Female body perception: social norms, criticism, and the impact of weight perception

Abstract

Purpose

This study aims to explore the multifaceted nature of women's body perception and the personal and social factors that influence it. The research investigates how societal expectations, health concerns, and self-perception intersect in shaping women's views of their own bodies.

Methods

Adopting a phenomenological approach, this qualitative study involved semi-structured interviews with 30 women aged 18−65 from diverse socioeconomic backgrounds. The data collection tool—a structured interview form—was developed through a literature review and expert consultation, and it was piloted for validity. Interviews were conducted both face-to-face and online, transcribed, and then analyzed using a phenomenologically informed thematic analysis. Three major themes were identified through high inter-rater agreement (over 90%): Physical Features and Health, Societal Pressures and Criticism, and Self-Perception and Emotions.

Results

Findings indicate that women's body perception is shaped by intersecting factors such as age, media portrayals, cultural norms, social surroundings, and lived experiences. Within the theme of Physical Features and Health, concerns around “Weight and Health” emerged most frequently, revealing the strong link between body perception and health consciousness.

Conclusions

The study underscores the need for social and educational interventions that promote body positivity and challenge restrictive beauty norms.

Introduction

The body refers to the physical structure of living organisms. Beyond being merely a physical entity, the body also represents the materialization of emotional and cognitive experiences. In this context, the body functions as a “map” reflecting both health conditions and psychological states, shaped by societal norms and personal perceptions. Prominent theoretical approaches provide valuable insights into how the body, as a central component of the human experience, is shaped at both individual and societal levels (Bordo, 2023; Merleau-Ponty, 1962). The body is not only a biological organism but also a living space that carries social, cultural, and psychological meanings. Within the framework of societal values and norms, individuals shape their bodies through a specific perceptual system and experiential process (Shilling, 2012). As a result, the body is considered a crucial element that reflects the individual's identity and social belonging (Giddens, 2023). Bauman (2014) defines the body as both a personal possession and a vessel for heightened experiences of pleasure. In modern societies, the body, shaped by aesthetic concerns, has become a “project”. In this regard, individuals engage in continuous efforts to control and enhance their bodies, which in turn increases the pressure to conform to societal ideals (Featherstone, 2010).

The body is a fundamental tool for expressing emotions and is an essential component of an individual's identity. Maintaining body integrity is critical for psychological and social well-being. Defining the body from a single dimension is insufficient. Cultural structures, individual perceptions, spiritual values, and physical attributes contribute to the multifaceted nature of the body. Consequently, individuals' perceptions of their own bodies emerge and evolve through these processes. Examining the perception of the body is therefore crucial, as these perceptions shape one's emotions, thoughts, and ultimately life choices.

Perception refers to the process of consciously recognizing and conceptualizing an object or situation (Türk Dil Kurumu, 2024). Body image, a multidimensional concept, encompasses the thoughts, feelings, and evaluations an individual holds about their body (Cash & Pruzinsky, 2002). This perception reflects how an individual defines and evaluates their body in their inner world. Over time, this perception can change depending on an individual's feelings and thoughts. Changes in body image can develop in ways that are either accurate or distorted, depending on the level of self-awareness. Such changes directly affect self-esteem. Distorted body image can lead to psychological issues, including body dysmorphia, where individuals become excessively focused on non-existent flaws. Negative body image can reduce satisfaction with one's body, leading to low self-esteem, depression, and eating disorders (Grogan, 2021). Arslan (2020) emphasizes that the body image constructed in one's mind reflects how the individual perceives themselves. This perception may vary according to the culture, life experiences, socioeconomic status, and age of the individual. Neagu (2015) highlights that aesthetic and body image are shaped by cultural influences and can change with factors such as age, gender, body weight, health, time, and the society in which one lives. Cash (2004) defines body image as a multidimensional structure related to how an individual perceives, thinks about, and feels about their body. This structure encompasses both positive and negative perceptions. Negative body image can lead to serious psychological disorders.

Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) argue that gender, cultural norms, and media have a significant influence on the formation of body image. These factors largely shape how individuals see and evaluate their bodies. Research on women has shown that societal ideals of body size can negatively affect women's body image, putting their psychological health at risk (Grabe et al., 2008). As a result, negative thoughts about the body can lead to psychological issues such as loss of self-esteem, depression, and eating disorders (Grogan, 2021). Tiggemann (2004) notes that body image significantly impacts women's self-esteem, psychological health, and overall life satisfaction. Simone de Beauvoir poignantly captures the experience of adolescent girls as they begin to distance themselves from their bodies, no longer seeing it as a direct expression of their individuality (Slade, 1994). Women's body image is influenced by societal norms of idealized bodies, which heightens self-criticism and makes it difficult to develop a positive body image (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). The media often glorifies thin and socially approved bodies, leading women to view their bodies negatively (Grabe et al., 2008).

Building on prior conceptualizations and in line with reviewer feedback, we make a conceptual distinction between “body image” and “body perception”. While “body image” primarily refers to the cognitive and affective evaluations individuals hold about their own bodies—such as satisfaction, dissatisfaction, and self-esteem—“body perception” is used to capture broader lived experiences, including the ways in which the body is shaped and interpreted through social, cultural, and relational contexts. This differentiation ensures conceptual clarity and allows the analysis to reflect both the internal psychological aspects and the external, socially mediated dimensions of women's bodily experiences.

Given the insights above, it can be concluded that various factors influence women's body image. This study aims to explore how women perceive their bodies. The research examines the differences in body image from a qualitative perspective, aiming to understand the effects of body image on the experience of being a woman and to raise social awareness on this issue. Conducted using a qualitative research method, this study is significant in identifying women's body image and unveiling the social and individual factors behind these perceptions.

Method

Ethical clearance

The study complied with the Declaration of Helsinki. Ethical approval for the study was granted by the local Research Ethics Committee of Düzce University with ethical clearance number 2025/169.

Written informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to data collection. Participants were informed about the study purpose, procedures, potential risks/benefits, and data confidentiality. For online interviews, encrypted and secure platforms were used. Audio files were stored on an encrypted drive accessible only to the research team and were permanently deleted after verbatim transcription and accuracy checks. Transcripts were de-identified using pseudonyms.

Research design

This study was conducted using a phenomenological approach, one of the qualitative research designs. This approach focuses on understanding the essence of individuals' experiences (Creswell & Poth, 2016). Analytically, we followed a phenomenologically informed thematic process: significant statements were identified, condensed into meaning units, organized into concept clusters, and then elevated to themes. Throughout, reflexive memos and bracketing were used to surface researcher assumptions and preserve the lifeworld meanings conveyed by participants.

Study group

The study was conducted with 30 female participants, aged 18–65, from different socio-economic backgrounds. A maximum variation sampling method was employed in order to obtain opinions from participants with diverse individual characteristics. This sampling technique aims to increase the inclusiveness of the study by consciously selecting individuals who can provide different perspectives on the phenomena (Patton, 2002). Inclusion criteria were self-identified women aged 18–65 who were able to provide informed consent and participate in an interview; no additional exclusion criteria were applied. In addition to age and socio-economic status, variables such as educational level, marital status, and body mass index (BMI) were considered to ensure diversity. Maximum variation was operationalized across these factors, and recruitment combined open social-media calls with snowballing to intentionally capture outlying perspectives. After conducting interviews with 30 participants, it was determined that thematic saturation had been reached, as no new themes or insights emerged, and the data collection process was subsequently concluded.

Saturation

Thematic saturation was monitored via a running codebook. In the final three interviews, no new codes were added and existing themes were not elaborated further. Saturation was tracked using both a running codebook and a saturation grid (codes × interviews), with the last new code emerging at interview #27; recruitment ceased thereafter.

Data collection tools

A semi-structured interview guide was used to understand participants' perceptions of body image. The interview questions were developed based on a literature review and revised according to expert opinions. A pre-test was conducted to evaluate the clarity, comprehensibility, and effectiveness of the interview questions in capturing participants' experiences. After conducting pre-interviews with a small group of participants (6 individuals), some questions were revised, irrelevant ones were removed, and missing elements were added. Following these adjustments, the final version of the interview questions was developed. The sequence of the questions was organized to ensure a natural flow of the interview and to allow participants to answer comfortably. According to Tisdell et al. (2025), pilot testing in qualitative research is a crucial step in evaluating the validity and reliability of the data collection instrument. During this process, the clarity of the interview questions was tested, and content modifications were made where necessary. In the final stage, the revised interview form was finalized, and the data collection process began. Sample prompts included: “How do you currently feel about your body?”, “Which features of your body do you like or dislike, and why?”, “How do family, peers, or social media affect how you see your body?”, and “Have health/weight changes shifted your body perceptions?” The full interview guide is available upon request.

Data collection and analysis

Interviews were conducted both face-to-face and online. The average interview duration was 17 min, ranging from 10 to 25 min. With participants' consent, all interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim.

Data were analyzed using a phenomenologically informed thematic analysis supported by structured content analysis procedures (Elo & Kyngäs, 2008; Neuendorf, 2017). The analytic steps were as follows:

1. Immersion and familiarization: transcripts were read repeatedly to ensure contextual coherence.

2. Open coding: line-by-line coding generated initial codes reflecting significant statements and meaning units.

3. Codebook development: codes were defined operationally and iteratively refined through team discussions.

4. Clustering: conceptually similar codes were grouped into higher-order categories.

5. Theme construction: categories were consolidated into three higher-order themes:

   • –Physical features and health (including weight and health as a subtheme)
   • –Societal pressures and criticism (including criticism and judgements as a subtheme)
   • –Self-perception and emotions

6. Verification: themes were checked against transcripts to ensure theme–quote concordance and capture of experiential essence.

7. Reflexivity/bracketing: reflexive memos were kept to bracket prior assumptions and document analytic decisions. Following phenomenological sensibilities, we privileged participants' lifeworld meanings during theme construction and maintained reflective memos to interrogate and bracket researcher fore-understandings.

Researcher triangulation and inter-coder agreement

Initial coding was conducted by the first researcher; a second qualitative methods expert independently reviewed a subset of transcripts and the evolving codebook. Discrepancies were discussed until consensus was reached. Inter-rater agreement exceeded 90% (Miles & Huberman, 1994). All analytic decisions were recorded in an audit trail. Positionality statements were drafted prior to coding and revisited during axial clustering to surface potential interpretive biases.

Trustworthiness

• •Credibility: Member checking was performed by sending a summary of themes to six randomly selected participants to verify faithful representation. Expert review of the codebook and theme structure was undertaken by a qualitative research specialist.
• •Transferability: Maximum variation sampling and thick description of context and participants supported transferability.
• •Dependability and Confirmability: An audit trail (decisions, memos, versions) and reflexive bracketing notes ensured analytic transparency and confirmability.

Findings

This section presents the findings of the study.

When examining Table 1, it can be seen that participants are distributed into various groups based on age, education level, marital status, employment status, and socioeconomic level. The majority of the participants are undergraduates (50%) and married individuals (56.7%), with middle (40%) and high (40%) socioeconomic groups being prominent. The demographic diversity of the participants allowed for the capture of varied perspectives on body perception across different age and socio-economic groups, aligning with the study's maximum variation sampling strategy.

Table 1.

Demographic characteristics and distribution of participants.

Variables	Category	Frequency	Percentage (%)
Age	18−25	8	26.7
	26−35	7	2.33
	36−46	7	23.3
	47 and above	8	26.7
Education	High school	10	33.3
	Undergraduate	15	50.0
	Graduate	5	16.7
Marital status	Married	17	56.7
	Single	13	43.3
Employment status	Employed	14	46.7
	Homemaker	7	23.3
	Student	6	20.0
	Retired	3	10.0
Socioeconomic level	Low	6	20.0
	Middle	12	40.0
	High	12	40.0
	Total	30	100.0

As shown in Table 2, three primary categories emerged from the qualitative analysis: Physical Features and Health, Societal Pressures and Criticism, and Self-Perception and Emotions. These categories are explained further in the subsequent sections with supporting quotations.

Table 2.

Categories, codes, definitions, example quotations, and frequencies.

Category	Code	Operational definition	Example quotation	Frequency
Physical features and health	Slim waist/body lines	Desire for proportional, symmetrical body lines aligned with beauty ideals	“I wish my waist were slimmer and my hips were more proportionate”. (P3)	6
	Being thin	Thinness as both aesthetic ideal and marker of health/self-discipline	“Being thin makes me feel more confident about my appearance”. (P12)	5
	Healthy weight	Maintaining weight as part of physical and psychological well-being	“I try to maintain a healthy weight for both my physical and mental well-being”. (P2)	5
Societal pressures and criticism	Perfect body ideal	Societal/media-driven image of flawless bodies	“Society imposes a perfect body standard on everyone, which is difficult to achieve”. (P5)	4
	External judgement	Criticism and evaluation from others shaping self-confidence	“People judge me based on my appearance; I feel the pressure to look flawless”. (P10)	3
	Approval/liking	Linking body satisfaction to social acceptance and approval	“Being liked often seems to be tied to having a healthy and slim body”. (P21)	2
Self-perception and emotions	Negative comparison	Comparing oneself to others leading to dissatisfaction	“I often feel negative about my body and compare myself to others”. (P14)	5
	Emotional impact	Emotional responses (confidence, insecurity) connected to body perception	“Sometimes, comments from friends affect how I feel about myself”. (P20)	3

Note: Because participants could endorse multiple codes, the total frequency exceeds the number of participants.

Physical features and health

Participants emphasized that physical features, body lines, and weight are central in shaping body image. Many expressed a desire for slimmer waists, balanced hips, or overall proportionality, reflecting internalization of socially constructed ideals of beauty. For instance, one participant noted, “I wish my waist were slimmer and my hips were more proportionate” (P3), while another explained, “Being thin makes me feel more confident in my appearance” (P12).

Weight was not only a physical attribute but also a determinant of self-esteem and psychological well-being. Several participants highlighted efforts to maintain a “healthy weight” through exercise and diet. As one participant stated, “I try to maintain a healthy weight for both my physical and mental well-being” (P2).

This theme demonstrates how physical appearance and health are intertwined. While thinness was associated with attractiveness and social approval, it was simultaneously linked to discipline, vitality, and a sense of health. Thus, participants viewed physical appearance not merely as aesthetic but as indicative of broader social and health-related values.

Societal pressures and criticism

Another prominent finding was the strong influence of societal and environmental pressures. Women described being judged and evaluated by others, which undermined their self-confidence and increased anxiety about appearance. As one participant stated, “People judge me based on my appearance; I feel the pressure to look flawless” (P10).

Participants also discussed the unrealistic “perfect body” ideal imposed by media and culture. As one woman reflected, “Society imposes a perfect body standard on everyone, which is difficult to achieve” (P5). These external expectations were closely tied to the desire for social approval, as captured by the remark: “Being liked often seems to be tied to having a healthy and slim body” (P21).

These insights highlight how criticism, labelling (e.g., being categorized as “fat” or “skinny”), and social comparison influence women's self-evaluations. Importantly, the findings also reveal that weight — while primarily a physical attribute — is simultaneously socially judged, illustrating overlap between physical and societal domains.

Self-perception and emotions

Finally, participants reflected on their internal emotional experiences with their bodies. Many described comparing themselves unfavourably to others: “I often feel negative about my body and compare myself to others” (P14). Emotional consequences such as insecurity, low confidence, or even temporary satisfaction were linked to these perceptions. One participant shared, “Sometimes, comments from friends affect how I feel about myself” (P20).

This theme underscores that body image is not limited to external judgement but also involves internalized emotions and self-worth. Feelings of dissatisfaction, unrest, or pride reveal the deeply psychological nature of body image.

Overall evaluation

Taken together, the findings indicate that women's body image is shaped by a dynamic interplay between physical features and health, societal pressures and criticism, and self-perception and emotions. While each theme is distinct, their interconnections are evident. For example, weight is simultaneously a physical health concern and a social standard, while external criticisms often become internalized as negative emotions.

These overlaps do not weaken the thematic distinctions but rather show the multidimensionality of body image. Ultimately, body image emerges as a construct where personal experiences, social evaluations, and emotional reflections converge.

Discussion and conclusion

The findings obtained from this study reveal participants' experiences regarding body image and demonstrate the social, individual, and emotional dimensions of this perception. In this section, the results are discussed in light of the existing literature, followed by a general evaluation. The findings of the study are grouped under three main categories.

Theme 1: physical features and health

The analysis revealed that physical appearance and health were central to participants' constructions of body image. Women frequently emphasized bodily attributes such as thinness, body lines, and specific proportions (e.g., slim waist, wide hips, large breasts), which mirror culturally constructed ideals of beauty. These codes show that female body image is often judged against aesthetic criteria established and reinforced by the media and popular culture. The recurring association between slimness and desirability underscores that women do not merely evaluate their bodies on functional grounds but also in terms of socially validated appearance.

From an early age, individuals learn that physical appearance significantly affects their social lives and opportunities (Aslan, 2004). This early awareness interacts with developmental contexts: for example, adolescent peer bullying is known to generate inadequacy in relation to body image (Rietsch et al., 2013). Societal ideals around body proportions may even contribute to depression, eating disorders, and harmful health behaviours in multiethnic populations (Godina & Zadorozhnaya, 2016). These findings highlight how cultural standards of physical attractiveness shape personal experiences of the body in ways that extend beyond aesthetics, directly influencing mental and physical well-being.

The notion of “being thin” carried a double meaning for participants: it was interpreted as both a marker of beauty and an indicator of health. Thinness was described not only as an aesthetic achievement but also as evidence of self-discipline, vitality, and social acceptance. This dual framing reflects the broader biomedical discourse that equates weight control with health. Likewise, “body lines” were frequently emphasized, pointing to participants' concerns with symmetry, proportion, and harmony of bodily features. These insights resonate with existing scholarship documenting the power of socially defined aesthetics in shaping women's body images.

Weight emerged as one of the most decisive elements of body image. Participants described both the stigma of being overweight and the pride of weight loss, illustrating how changes in weight directly affect self-esteem and body satisfaction. Quantitative and qualitative studies alike support these observations. Overweight individuals consistently report lower body image scores than others (Mond et al., 2011; Werrij et al., 2006), and women with excess weight are more likely to experience dissatisfaction with their appearance (Annis et al., 2004; Muth & Cash, 1997; Schwartz & Brownell, 2004). Research on morbid obesity further indicates that despite weight loss efforts, individuals often regain weight due to fragile self-esteem and negative self-perception (Sarısoy et al., 2013). In parallel, Heo et al. (2006) demonstrate that overweight individuals are ten times more likely to experience depression compared to those of average weight.

By contrast, participants frequently highlighted the positive role of health-promoting behaviours. A healthy lifestyle—including balanced nutrition, exercise, and self-care—was described as a crucial factor that improves body image. Prior evidence confirms these reflections. Participation in sports and exercise programs enhances women's physical self-perceptions and reduces body-related social anxiety (Aşçı, 2003; Annesi & Unruh, 2008; Mü et al., 2006). Regular exercise has also been linked to psychological resilience and increased self-confidence, suggesting that bodily health and aesthetic satisfaction can reinforce each other. Moreover, obesity-related health risks such as cardiovascular disease, diabetes, and hypertension (Ardıç, 2014) provide an additional motivation for women to value weight control. In the study by Koç et al. (2024), it is emphasized that women's perceptions of their body shape and weight play a decisive role in their eating habits.

This theme reveals a crucial insight: in participants' accounts, physical features and health were not separate spheres but mutually reinforcing dimensions. Thinness and bodily aesthetics were interpreted not only as cultural ideals but also as health imperatives. This shows that women's body images in this study were shaped by a dynamic negotiation between physical realities, health discourses, and aesthetic standards. The double coding of thinness as both health and aesthetics in Theme 1 illustrates how beauty ideals are intertwined with biomedical discourses, echoing insights from biopolitics (Bordo, 2023; Featherstone, 2010). This dual coding of thinness as both health and beauty reflects not only biomedical discourses but also cultural variations in attractiveness ideals (Swami et al., 2005). However, the emphasis here remains distinct from the following themes: while societal norms and judgements intensify these pressures, the current theme captures how participants themselves anchored body image in visible appearance and perceived health. To delineate boundaries, “Physical Features and Health” captures self-anchored evaluations (shape/weight/health behaviours), whereas “Societal Pressures and Criticism” captures externally imposed standards/labels; “Self-Perception and Emotions” addresses internalization and affective meaning-making. Where phenomena spanned domains (e.g., weight as social label), coding prioritized locus (self vs. external vs. internalization).

Theme 2: societal pressures and criticism

Participants emphasized that body image is not only a matter of personal perception but is powerfully shaped by societal norms, media representations, and external judgements. References to “the perfect bodies society imposes,” “thin–overweight,” and “the ideas that advocate everyone to conform” highlight how external standards exert direct influence on women's self-perceptions. These reflections illustrate that women's bodies are evaluated not in isolation but within the frameworks of consumer culture, media messages, and collective expectations.

Previous studies confirm these dynamics. Parlak (2022) underscores that consumer culture and social values impose idealized body standards. Cash (2012) also stresses the powerful role of societal beauty ideals, while Mukai et al. (1998) demonstrate that dissatisfaction varies across cultural contexts depending on prevailing body norms. More recent reviews and cross-cultural studies support this point, showing that cultural differences strongly shape body image ideals (Abdoli et al., 2024; Swami et al., 2005). Participants' references to supermodels and industry standards support these findings, showing how globalized media propagates narrow ideals of beauty.

Participants noted that women who deviate from accepted norms are often stigmatized with labels such as “fat” or “skinny,” forcing them into lifelong struggles to achieve the socially desired body (Tosun, 2022). Such criticisms were perceived as more than superficial remarks; they affected women's sense of worth and belonging. The psychological literature supports these experiences. Deci and Ryan (2000) argue that intrinsic self-worth mediates the impact of criticism, while Kernis (2003) shows that individuals with high self-esteem resist negative judgements more effectively. Tiggemann and Slater (2013) further demonstrate that cultural affiliation amplifies sensitivity to social criticism, illustrating the cultural variability of this phenomenon.

Empirical findings mirror participants' concerns. Kızılelmas (2021) found that women are significantly influenced by the measurements of socially idealized figures, while Uluyol (2023) concluded that adherence to femininity norms increases dissatisfaction with one's body. These studies align with participants' observations about the pressure to conform to rigid ideals and the intolerance of bodily diversity.

The pursuit of social approval was also evident. Many participants expressed a desire “to be liked,” illustrating how social validation serves as a driving force behind body-related concerns. New media and digital platforms intensify these dynamics by projecting flawless, proportionate, and symmetrical images of women's bodies. Avcılar (2022) shows that social media creates a heightened ideal of thin, flawless bodies, while Ergün et al. (2022) report that women increasingly perceive slightly overweight figures as obese due to these standards. Exposure to thin supermodels has been linked to negative outcomes for women's body image (Dittmar & Howard, 2004). Similarly, Glauert et al. (2009) found that women's perceptions of “normal” and “ideal” bodies shift dramatically depending on media influences.

These reflections show that body image is not just personally constructed but socially enforced through mechanisms of conformity, labelling, and approval. Unlike the first theme, which centred on individual concerns about physical features and health, this theme emphasizes how external pressures structure women's evaluations of their bodies. The overlap is clear: while physical features provide the content of what is judged, societal pressures dictate the standards by which it is measured. Thus, external judgements serve as a framework that shapes, constrains, and often distorts women's self-perceptions of their bodies. Media-driven thinness ideals (Theme 2) and resultant self-surveillance/appearance anxiety help explain the Theme−3 emotions via objectification mechanisms (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997).

Theme 3: self-perception and emotions

Although discussed less frequently than physical appearance or societal pressures, participants' reflections on their own emotions and self-perceptions revealed another important dimension of body image. Statements such as “I don't love myself”, “I'm not at peace with my body”, and “feeling my body's energy” demonstrate that women's relationships with their bodies are deeply emotional. These expressions highlight dissatisfaction, low self-confidence, and internal unrest, illustrating that body image includes not only external evaluations but also inner psychological states.

This multidimensional understanding aligns with definitions of body image that include perceptual, cognitive, and emotional components (Cash, 2004; Grogan, 2021). Participants' descriptions of “positive” or “negative” energy further reinforce this point, showing that body image is experienced as a combination of feelings and bodily awareness. Positive energy was associated with satisfaction and empowerment, whereas negative energy was tied to fatigue, discontent, and loss of self-esteem.

Prior literature explains how such self-perceptions are socially shaped yet personally internalized. Shavelson et al. (1976) describe self-perception as a construct formed through feedback and repetition, evolving across the lifespan. Karslı (2008) similarly argues that perceptions of the external world and self-concept develop simultaneously. MacPhee et al. (1996) extend this view by showing that self-concept influences all stages of life. Participants' reflections support these findings, illustrating how social messages about the body become embedded in personal identity.

The impact of life transitions was particularly salient. When the female body fails to conform to societal standards at different stages of life, negative self-perceptions can emerge. For instance, adolescent girls who struggle with skin problems may have difficulty accepting their bodies (Baldil, 2014). Mothers may experience diminished self-confidence due to postpartum physical changes (Özcan, 2024). Older women may be distressed by sagging breasts or wrinkles, often exacerbated by media portrayals of cosmetic ideals (Alptekin & Delibaş, 2021). These examples underscore how personal experiences intersect with cultural expectations, shaping self-perception across the life course.

External comments also played an important role. Participants noted that remarks about their bodies, whether positive or negative, strongly influenced their self-confidence. Social media amplified this effect: women with more than 1,000 followers tended to report more positive body evaluations compared to those with fewer followers (Kuzu, 2019; Oğuzhan, 2021). These findings show how external validation becomes internalized, directly affecting women's sense of self-worth and body satisfaction.

This theme is distinct from the previous two, as it emphasizes the internalization of external influences rather than their direct imposition. Yet, it intersects with societal pressures, since negative judgements from society often manifest as negative emotions and low self-esteem. By focusing on personal feelings and self-reflections, this theme illustrates the deeply psychological dimension of body image.

The findings of this study confirm that women's body image is not a simple or isolated construct but a multidimensional phenomenon shaped at the intersection of physical appearance, societal expectations, and emotional experience. Each theme—Physical Features and Health, Societal Pressures and Criticism, and Self-Perception and Emotions—offers a unique perspective, yet all overlap in significant ways.

Participants' accounts revealed that physical appearance and weight are central to body evaluations, health behaviours and lifestyle practices strongly affect self-perceptions, societal standards impose restrictive ideals, and emotional self-reflections anchor these influences in personal experience. These findings echo earlier research highlighting the combined roles of culture and psychology in shaping body image (Cash, 2004; Grogan, 2021). Intersectional patterns were suggested in our data: younger participants referenced peer/media comparison more frequently, while postpartum/older participants foregrounded life-stage bodily change; SES appeared to shape access to “health” practices. While our sample lacked ethnic stratification, cross-cultural work (e.g., Mukai et al., 1998) aligns with these divergences.

Future research should expand this line of enquiry by adopting intersectional perspectives that consider age, ethnicity, and cultural background. Comparative and cross-cultural studies would help explain how body image is differently constructed across societies. By situating individual experiences within broader social frameworks, researchers can develop a more inclusive and universal understanding of women's body image.

Acknowledgements

We thank all participants for participating in this study.

Author contributions

Reşat Sadika: Conceptualization, methodology, data analysis, writing – original draft, writing – review and editing. Gizem Nur Yilmaz: Data collection, preliminary analysis, literature review.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Funding

This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

Data availability statement

The audio recordings of the interviews conducted in this study are not publicly available due to participant confidentiality and ethical restrictions. However, anonymized data summaries may be provided upon reasonable request for academic and research purposes. Requests for data access can be directed to the corresponding author.