Navigating Acculturation: Overcoming Challenges and Creating Pathways to Well-Being for Central Asian Immigrants in the United States

Abstract

This study explores the adaptations of recent immigrants from Central Asia (CA) to the United States. Using qualitative grounded theory analysis of narratives from 42 immigrants, gathered through semi-structured interviews and focus groups, acculturation, life course development, resilience, and intersectionality frameworks were applied to the analysis. Participants included 21 women and 21 men aged 22 to 45. Three major themes emerged. The first theme highlights acculturative challenges and stress, including shifts in gender roles, professional status, and family values. The second theme addresses barriers to seeking help, stemming from ideological and practical constraints. The third theme emphasizes opportunities and positive outlooks on life in the United States for immigrants and their children. The study underscores implications for practice and policy, along with avenues for future research.

Introduction

Goals of the Study

This study examines adaptations in response to acculturative challenges among recent immigrants to the United States from Central Asia using the immigrants’ own narratives as primary data. Immigrants from Central Asia (CA) comprise a rapidly growing subgroup of the Asian immigrant population in the United States (Migration Policy Institute, n.d.) but have received scant attention in the literature on acculturative challenges, especially from qualitative accounts that center immigrants’ own voices. The current study is motivated by three interrelated goals: (a) to help fill the gap in the literature about the challenges facing the growing Central Asian immigrant population in the United States; (b) to contribute primary material for exploration of the theoretical and comparative understanding of acculturative challenges of immigrant populations in the United States; and (c) to provide data and insight to inform the improvement of services, outreach, and policies aimed at supporting the well-being of this and similar populations.

The Importance of Immigrant Adaptation in the United States

Immigrants make up a significant and growing proportion of the U.S. population, totaling 45 million in 2015 and projected to reach 78 million by 2065 (“Modern Immigration Wave Brings 59 Million to U.S., …,” 2015). Among new immigrant arrivals, Asians make up the largest regional group at 37% of new arrivals (“Modern Immigration Wave Brings 59 Million to U.S., …”, 2015). As of 2019, 14.1 million immigrants from Asia were residing in the United States, a population almost 30 times the number in 1960 and accounting for 31% of immigrants in the United States (Hanna & Batalova, 2021). Immigrants from Asia were the largest immigrant group arriving in the United States between 2010 and 2017 (National Geographic, 2018). Immigrants from South Central Asia (including all the Central Asian countries) have been among the fastest-growing groups of immigrants to the United States since 1990 (Hanna & Batalova, 2021). Extending formative research to subgroups of immigrants creates a basis for understanding commonalities and differences among subpopulations, which has implications for social work, education, health, law enforcement, community development, and other sectors. Subgroup research is also valuable for identifying specific issues or needs of certain immigrant groups (M. J. Kim & Gorman, 2022).

The number of CA immigrants living in the United States is estimated to be between 100,000 and 125,000 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2019), almost all of whom have arrived during the last 30 years since the dissolution of the former Soviet Union. Anecdotal evidence suggests that this population has been expanding more quickly since the beginning of the Ukrainian conflict, as previous Central Asian migrants to Russia (where men may be subject to military conscription) are now migrating to the United States.¹ The growing population of immigrants to the United States from the five Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, has received scant attention as an identified group in social research, with only four research articles published to the best of our knowledge (Kazakbaeva, 2022; Liebert, 2020; Yang et al., 2022; Zotova, 2018). The majority of CA immigrants live in New York and the Chicago metropolitan area and identify as moderate Muslims (Zotova, 2018).

Acculturative Challenges of Immigrants: Contextualizing the Study

Research shows that the ways in which immigrants face acculturative challenges—challenges associated with the adoption of different values and behaviors in a new sociocultural environment—among immigrants create both risks and opportunities for well-being, leading to differentiated outcomes over time (Buckingham & Suarez-Pedraza, 2019). The literature tends to create typologies of these acculturative challenges, describe risk and protective factors, and recommend strategies for improving the provision of social services to support immigrants in overcoming challenges.

Given the limited literature on CA immigrants’ acculturative challenges in the United States, this study can be contextualized by the broader literature on the acculturation of global migrants to the United States, especially South Asian (Siddiqui, 2022) and Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region immigrants (Abu-Ras, 2015; Childress et al., 2024a; 2024b), studies on immigrants from the former Soviet Union (Aroian et al., 2003), and research on family processes among Central Asians groups. The literature on the links between gender norms and domestic violence (DV) among immigrant populations from many countries of origin also provides important context for this study.

Among South Asian immigrants, acculturation challenges often include learning another language, balancing conflicting social values, and negotiating between American and South Asian ways of life (Siddiqui, 2022). A study of South Asian immigrants to Canada identified intergenerational conflict, discrimination, depression, and coping as the central challenges facing recent immigrants. It concluded that multiethnic and context-specific mental health promotion approaches and guidelines are essential for immigrant South Asian women (Samuel, 2009).

Among immigrants from MENA region, the literature has identified a similar set of challenges including sociostructural challenges including pre-immigration and immigration stressors due to reduced social capital and lessened ability to rely on community support; sociopolitical factors such as discrimination (Kia-Keating et al., 2015, p. 162); and sociocultural factors such as stigma attached to mental health issues. Protective factors among Arab Americans have been found to include religion and spirituality, ethnic identity, and the family support system (Abu-Ras, 2015).

Immigrants from the former Soviet Union (in studies with populations from multiple nationalities including Central Asians) have reported significantly higher levels of mental health distress than the local populations in the United States (Aroian et al., 2003). One of the only studies focused on Central Asian immigrants in the United States, which explored religious practice as a protective factor in this group (Zotova, 2018), showed that many CA immigrants are susceptible to emotional and mental disorders due to acculturative challenges and acculturative stresses. The study identified religious, ethnic, and language discrimination as some of the challenges that created a sense of worthlessness and incompetence among these immigrants (Zotova, 2018). The lengthy legal process to get work visas and unmet expectations added to the disappointment experienced by CA immigrants (Zotova, 2018). Other studies focused on economic assimilation found that language barriers (Kazakbaeva, 2022) and unrecognized educational degrees from home countries (Liebert, 2020) are significant challenges to assimilation through employment in the United States.

A meta-analysis by Bourque and colleagues (2011) on immigrants from multiple countries of origin found that post-immigration factors were more significantly associated with mental stress among immigrants than pre-migration factors. Another review of the literature (Shekunov, 2016) on immigration and psychiatric disorders showed that the risk of mental health disorders was two to three times greater among immigrants than among the population of the host country. The gendered expectation among CA men to remain strong in challenging situations and the stigmatization of mental health suggest the presence of unmet needs for mental health support among men (Zotova, 2018).

Research on Central Asian cultural norms around family roles suggests several areas that may contribute to acculturative challenges after immigration. In Central Asia, women face rigid gender stereotypes that have been embodied in cultural traditions and practices that normalize subservience to men and legitimize violence against women. The social construction of marriage as a male-dominated relationship, the stigmatization of divorce, and cultural norms around the roles of mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law as occupying highly unequal positions in the household create conditions that legitimate domestic violence (DV; Childress, 2013, 2018; Childress et al., 2018, 2019, 2022, 2023). As in many societies strongly influenced by patriarchal norms, Central Asian women are expected to be subservient to their in-laws and actively assist them with the housework (Ismailbekova, 2014) while eschewing employment or educational opportunities for themselves. Marriage practices (including arranged marriages and bride kidnapping), the limited participation of women in public and political life, and the widespread acceptance of patriarchal attitudes have rendered women from these countries vulnerable to DV (CEDAW, 2015). Research on former Soviet Union immigrants showed that violence against women is widely prevalent and normalized. Crandall et al. (2005) found that in the culture of former Soviet countries, talking about violence outside the family was considered shameful, and victims believed violence was a normal part of marital life.

Central Asian immigrants share these cultural norms and their associated risks with immigrants from other regions. Several studies note the high risk of DV for immigrant women from many different regions. Analysts have identified that value differences between native cultures and the norms of the United States are the source of conflict in immigrant families, especially as women and girls undergoing acculturation challenge traditional norms (Rai et al., 2023). In many cultures, violence against women is often justified when women do not follow traditional gender roles or norms (Pan et al, 2006). Studies among Arab American families, for example, have reported that patriarchal cultural norms, limited cultural support for seeking marital help, and victim blaming were risk factors for DV for Arab American women (Kulwicki et al., 2015; Kulwicki & Miller, 1999). In a study of Latino communities, norms emphasizing male dominance and female self-sacrifice are found to increase women’s risk of DV victimization (Castillo et al., 2010). These norms run counter to contemporary social and legal norms in the United States which are broadly supportive of women’s equality, education, and employment opportunities for women and girls, and condemn DV (although DV remains widespread among almost all demographic groups in the United States; Whitaker & Reese, 2007). This body of literature suggests that acculturative challenges to Central Asian immigrants and their responses can be expected to fall into similar typologies and dimensions as those of immigrants from countries of origin with similar social norms.

Theoretical Conceptualization: Acculturation, Life Course Development, and Resilience

Acculturation Theory

This study’s theoretical conceptualization integrates core ideas of acculturative stress and resilience (Berry, 1997, 1998, 2006; Berry & Anis, 1974) within a life course development perspective (Halfon et al., 2014, 2022; Halfon & Hochstein, 2002) informed by systems theory (ecological perspective; Bronfenbrenner, 1995) and intersectionality theory (Crenshaw, 1989, 2013; Davis, 2008; Zambrana & Dill, 2009). Acculturation is broadly defined as the process of adaptation that results when two cultural groups interact, and/or the extent to which an individual assumes the norms and values of the host culture (Berry et al., 2006). Berry’s (1997, 2006) two-dimensional model of acculturation situates individuals along dimensions of orientation toward the new and heritage cultures, highlighting individual variation and contextual factors. Acculturative stress refers to the mental and emotional challenges of adapting to a new culture (Berry & Anis, 1974), in other words, “anxiety that results from losing familiar signs and symbols of social intercourse” (Oberg, 1954, p. 1). Acculturative stress may result in adjustment challenges, shown by negative reactions to the friction between two cultures (Berry, 1997).

Systems Theory (Ecological Perspective)

Bronfenbrenner’s (1995) ecological (systems) theory enhances this understanding by situating individuals within nested systems—microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem, and chronosystem—each of which influences the acculturative process. Immigrants in a society where the population is more welcoming of multiculturalism (macrosystem) are more likely to receive social support (mesosystems), while immigrants in a society that is less receptive to diversity are more likely to face hostility and discrimination (Berry et al., 2006; Berry & Sabatier, 2010). The acculturation process is also influenced by the immigrant’s individual characteristics that developed or were acquired earlier in the life course (microsystem) in their country of origin, including their cultural assumptions about gender roles and child-rearing, and the environmental factors such as the political and religious beliefs of the host country. These factors, interacting across the ecology of social systems, affect the immigrant’s coping efforts and mental health outcomes (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). The environmental factors impact the coping resources of the immigrant, leading to either reduced stress levels (given adequate resources and supports) or greater mental health issues such as depression and anxiety (Crosswell & Lockwood, 2020). The advantage of understanding acculturative stress and resilience through multiple levels is that it provides opportunities to provide strategies at multiple entry points to alleviate complex and interrelated challenges.

Life Course Development Perspective

The life course development perspective is based on the idea that a person’s physical and mental health trajectory is influenced by social, psychological, and environmental factors operating early in life in interplay with their genetic endowment and adult lifestyle choices (Halfon & Forrest, 2018; Halfon & Hochstein, 2002). This perspective, which incorporates and builds on ecological (systems) theory, provides a comprehensive framework for analyzing immigrants’ acculturative processes over time through cohorts (Elder, 1974, 1994, 1998; Elder & Shanahan, 2006), transitions (McGoldrick et al., 2016; Torres & Young, 2016), trajectories (Alwin, 2012), life events (Holmes, 1978; Holmes & Rahe, 1967; Settersten & Mayer, 1997), and turning points (Gong et al., 2011). The life course health development approach offers important insights to the operation of child and family ecosystems through time, such as personal growth and maturity or significant life events (chronosystem).

At the core of the life course perspective is also the notion of interdependence or “linked lives,” where individuals’ lives are interconnected through relationships providing social support and control (Roy & Settersten, 2022). Acculturation adds complexity to this interdependence as families and individuals navigate the cultural and psychological adjustments required when encountering a new culture. Social support systems are crucial for successful acculturation, offering emotional, informational, and practical assistance to mitigate cultural adaptation stresses. Conversely, the absence of such support can lead to negative outcomes.

Intersectionality Theory

Intersectionality theory (Crenshaw, 1989, 2013; Zambrana & Dill, 2009) further enriches this perspective by recognizing that individuals whose lives are experienced at the intersection of overlapping systems of oppression and discrimination based on various identity factors such as race, gender, and socioeconomic status, face distinct challenges from dominant groups. Crenshaw (1989) posits that multiple-layered marginalization is not experienced as separate elements but that these intersecting layers make up a synthesized experience. An approach that treats gender and race/ethnicity as distinct subjects of inquiry cannot explain how marginalized women are vulnerable to both grounds of discrimination (Bauer, 2014; Marfelt, 2016). Individuals are simultaneously situated within various systems of social stratification, and using a single system of stratification in the analysis could lead to incomplete or incorrect conclusions about similarities and differences within and among groups (Ovadia, 2001). To fully understand the acculturation experiences of Central Asian immigrants and refugees, this study adds an intersectional lens to consider how experiences of acculturation through the life course are influenced by multiple intersecting areas of identity, including race, gender, immigration status, economic circumstances, and cultural norms, and how they shape their unique adaptation processes and their behaviors in seeking help.

The theory of intersectionality has evolved beyond its original tenets to become a multidimensional, open-ended concept (Choo & Ferree, 2010; Özbilgin et al., 2011). Integrating transnational intersectionality (Portes, 1996) adds another layer to this analysis. This sub-category of intersectionality explores the interconnected nature of systems of oppression and privilege across national and cultural borders (H. J. Kim & Cho, 2017). Transnational intersectionality acknowledges that Central Asian immigrants maintain relational ties and cultural norms from their countries of origin, which influence their acculturation and their help-seeking behaviors. Immigrants often navigate multiple cultural and social contexts, drawing on resources from both their home and host countries. This transnational dimension means Central Asian immigrant must manage complex identities shaped by their race, gender, immigration status, and ongoing connections to their homeland. These connections can exacerbate their vulnerabilities, such as fear of deportation, legal and social status issues, and economic dependencies.

Structural components, such as immigration policies, racism, xenophobia, and economic inequality also play a significant role in shaping the complex realities of immigrants and refugees. For example, Central Asian women’s experience at the intersection of gender and ethnic discrimination creates distinct challenges. Early 1990s immigrants dealt with the dual challenge of adapting to the United States while losing familiar sociopolitical structures, while more recent immigrants tend to also face anti-immigrant sentiment and changing policies. Understanding these transnational ties is crucial for developing effective interventions and support systems that address the unique needs of Central Asian immigrants and refugees.

Integrated Risk and Resilience Framework

Recent theorizing has integrated acculturation and human development frameworks, especially for immigrant children. Motti-Stefanidi et al. (2012) present a model intertwining acculturative and developmental tasks, considering individual, interactive, and societal levels. The Integrative Risk and Resilience (IRR) model expands this integration, providing a comprehensive understanding of immigrant adaptation, especially for children and youth, across four levels of influence: individual characteristics; microsystems (family, school, peer groups); social-political systems (national attitudes and policies); and global forces (climate change, poverty, and conflict; Suarez-Orozco et al., 2018). The IRR model, drawing from life course perspectives, emphasizes nested environments (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006), adaptive responses, sensitive periods, and the interplay of risk and protective factors (Halfon et al., 2014; Halfon & Hochstein, 2002), while noting the unique circumstances of refugees (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2018).

The life course development perspective aims to incorporate all these concepts into a unifying approach in which health is regarded not as a static phenomenon but as an active process that continues to emerge and develop throughout the lifespan (Halfon & Hochstein, 2002). Each person’s health trajectory is the result of a complex adaptive interplay between individual characteristics and environmental events and exposures. These interactions are not simple and linear, but complex, reciprocal, and recursive involving bidirectional and multidirectional influences and feedback loops (Halfon & Hochstein, 2002).

With these theoretical considerations as a basis for conceptualizing the thrust of the research, this study uses a qualitative approach to explore the adaptation challenges of CA immigrants in their own words, with sensitivity to the interplay of new and heritage cultures, the nested levels of social influences, age and gender differences, and factors contributing to both risk and resilience.

Method

Sample and Data Collection

The study uses qualitative grounded theory methods (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) because they are useful for gaining deep knowledge and illuminating the context of a problem. The data were collected via semi-structured interviews and focus groups that involved 42 Central Asian respondents (21 women and 21 men). Theoretical sampling (i.e., sampling based on the likelihood that the participants can enhance or elaborate on emerging theoretical constructs; Corbin & Strauss, 1990; Kuzel, 1992) was employed to ensure a diverse representation of immigrant experiences that would enrich the theoretical framework of acculturation, life course development, and risk and resilience.

This integrated framework guided our exploration of how acculturation unfolds across different stages of immigrant lives. Topics included the following: life prior to resettlement, arrival experience, household composition, family roles and family life, finances and resources, mental health, coping and social supports, children’s experiences in the United States, and the impact of COVID-19. The interview questions were designed to elicit participants’ experiences of acculturative stress, such as challenges in adapting to a new cultural environment, and their resilience strategies, such as social support and coping mechanisms, throughout different stages of their lives.

The participants’ age range of 22 to 45 years was chosen to capture a wide spectrum of human development experiences to understand how individuals from different generations within the same cultural group experience acculturation uniquely (cohort effects and transition points). Furthermore, we ensured gender diversity by recruiting both fathers and mothers to understand how gender relations may influence migration and integration. Length of residence in the United States was also taken into consideration during the sampling process to explore how acculturation intersects with key life events. Finally, our theoretical sampling process was informed by the life course perspective concepts of “linked or independent lives” emphasizing social support and risk and resilience mechanisms that affect later development (cumulative advantage or disadvantage resulting from the interplay of individual and environmental risk and protective factors).

The participants for the study were recruited from South Central and Upper Midwestern regions of the United States. Participants included in this study met the following initial criteria: (a) they were Central Asian immigrants who had at least one child under age 18; (b) they were residing in the United States at the time of the study; and (c) they were proficient in Russian, Kyrgyz, or English language. The majority of the participants had moved to the United States after winning the Green Card lottery, with two participants coming to the United States as refugees when the Russian–Ukrainian war began. Half the participants were recent arrivals who had been in the United States for less than a year, but some participants had been residing for more than 13 years. The participants were mostly employed in driving and hospitality professions although many held educational degrees from their home countries. Information technology (IT) was a popular profession among participants; 11 participants claimed to be employed in IT jobs.

Procedure

All interviews lasted about one hour and were conducted by the Russian and Kyrgyz-speaking female interviewer in person, over WhatsApp, or by phone based on the preference of the participant. All participants provided verbal consent and permission for audio recording prior to the beginning of the interview. Participants were compensated for their time. The permission to conduct this study was received from the first author’s University Institutional Review Board (IRB). To ensure the confidentiality of the respondents, all identifying information has been removed, and pseudonyms have been assigned.

The lead researcher is a cisgender woman with professional qualifications in qualitative research methods and holds a PhD in Social Work, specializing in gender-based violence prevention within former Soviet Union populations. She has considerable experience as a development worker and social work researcher focusing on vulnerable groups, particularly, those affected by trauma, violence, and adverse childhood experiences. The second research team member is a cisgender woman who holds a PhD in Social Work with a focus on international social work immigrant health, and intimate partner violence. She has extensive experience working with women and children at the grassroots levels, particularly those affected by poverty and abuse. Both researchers carefully consider how their dual identity as first-generation South Central Asian immigrant women and North American academics may affect their interactions and influence the research process and outcomes.

Data Analysis

The semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions were recorded and transcribed verbatim. Transcriptions were first done in Russian or Kyrgyz and then translated into English by a professional translator with a graduate degree in psychology and linguistics. Participants’ responses were analyzed using Nvivo 12 qualitative computer software. A researcher used open coding and axial coding techniques from the grounded theory approach (Charmaz, 2006; Glaser & Strauss, 1967) to identify the main themes and concepts. During open coding, initial categories and subcategories were identified from raw data. Axial coding was then used to explore relationships between these categories, leading to the formation of core themes and subthemes.

Trustworthiness

Several strategies were implemented to enhance the rigor of the study. To ensure the credibility, investigator triangulation (using multiple coders; Denzin, 2017), and prolonged engagement (spending multiple months building rapport and trust; Lincoln & Guba, 1985) were used to validate findings. To ensure dependability, an audit trail (field notes, analytic memos; Oktay, 2014) documenting the research process, decisions, and interpretations made during the study was conducted. To ensure confirmability, peer debriefing (regular meetings to discuss emerging themes and interpretations; Lincoln & Guba, 1985) was used to acknowledge and mitigate personal biases. To ensure transferability, the researchers describe in detail the immigrant experiences, deconstructing inter-relationships and the intricacies of the cultural context by providing sufficient raw data in the presentation of findings and detailed explanation of recruitment, data collection, and analysis techniques (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

Findings

The analysis revealed three major themes in the Central Asian immigrants’ stories. The first theme encompasses the acculturative challenges faced by CA immigrants related to changes in gender roles, the reduction of professional status, and changing conceptions of family values and child-rearing. The second theme comprises a set of challenges for help-seeking due to ideological and instrumental obstacles. The third theme is opportunities and a positive outlook on future life in the United States for immigrants and their children.

Theme 1: Navigating Acculturative Challenges: Gender Roles, Reduction of Professional Status, and Conceptions of Family Values and Child-Rearing

The first theme that emerged from the analysis of the immigrants’ narratives was the need to navigate multiple challenges while assimilating into the broader U.S. population. Most of the immigrants came to the United States legally as adults, bringing their culture with them. The challenges described by the immigrants are captured in three subthemes: (a) acculturative challenges related to gender roles in the family and work, (b) coping with the reduction of professional status, and (c) different conceptions of family values and child-rearing resulting in intergenerational conflict.

Sub-Theme 1: Acculturative Challenges Related to Gender Roles in the Family and Work.

The acculturative challenges that emerged in these interviews surrounded new opportunities for work and education for women and new limitations for men. Specifically, challenges arise regarding the social construction of gender roles in the family and the lack of adaptability, especially on the part of men, who have internalized patriarchal norms of dominance, privilege, and control over their wives and daughters. The interviews revealed stories of men being culturally conditioned to believe in these patriarchal norms and continuing to expect women to behave according to these norms. The men expect society to echo their own gender norms, specifically that women should be “obedient,” that women should dress and behave in certain ways, and that it is acceptable to abuse women physically and emotionally. For example, a new immigrant father of four from Kyrgyzstan expressed his belief in traditional gender roles and did not shy away from describing the women’s role in the family, concluding, “If she [his wife] did not obey, we probably wouldn’t live together. She obeys, that is why we are together … When she does not obey, I say that I will get a young wife.”

The interviews revealed that male backlash and tension between men and women arose when Central Asian men brought these cultural norms to the United States—a country that embraces very different norms regarding gender roles—and women became aware of the United States norms that a woman can be economically active, can be free with her dress or self-expression, and should not expect to be beaten or abused. For example, Zamir, a father of two who moved to the United States in 2013 and works as a truck driver, believed the rapid change in women’s attitudes after their arrival in the United States is responsible for conflict and divorce between spouses. He said, “I heard many stories when a husband and wife arrive [in the United States], and after six months, the wife finds a good job. Her character changes 180 degrees, and they get divorced.” Gulnara is a 43-year-old mother of two young girls from Kazakhstan and has been in the United States for 3 years. She worked as a lawyer in her home country and worked as a cashier in a clothing store. She offered a theory about why gender relations become worse after CA families immigrate to the United States. She explained how the initial challenges related to adjustment and new values in the host country result in family conflict, noting:

When people move here, expectations do not always match [with reality], so there may be conflicts in the family. There is the so-called migrant depression, which occurs closer to two or three years [of living in the United States]. At these moments, families swear and divorce. One wants to stay, and the other one wants to leave, or the whole family returns.

The narratives revealed that the male backlash against women’s expanded economic and social agency could lead to intensified conflict. The following quote demonstrates how the husband of a Kazakh survivor of DV used any excuse to physically abuse her for trying to exert financial independence:

If I opened a [debit] card for myself, I would be morally killed by my husband. He would ignore me; he would be angry. When I do something wrong, his hands itch immediately. If not today, then tomorrow, he always finds a reason to beat me.

Women also described being subjected to limitations on their work opportunities due to their spouses’ cultural beliefs about gender roles. Adele is a 38-year-old mother of three and has a higher education in jurisprudence. She lived in Russia for most of her life and held Russian citizenship but moved to the United States through Mexico as a refugee. She and her husband are working in delivery for their livelihood. Adele reported that the patriarchal culture was still strong in her family even after moving to the United States. She explained:

Patriarchy is extremely entrenched in Central Asia. They have traditions that a woman should be a woman … He [the husband] has an understanding that a woman should know her place; that he is a man, and he decides. I personally experienced this … I have higher education in jurisprudence, but I did not work in my specialty for a single day. My husband was jealous. We still live like this; nothing has changed in our family. Even though we came to America, we brought this [culture] with us.

Aigul, who has lived in the United States for 11 years and works in the information technology (IT) sector, said that her husband brought the patriarchal culture with him, although he had once lived in the United States as an exchange student and was “non-traditional.” Aigul described having a conflict with her husband because of her mother-in-law’s interference and blamed the way mothers raise their sons in Kyrgyzstan for most of the gender-related problems. She said she did not want to tolerate exploitation from her mother-in-law. Aigul believed Central Asian men suffer from toxic masculinity, are resistant to change, and feel deprecated when women do just as well as them professionally. She commented:

When they [women] arrive, they start working, studying, and earning well. Some probably earn more than their husbands … In our country, I do not like the way mothers raise their sons. Especially this phrase: “Oh, if you grow up, your wife will do everything for you.” They [men] probably know that American women are emancipated. They will not even look at them [as potential marital partners], because they are not ready to work on themselves [to change their beliefs].”

Alia, a new immigrant who recently arrived in the United States without her husband, wondered if he would help her with household tasks when he joined her since in Kazakh culture men do not contribute to household work. She worried that she would have to manage all the domestic labor while also holding a job, and commented, “I would like to share household duties with my husband; in Kazakhstan, the husband does practically nothing in household activities. I don’t know how it will be here.” Gulnara, a 43-year-old mother of two and a former lawyer who came to the United States without her husband to settle down before he joined her feared the couple would experience conflicts related to gender power dynamics once her husband arrived in the United States. Recounting a conversation she had with her husband who told her she was becoming “too Americanized and independent,” she said:

At some point, he said to me, “You have become too Americanized and emancipated. I would like you to consult with me more.” I told him: “When you come here, you will see that the family culture is more developed [progressive] here. As far as I can see, men have a lot of respect for women. I have not seen any abusive relationships in my group of friends. Women here are free, uninhibited, and not crushed.” He said he would come and remain the head of the family.

The responses from CA immigrant men and women reflect the inequality in gender relations in Central Asian countries. Men were more resistant to change than women upon arrival in the United States because men were used to the benefits that came from unequal gender relations in their home countries. In addition, men felt newly challenged in the United States when relationship dynamics changed, because men were more likely to lose their privilege while women gained some rights and freedoms. These accounts show how acculturative processes can trigger men’s resistance to the broadening of opportunities for women and in some cases contribute to family conflict.

Sub-Theme 2: Coping With the Reduction of Professional Status.

Another concern related to male insecurity and the loss of status among educated CA immigrants was the non-recognition of their educational credentials and professional skills in the United States. The immigrants faced a downgrade in their professional lives but justified migration as necessary for the brighter future of their children. Venera is a 35-year-old mother of two and works in the IT sector. Her husband is a truck driver and says she and her husband worked in managerial positions in their home country, but both faced “downshifting” in their professional lives when they immigrated to the United States. She made a direct comparison between her pre-migration employment status and her post-migration position, recalling:

In Kyrgyzstan, I was a regional director of a company that delivered disinfectants to hospitals. We had a warehouse in Bishkek; a million [in] sales. When I arrived here, I started cleaning … The owner calls me and says: “I will not pay you today because you did not clean up well and the clients complained” (laughs). I just remembered that once in Kyrgyzstan I made a mistake in some millions of dollars and was lectured for this. I never thought that here I would be lectured because I did not wipe the toilet seat.

Meerim is a mother of three and says she and her husband had a similar experience. They were practicing doctors in their home country but moved to the United States for the sake of their children, one of whom was deaf (they feared he would face stigma in their home country). Her husband is currently working as a truck driver. She described the difficulty of this change:

Therefore, when we won a green card, we decided to go for the sake of our kids without hesitation. It was morally challenging because we had already achieved a high status [in the home country] … There are more opportunities for children and others [in the United States]. Upon arrival, it was hard, mentally. We decided that I would stay home with our kids, and he [her husband] worked as a pizza delivery guy. Then he went out on the truck. He is a truck driver now. This is how immigrants usually work.

Gulnara, a 43-year-old mother of two who worked as a lawyer in her home country but immigrated to the United States for the sake of her children, had held a series of small jobs after migrating. She observed:

Before, I worked as a lawyer, but here I do whatever I have to. Migration was a way for me to improve the lives of my children and take on all the hardships of migration so that it would be easier for them. I have a formal job and colleagues, but I have a strong downshifting in terms of [my] professional level.

Adyl is a 27-year-old father of two young boys who sought political asylum in the United States for his family and his sister. He has been in the United States for 3 months but has noted that the non-recognition of educational degrees and the language barrier were obstacles for many immigrants. He said:

There are group chats where our Kyrgyz people ask: “Is there a dentist from Kyrgyzstan or who speaks Russian?” They are looking for lawyers, doctors … Our girls, who worked in their specialty in Kyrgyzstan, cannot work the same jobs here. Need to retrain. All knowledge and experience are equal to zero when you come to America.

Mahabat is 22 years old and holds a university degree in International Relations. Her 28-year-old husband Janybek holds a graduate degree in business administration but is working as a taxi driver in the United States. She recalled that the ideas she and her husband had about the United States before migrating were not accurate. After arriving in the United States, the couple realized that life here was not that different from life in Kyrgyzstan. Janybek summarized, “We thought we would come and earn a lot of money; live like in [the] movies. [But] you come here, and life is like in Bishkek. You work, you get paid; you don’t work, you don’t get paid.”

Sub-Theme 3: Different Conceptions of Family Values and Child-Rearing Resulting in Intergenerational Conflict.

The third concern related to navigating acculturative challenges, which was culturally embedded, entailed both the intergenerational dissonance or friction resulting from traditional parenting beliefs and parents’ concerns about their children’s shifts in relation to multiple issues, including religious attitudes and practices, beliefs about gender boundaries, living arrangements, distance from cultural roots, and respect—or lack thereof—for the culture of their home country. Some caregivers were concerned their children would not follow the cultural practices of their home countries and would instead adopt the “American way,” which they believed was not supportive of family togetherness and well-being. For example, Almaz, a father of three daughters and a son, two of whom live in the United States and two of whom live in his country of origin, expressed concerns about weak family relationships and the lack of care for elderly parents in the United States. He said, “There is no caring attitude. Kids here send their parents to nursing homes … It is a shame. You raised a child, fed and dressed, and in the end, they leave you without anything. How to understand it?” Almaz feared his children would treat him the same way and wanted to teach them Kyrgyz family values:

I would teach them [his children] not to allow too much [freedom] and live according to [the] Kyrgyz mentality because here people are spoiled by money. Some families are divorcing for financial reasons. Some women want more money and do nothing. Their thoughts are different here. Here, when the wife and husband quarrel, the woman can call the police and sue … I would teach them that the most important thing is family. This is your husband; he must be respected. If people came here and lived in the same way as in Bishkek, everything would be fine.

Aygul, who is a mother of two and has lived in the United States for 11 years, observed that discipline methods for children are different in the United States, and said she was still getting used to the new practices:

When I yell at my kids, they immediately complain, “This is child abuse.” I say, “What child abuse? I just scolded you. If you lived in Kyrgyzstan, you would see how children are beaten with belts, and how bad it is for them. How parents scold and beat them.”

Keremet, a mother of two who works in the field of IT, said she and her husband faced a downgrade in their job status when they came to the United States, but noted that their low income in their home country had prompted them to come to the United States. She described her fear that the liberal attitude in the United States could create conflict between children and parents:

At school, they are told that they have rights and that they can, like American children, disobey their parents and communicate with them disrespectfully. They will not appreciate their parents. I became a witness to how a child screams at his parents. There is fear in this regard that my children will also be like that. I am afraid that they will start having sex early or using drugs.

Nurzat is a 39-year-old mother of two who sought asylum in the United States to escape Russian war mobilization for her husband and adolescent son. They clean homes and do repair work for a living. She is worried that children have more freedom than is necessary in the United States. She said:

Children are given too much freedom here. On the one hand, it is good, but on the other … I tell the children that everyone has the right to express his opinion, but they need to take what they need [to be selective about what values of the American culture they adopt]. No need to come and shout about democracy and freedom.

Kiyal came to the United States when she won a Green Card. She had worked in a managerial position in Turkey for 18 years but faced professional downgrading after she moved to the United States, leading her to regret her decision to move. She related her concern that her daughter was turning into a rebel and not following the Kyrgyz culture of respecting parents:

I have extremely mixed feelings. I still cannot decide for myself what is right or wrong. I myself could not say anything against my mother, and my daughter does not even allow me to choose her dress. She immediately has her answer: “I do what I want.” I feel like I am losing control. A child cannot do whatever she wants. I do not want to crush her [will], but I also want to direct it correctly. Yesterday I told her: “Eat beans,” and she replied: “I eat what I want.”

Umida is a single mother of two who immigrated to the United States primarily for her children’s education. She worked as a teacher for 15 years in Kyrgyzstan but is worried that her high-achieving children lost motivation after coming to the United States. She lamented:

I am so offended by what status I had in Kyrgyzstan and what status I have here now. My son went to Cambridge School in Kyrgyzstan. He received so many certificates, won first places, and went to Malaysia for competitions. Now I regret that my kids have lost their goals. I really regret bringing them to America (crying) … we came here for education. I tell him: “Find American friends.” He says Americans form their own groups. In this regard, it is challenging for him.

In sum, acculturative challenges related to differing conceptions of family values, roles, and expectations around child-rearing and education were prevalent emergent themes in immigrants’ narratives. Many CA immigrants were unpleasantly surprised by individualistic attitudes in the United States, the liberal upbringing of the children, and the reality of working life. In addition, using corporal punishment to discipline children is accepted in CA countries, and thus parents were taken back that such punishment was considered child abuse in the United States.

Theme 2: The Challenges of Help-Seeking Due to Ideological and Instrumental Barriers

The second prominent theme in the interviews was that CA immigrants had trouble accessing help due to ideological (cultural and mental health literacy constraints, e.g., stigma and shame associated with seeking help) and instrumental (systemic, linguistic, and financial impediments, e.g., language proficiency, family’s legal status, and socioeconomic limitations) barriers. The most significant barrier that both men and women experienced when seeking professional help was the stigma of mental health problems.

Sub-Theme 1: Barriers to Help-Seeking: Stigma of Mental Health Problems.

Aygul, who had been in the United States for 11 years, explained that mental health problems are strongly stigmatized in the CA community. She said that men have a harder time accepting mental health resources than women:

Our mentality is like this: for them [men], a psychologist is something like a psychiatrist, [who treats] schizophrenia or mental illness. You cannot open up, because we have a lot of judgment in the country. Not only is it a judgment, but everyone will know about it. No one wants to reveal their soul to the whole country. Therefore, our generation who migrated here as adults, especially men, is having a hard time.

Elmira is a mother of three who moved to the United States in 2008 and works online in the IT sector. She described the strong stigma attached to mental health treatment in her community:

We only know that psychology means the [treatment of] mentally ill. I did not know that one could see a psychologist if one had depression or anxiety. Even if you talk about a psychologist, then immediately [they ask]: “Why do you need it? Are you crazy? You are in good shape.” It is very weird for them.

Zamir, a father of two, agreed that in his community it is shameful to seek help for mental health issues. He said that people in his community would rather take extreme steps than seek help:

I told many friends to go see a psychologist, but since they were not born and raised here, they consider it unmanly. They see it as a weakness … There is no shame here. And how are our men doing? They endure and then they write in groups that someone hung himself. I think this is wrong.

Some participants expressed their personal experiences or preferences regarding mental health treatment. Emil is a father of two from Kyrgyzstan and admitted that he would never seek help from psychologists and instead would figure out his mental health problems by himself:

If someone needs [help], he can go. I myself will never go to a psychologist. I do not think it is wrong, but my parents raised me this way that I do not like to show my emotions. Better to figure it out yourself.

Nurzat, a mother of two who sought asylum in the United States to escape mobilization in Russia, acknowledged that she suffered from mental health problems but said seeking help was too expensive. Because she could not afford to see a mental health practitioner, she self-healed by watching videos online. She recounted, “I think it is right to contact a psychologist, but you need money. There are no free consultations. I watch videos on YouTube and social networks. Now I have calmed down more or less.” Mahabat, a recently arrived immigrant with a university degree in International Relations, recognized the stigma around mental health treatment in her community and stated that she was strong enough not to need help during a crisis. She explained, “Previously, it was such a taboo that they asked, ‘Couldn’t you sort it out by yourself?’ It is okay now, but I never thought about visiting a psychologist. I had a miscarriage, but there was no depression.” Jenish, a father of three who came to the United States 9 years ago and works in the IT sector, said that many immigrants accumulated stress, and some chose to end their lives because they could not handle the stress. He concluded, “We need a psychologist who speaks our language because Americans will not understand us at the cultural level.”

Mental health was a sensitive issue among many CA immigrants, especially the men. The cultural expectation of masculinity among CA men meant many were wary of seeking help despite facing stressful post-migratory challenges. Some CA immigrant women were more receptive to utilizing mental health resources but the stigmatization in the CA community was pervasive, and many believed they were strong enough to face their problems on their own without seeking psychological help.

Subtheme 2: Language Barriers Affecting Opportunities and Assimilation.

The next prominent barrier that interviewees mentioned frequently was the lack of language proficiency and the inability to communicate, which dampened their prospects and opportunities for advancement. The language barrier was particularly limiting for women experiencing domestic violence. The sample included at least five women affected by domestic violence. Galina recalled that she found it difficult to seek information because the women in her social circle only spoke English, and she didn’t know how to approach for help. She often wished to return to her country of origin because of the language barrier and the restrictions it had caused:

Over time, my circle of communication was reduced to children because all mothers at the sites were English-speaking. I couldn’t keep up a conversation with them. Until now, I have not passed the [professional] license exam because I have difficulties with the language … Even if there is information in other languages, it is still not entirely clear to me how I should look for help. If problems occur in my family, I don’t know where to turn because most of the time we are just silent. Sometimes we can’t stand it, [and] we return home. I would have returned home long ago if I could have taken the children.

Language limitations constrained other aspects of life in the United States as well. Elmira is a mother of three children and said the language barrier hindered her ability to make friends. She summarized:

They [Americans] are very friendly but it doesn’t come to friendship. I think that this may be a language barrier because I am silent. I can’t give my best. The language gets in the way. I think these people are just as good as ours. I just don’t have enough good language to deal with them.

Nurzat earns a living by doing small jobs such as cleaning and notes that English language training for new immigrants would go a long way in the initial settlement process, concluding, “The biggest problem for us here is language. We are suffering a lot. We cannot express what we want. It would be nice if there were [free language] courses. If the language is there, everything else is within the power.” In sum, the language barrier emerged as a significant challenge for many CA immigrants, resulting in barriers to help-seeking, social isolation, and the hindrance to acculturation and professional success.

Sub-Theme 3: Lack of Proper Information and Legal Status Prevent Help-Seeking for Domestic Violence.

The participants explained that many immigrant women continued to suffer from domestic violence because they lacked proper information about visa status and the help that the state provides to victims of abuse. Meruert, a mother of one from Kazakhstan, offered an example of a friend who was hiding from her abusive husband:

Our immigrant girls are in relationships where they can’t be happy. My best friend is hiding in another state from her ex-husband … He told her he would douse her with acid so that she couldn’t get married again. It was scary … She didn’t know where to go because she didn’t have work authorization and had to hide. He is still stalking her.

Keremet is a 31-year-old mother of two girls and was a banker in Kyrgyzstan but faced a downgrade in her professional life when she moved to the United States for financial reasons. She suggested that providing necessary information to new immigrants would answer most of their questions and help them adjust better:

I would advise you to create a free website, where you could write down all the information for everyone [including DV services], point by point … All this information could be stored in one place. It would be convenient to go to the site and immediately find the answer. When immigrants arrive, there are many new things for them. It would be nice to do it even in Kyrgyz because lately, those who do not speak Russian come here. They are not familiar with English. Sometimes they ask simple things.

Sub-Theme 4: Economic Barriers: Unaffordable Medical Costs, Housing, and Child Care.

Another barrier described by CA immigrants and refugees was the economic constraints they faced after immigrating to the United States, especially the high cost of housing, health care, and child care, and the difficulty of accessing opportunities for employment and other benefits. Many CA immigrants found that prohibitive medical costs in the United States were a pressing problem. They described delaying treatment, saving for several months, or getting check-ups while visiting their home countries to get medical treatment. Galina recalled postponing her dental work and saving for months to get treatment:

When I arrived here, my tooth broke off. I was walking around with a broken tooth for six months. It started to hurt. Then it passed. Then it started to hurt again. I went [to the dentist], and they told me how much it cost. I left. It hurt again. I saved [money] for six months for my broken tooth.

Gulmira received part of her education in the United States and says she found a novel way to overcome expensive medical costs—she has a full check-up whenever she visits her home country, “To pay, it came out expensive, so we go to doctors only in cases [of emergency]. We try to fly to Kazakhstan once a year and undergo examinations, dentist, gynecologist, and finish everything (laughs).” Elmira, a mother of three, also described facing medical challenges in the United States:

I would advise doctors to speak [diagnose and act] right away. They [medical professionals] take a million of tests of what is not needed. Medicine in the CIS [Commonwealth of Independent States] countries is simpler in terms of fewer checks. That is, they [doctors] understand what is going on from one analysis. It’s too expensive here.

Meerim and her husband were practicing medical doctors in their home country but decided to immigrate for fear their son (who is deaf) would face stigma. She was grateful for her medical background because medical care in the United States is expensive and unaffordable. She said:

Even if the salary is low [in Kyrgyzstan], you can go to the clinic [for free] and get a consultation or call an ambulance. Not available here. While we’ve lived here, I thanked God 100 times that I have a medical education. If I did not have a medical education, I do not know what I would do and what my kids would do.

Finally, the high price of child care affected family finances and created challenges as immigrants sought to settle in the United States. Elmira, a mother of three and a domestic violence survivor who was in the midst of a divorce from her abusive husband said that women would be more financially independent if there were affordable child care services:

Childcare is a priority. If there were any centers, I would have known, as I tried calling shelters to see if they had free babysitting. Well, let it not be for the whole day or not every day but at least once a week. That way, I would know that on this day I can go to work and not ask for the benefits. It would be a useful thing.

Askar said that although housing and child care are expensive if there were some state support, both parents could work to be financially independent: “For the first 3 months of housing and kindergarten, let there be some small price, relatively speaking, so the child can be supervised while the parents are at work.” Nurzat, who sought asylum in the United States when she escaped Russia after the start of the war, believed free health insurance for new immigrants would facilitate the initial settlement process. She explained, “Insurance is not given to those who have just arrived. Insurance for the first time would be a great support.” Emil, a father of two, noted that immigrants do not have a credit history, but without a history, it is challenging to rent an apartment. Emil faced a downshift in his professional life and was not sure if he would continue to live in the United States or return to his home country. He explained, “Help with housing. It’s all about credits here. We were tormented to find housing because wherever we turned, they asked about income and credit history. We could immediately pay [cash] for three months, but they still did not agree.”

Theme 3: Opportunities for Positive Adaptation and Family Well-Being Among CA Immigrants in the United States

The third theme that emerged around acculturation is the presence of protective factors and opportunities for improving family well-being, including (a) political and religious freedom, safety, and quality of governance; (b) equality of opportunity; and (c) a positive school environment and education.

Subtheme 1: Political and Religious Freedom, Opportunity, and Quality of Governance and Education in the United States.

The first protective factor was the perception of social and political protection for religious and personal expression in the United States. Elmira said that people were free to practice their faith in the United States openly, but the same behavior would have been looked at with suspicion in Kazakhstan:

At some point, it became difficult in Kazakhstan, because every person who wears a beard and reads namaz [Muslim prayer] is a terrorist there. That phobia reached such a level that district policemen came to us. I was home with little children, and they got scared … My husband says: “I feel so great here. I go to a mosque here, and I don’t have to worry about being registered by district police because I go to namaz.” He likes this freedom here.

Elmira continued, describing what freedom meant to her and how the U.S. government was responsible for the rule of law: “The government is doing so much here. The law is respected here. There is no corruption. It is safe here. It’s very clean here. There is a lot of infrastructure. A lot of schools and parks.” Nurzat, a mother of two who traveled through Mexico to seek asylum in the United States, recalled her family being discriminated against in Russia because of their Asian looks although they spoke Russian fluently and had Russian citizenship. She said her family had not faced discrimination in the United States:

We lived in Russia for many years and faced severe discrimination. They [her children] studied well and spoke Russian, but they still heard Nazi [racist] words addressed to them. Their classmates excluded them; they called them “blacks.” They were not allowed to participate in the Olympiads [school competitions]; they were dragged down. Here we suffer so much, but our kids feel so good. They study well. They get A’s. There is no Nazism and discrimination here. There is support for diligent students. I like it. We wanted to leave, but because of this, we stayed in the hope of good things. My husband is not used to it, but I ask him not to go back. There, a criminal case has already been opened against him for escaping mobilization [to join the Russian army]. From 3 to 15 years in prison. Here the future is good.

Subtheme 2: Equality of Opportunity.

Although CA immigrants faced many challenges assimilating into the United States, they felt the move was a positive change because the United States offered hopes of a better life for their children. Some immigrants who had previously wanted to return to their home countries chose to stay for the sake of their children. Keremet, a 31-year-old mother of two girls, was positive that life was much better in the United States than anywhere else. She discussed the ample opportunities and fair treatment in the United States, saying, “Everything is possible and accessible here. You can do anything yourself. If a person wants to work and improve, open a business here, if she knows how to sew and cook, there are opportunities.” Elmira echoed this sentiment and made a suggestion for new immigrants who hoped to achieve self-sustenance and reduce reliance on state benefits:

The one thing I want is for immigrants to have the opportunity to work legally immediately if they want. I wouldn’t be deceiving the state if the state gave me the opportunity to earn money legally and pay taxes; it would be good for my work history. If I work here now, I will earn cash, but I won’t reveal it to the state. I am not asking for any dole from the state or being lazy, I just cannot stay idle as I need to feed my kids.

Although Emil was unhappy with his low-skilled job and was unsure whether he wanted to continue living in the United States, he felt certain his children would benefit from staying in the United States. He asserted, “I am 100% sure that if my children live and study here, it will be much better for them. Education is better here. America is the land of opportunities.” Meerim and her husband, who were practicing doctors in their home country and experienced a significant downshift in their professional lives upon immigrating, believed their children would have a better life in the United States. Meerim said:

Although my husband was stressed out and said, “We are nobody here. At least we are people [with high status] there,” and I agreed with that, I told him that we need to stay for the sake of our children and that we should do everything we can. In our country, people used to stare at my son, because his [hearing] device was visible. They gave him unpleasant looks; some even asked [about the device]. Here nobody stares; the teachers are supportive, and he is [treated like] a normal child.

Subtheme 3: A Positive School Environment and Education in the United States.

The next protective factor was a positive perception of the U.S. education system and the sentiment that U.S. schools were non-threatening and more prosocial and sensitive than those in their home countries. The immigrants were unanimous in their understanding of the U.S. education system as better than the systems in their home countries. The parents were relieved that their children found the school system to their liking and that they were growing up in a rich environment in the United States. Elmira reported that the education system in the United States was the reason her daughters loved America:

Thanks to the first teachers, my girls fell in love with America. They said that teachers in Kazakhstan didn’t pay attention. They didn’t care about children. They were strict. Here, they are so attentive. They treat kids with respect. In fact, my children love every teacher they come across in America. They say they are very kind here.

Elmira continued, noting that her children were happier in the United States than they had been in Kazakhstan because they enjoyed their school lives, and U.S. teachers encouraged students to do better rather than reprimanding them as Kazakh teachers had done. She explained:

My children feel happy here. They don’t want to return at all. I even asked them once, they said that they feel free and happy here. We don’t want to go back because the schools here are cool and the teachers are excellent. Schools there [in Almaty] are gloomy and teachers are evil. The school here is so bright, and everyone helps. Nobody ever scolds you if something doesn’t work out for you. They always cheer up and say, “This is good. You will succeed!” They [her children] want to learn. I noticed that their scores became higher. Every year they study better because such great teachers come across them.

Galina also praised the practices of U.S. teachers and commented on the rich environment for children in the United States. She said:

I like the way children are treated here, and the way their interests and intellectuality are respected. They are not judged for any dissimilarity. Of course, I understand that all this exists but much less in my country. Teachers [in the US] cannot say: “Are you stupid?” They treat kids with respect. I really like the fact that there are opportunities here, playgrounds, museums, and all kinds of things.

Gulmira, a mother of two who received part of her education in the United States, expressed appreciation for the U.S. school system, noting that teachers in the United States are understanding and patient unlike in her home country. She concluded, “I like this student-centered attitude here, the kind of creative approach. This develops the child’s potential more; children are not slaughtered. However, I don’t like the weakness of math.”

Discussion

This study contributes to the emerging body of literature on Central Asian immigrant experiences in North America. It is the first study that we know of which uses qualitative methods to understand this group’s acculturative challenges based on their own narratives. The findings demonstrate that acculturation challenges present a key transitional moment in life course development that creates both barriers to individual and family well-being and new opportunities for health and flourishing. Previous studies on CA immigrants in the United States have tended to take narrower thematic areas of focus such as religious practice as a protective factor for mental health (Zotova, 2018), language acquisition (Kazakbaeva, 2022) or employment (Liebert, 2020), and perceived discrimination and deportation fear as risk factors for adverse mental health (Yang et al., 2022).

The findings contribute data for the comparative analysis of immigrant subpopulations in the United States. The analysis revealed a number of challenges and stresses linked to gender roles and family conflict, reduction in professional status, and contested conceptions of family values and child-rearing practices. These problems and stresses are experienced by both men and women, but their impacts seem to be particularly acute among younger married women and girls. Descriptions of significant barriers to seeking and receiving help to proactively resolve these problems and stresses were common in the Central Asian immigrants’ narratives, especially the stigma of mental health intervention. Language barriers, insecurity due to a precarious legal status, and the difficulty of affording good quality housing, health care, and child care were found in the study. These findings are generally consistent with findings in the literature about South Asian and MENA immigrants (Abu-Ras, 2015; Samuel, 2009; Siddiqui, 2022). Like findings about immigrants from South Asia and MENA, unequal gender relations and domestic violence were widespread and normalized, with men expecting their families to conform to traditional roles even after migrating to the United States. The migration process is typically viewed as a liberating experience from patriarchy for immigrant women as the host country provides opportunities for economic independence, and new social and cultural opportunities due to more liberal gender ideologies (Parreñas, 2015). This study found that the power struggle between husbands with traditional views of gender and wives with egalitarian gender concepts created friction that could exacerbate risks of domestic violence.

The findings tend to reinforce the conceptual premises of the acculturation and human development which posit that a nested set of environmental variables influence the ways that individuals and families cope with the acculturative challenges. Specifically, Bronfenbrenner’s ecological (systems) theory illustrates how these challenges are navigated across multiple layers of influence, from immediate family and community settings (microsystem) to broader societal contexts (macrosystems). The findings are also consistent with intersectionality theory, which suggests that the marginalization of women through the intersection of gender and ethnic identities exacerbates risks and creates unique challenges for adaptation. However, the findings also suggest that theories of acculturation and human development that stress micro-level adaptation and resilience may be inadequate for explaining the embedded structural assumptions around gender roles or the pathways for changing these embedded assumptions. It may be valuable to link acculturation and human development theories more explicitly with feminist theory and theories of social change (Dobash & Dobash, 1992) to understand the persistence of patriarchal structure in the country of origin, within the enclave of immigrant culture in the new setting and the responses to acculturative friction the immigrants enact. Feminist theory and theories of social change could offer ideas about potential different trajectories for these groups which could encompass changes in the embedded assumptions around gender roles and the possibilities for women to contribute to systemic social changes in both origin and destination cultures.

Implications for Research

The findings suggest two potentially productive pathways of future research and also hold immediate implications for improving service delivery to this group. One potential pathway of future research could focus on expanding the understanding of resilience among this group and similar subpopulations, by examining individuals or groups who are successfully coping or flourishing, for example as evidenced by educational and employment attainment, and subjective indicators of well-being. The current study suggests that intra-family attitudes around gender roles, speed of language acquisition, pathways for employment including recognition of host country credentials, depth of connections with U.S. institutions such as schools, and immigrant community connections (such as peer or religious communities) each may be important variables to study to understand how increased resilience and flourishing are generated, and how to promote their achievement more widely.

A second pathway of research might explore the prevalence and causal linkages of the risks identified in the current study, and how well current policy and service resources can address them. This path of research might focus on men’s attitudes toward women’s education and employment, speed and degree of language acquisition, access to employment, and access to public services including education, health, and mental health care while differentiating cohorts according to variables such as number of children, age, educational attainment in the origin country, visa status, and duration of immigration. This type of research might also potentially benefit from a comparative research design featuring other immigrant groups. Another pathway of research might analyze the effectiveness of various service delivery models within the immigrant community, such as community service models featuring paraprofessionals, peer counseling, or support from religious leaders, versus traditional social services. Longitudinal studies that track the pattern of challenges faced by Central Asian immigrants as they acculturate in the United States could be done to track and learn from the longer-term experiences accumulated over time (Russ et al., 2022).

Implications for Practice and Policy

The findings may be useful to help practitioners identify and lower barriers to positive adaptation and facilitate access to services such as mental health treatment or interventions, which is crucial to helping immigrants shift onto pro-adaptive, resilient life course trajectories. In particular, the findings highlight the potential for improving practice through education around gender norms in the United States (especially concerning employment and education for women and girls and the norms against domestic violence), the need for integrated services that support Central Asian immigrants’ access to employment, housing and social and medical services including mental health, the need for support for language acquisition, and the potential for schools to play an expanded role as an entry point for social support for families.

Despite mental health being stigmatized in their countries of origin, the Central Asian immigrants showed their openness to receive mental health help. Expanded modalities of mental health support, including telehealth and peer support should be explored. Information on accessing resources such as food banks, medical help, and child care should be made available online in the immigrants’ native languages so that they are aware of and can avail the necessary help required to settle down in the United States.

These narratives and their common themes offer insight into both risk and resilience in the acculturation process for CA immigrants. These insights, in combination with the broader literature, can enhance the focus of intervention services and potentially improve entry points for helping this population. The high degree of trust and hope Central Asian immigrants placed in U.S. educational institutions suggests that school-based interventions may be an important entry point for such intervention services (Wong et al., 2022). Practitioners may have success working in schools to deliver co-parenting and father-involvement interventions (Feinberg et al., 2022) to teach immigrants ways of communicating and problem-solving without violence. Such interventions could have positive long-term effects on their children and families.

The acculturative stress around contested assumptions about gender roles, family values, and child-rearing creates challenges for culturally informed social service provision. Evidence from this immigrant population also points to commonalities with social policy issues that are prevalent among the general, non-immigrant U.S. population, especially the high costs of child care and health care, and discrimination in the workplace, although these issues may be experienced even more acutely by immigrants because of language and gender-related barriers. Policies aimed at increasing the minimum wage could alleviate financial stress for immigrant families, who often find themselves in low-income jobs. However, while these policies benefit broader population, immigrants may face additional challenges due to language barriers and a lack of familiarity with their rights, which can limit their ability to advocate for fair wages. Workplace discrimination, particularly based on gender and ethnicity, can exacerbate these financial challenges. Immigrant women, in particular, may encounter “double discrimination”—being at the intersection of two marginalized categories, that of an immigrant and as woman—which impacts their employment opportunities and workplace treatment. Addressing these issues requires targeted policies and interventions that not only aim to raise the minimum wage and reduce workplace discrimination but also include measures to support immigrants in navigating these challenges and to promote inclusion.

Limitations of the Study

The limitation of the study is the small size of the sample; however, the application of the grounded theory revealed deep knowledge of the unique challenges faced by Central Asian immigrants and the hope of a better life that kept them going despite a multitude of struggles. The literature on Central Asian immigrants to the United States is sparse, and this study makes an important contribution by giving new insights into the world of CA immigrants, including their acculturative challenges and the prospect of a better world for their children. This article identifies unmet needs and apparent commonalities with other Asian immigrants and the majority population and brings in the life course development perspective to focus on immigration as a transition that creates risks and opportunities in different ways for immigrants of different ages or gender cohorts.