizing the role of language as both a tool for communication and a cultural cue for personality shifts, this research provides valuable insights into how immigrants navigate the complexities of acculturation and offers practical implications for supporting their integration into the host culture.

Abbreviations

ESL

English as a Second Language

L2

Second Language

IRB

Institutional Review Board

FA

Female participant from Academic setting

FN

Female participant from Nonacademic setting

MA

Male participant from Academic setting

MN

Male participant from Nonacademic setting

Author’s contributions

X.C. is the sole author of this manuscript and contributed to all stages of the research and writing process. The author was responsible for conceptualizing and designing the study, conducting the interviews, performing data analysis, interpreting the findings, and drafting and revising the manuscript. The author also approved the final version of the manuscript for submission and takes full responsibility for the content of the work.

Funding

Not applicable.

Data availability

The datasets generated and analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to the inclusion of personal and sensitive information from participants, in line with ethical considerations and privacy regulations. However, the data are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

Declarations

Ethics approval and consent to participate

This study was approved by the Institutional Review Board (IRB) of University of Houston, ensuring that all ethical guidelines were followed in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki. Prior to participation, all participants were provided with detailed information regarding the purpose of the study, the procedures involved, and their rights as participants. Informed consent was obtained from all participants before the start of the interview.

Consent for publication

Not applicable.

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.