Abstract
Background
Delayed childbearing is increasingly recognized as a demographic trend with profound implications for public health, particularly among women aged 35 and older. While often viewed as a challenge due to associated maternal health risks and socio-cultural pressures, this study contends that, if effectively managed, delayed childbearing can serve as a strategic tool for achieving the First Demographic Transition (FDT) in Nigeria and other Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries. By examining the relationship between women’s empowerment and delayed childbearing, this research aims to highlight how empowerment can be leveraged to mitigate health risks and contribute to sustainable demographic transitions.
Methods
This study constructs four empowerment dimensions—decision-making autonomy, asset ownership, control over reproductive health, and socio-cultural beliefs—using data from the 2018 Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS) to explore their influence on delayed childbearing among women aged 35 and older. Bivariate and multivariate logistic regression analyses are employed to assess the impact of these dimensions on reproductive timing.
Results
Decision-making autonomy and asset ownership emerged as significant predictors of delayed childbearing. Women with medium and high levels of decision-making autonomy were substantially more likely to delay childbirth (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.643, 95% CI: 1.144–6.106, and AOR = 2.024, 95% CI: 1.009–4.059, respectively). Medium asset ownership was also associated with delayed reproduction (AOR = 1.750, 95% CI: 1.016–3.013), whereas high asset ownership showed no significant effect. In contrast, socio-cultural empowerment and control over reproductive health were not significantly associated with delayed childbearing.
Conclusions
This study underscores the pivotal role of women’s empowerment—especially decision-making autonomy and economic resources—in shaping reproductive choices and delaying childbearing. Policy interventions that enhance women’s agency, expand economic opportunities, safeguard reproductive health rights, and challenge restrictive socio-cultural norms are essential for addressing the health risks and societal challenges posed by delayed reproduction. By aligning these strategies with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 3 (Good Health and Well-being) and 5 (Gender Equality), Nigeria can foster a socio-cultural environment in which women are empowered to make informed reproductive decisions, thereby contributing to demographic stability and sustainable development.
Keywords: Delayed parenthood, Women empowerment indicators, Demographic transition, Nigeria
Background
Delayed childbearing, while often viewed as a public health challenge, can present significant opportunities for demographic and socio-economic advancement, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). The demographic transition, which involves a shift from high birth and death rates to lower ones, is a defining feature of societal development, with far-reaching benefits such as improved public health, economic growth, and social stability [27]. In many countries delayed childbearing has become an increasingly prominent trend, as evidenced in the United States where the mean age of mothers at first birth rose from 26.6 years in 2016 to 27.5 years in 2023 [17], and in Europe where a historic shift toward later entry into parenthood has significantly shaped fertility dynamics [11]. As women’s roles continue to evolve, with greater access to education, enhanced labour market participation, and rising levels of economic independence, an emerging shift toward postponing motherhood provides a pathway to achieving a more sustainable population growth and stabilizing fertility rates [19].
In Nigeria, delayed childbearing is gaining prominence among women, especially in the southern regions, as they seek to prioritize education, career, and financial security. Regional studies have documented a rising median age at first birth among women in Southern Nigeria [10, 18], and further evidence shows that higher education, female autonomy, modern contraceptive use, and delayed age at marriage are significant factors contributing to the postponement of childbirth in the country [20]. While early childbearing remains common, the postponement of motherhood offers potential benefits for maternal health outcomes and broader socio-economic development. However, managing delayed childbearing requires balanced approaches, considering the health risks and social challenges it may introduce, particularly for women over the age of 35 [26].
Women’s empowerment can be leveraged to mitigate health risks and contribute to sustainable demographic transitions. By improving women’s access to education, healthcare, and economic opportunities, empowerment enables more informed and autonomous reproductive choices, thereby reducing the health and socioeconomic risks often associated with delayed childbearing [25, 26]. Empowerment, broadly defined, refers to the process of enhancing women’s access to critical resources—such as education, employment, and healthcare—with the aim of strengthening their capacity for self-determination and diminishing male dominance over them [14, 25, 28]. This autonomy often influence several factors, including control over reproductive health, decision-making power, economic independence, and the ability to navigate socio-cultural norms [8, 13, 23]. Research consistently shows that more empowered women, those with greater control over their lives and reproductive health, tend to prefer smaller families and are more likely to delay childbirth in favour of career and personal development [24]. Supporting this, Solanke [25] finds that delaying the age at first marriage can significantly influence fertility behaviour and enhance women’s empowerment.
In SSA, women’s empowerment is typically assessed through various dimensions—decision-making autonomy, socio-cultural attitudes, and control over sexual and reproductive health [8, 21, 25]. Emerging research also points to asset ownership as a significant factor that empowers women to make independent reproductive choices. Access to economic resources, such as land or housing, enables women to assert more control over both household welfare and reproductive timing [24]. This underscores the importance of including asset ownership as a key dimension of empowerment, alongside decision-making autonomy, control over sexual and reproductive health and socio-cultural factors.
Studies from various SSA countries, including Mozambique, Burkina Faso, and Mali, demonstrate that women who have more control over their sexual and reproductive health are more likely to use contraception and express a desire for fewer children [1, 3, 6]. In the Nigerian context, however, much of the literature on delayed childbearing focuses primarily on health outcomes, with limited research examining the socio-demographic drivers of delayed fertility or how different dimensions of empowerment interact to influence reproductive behaviour.
As Nigeria continues to experience shifts in educational attainment, labour force participation, and socio-cultural expectations, delayed childbearing has become a reflection of broader societal changes. Yet, persistent socio-cultural norms that restrict women’s decision-making autonomy—particularly concerning reproductive health—continue to challenge efforts to address the increasing trend of delayed reproduction. These norms, alongside the persistence of gender inequality, complicate the relationship between empowerment and fertility outcomes.
The Second Demographic Transition (SDT) Theory [15] provides a useful framework for understanding delayed childbearing as part of a larger societal transformation. This theory suggests that changes in individualistic values, gender equality, and economic participation can contribute to fertility postponement and smaller family sizes. In countries like Nigeria, where traditional gender roles still heavily influence reproductive behaviours, the various dimensions of empowerment—especially decision-making autonomy, control over reproductive health, and asset ownership—can help facilitate this shift.
This study, grounded in the empowerment framework and demographic theories, aims to investigate how these dimensions of women’s empowerment intersect to influence delayed childbearing in Nigeria. By focusing on four key areas—decision-making autonomy, control over reproductive health, socio-cultural beliefs, and asset ownership—it seeks to explore how women navigate reproductive choices within a changing socio-economic context. The findings of this study will provide insights into the role of empowerment in shaping reproductive decisions, offering valuable implications for policy interventions that promote gender equality, support informed reproductive choices, and contribute to Nigeria’s broader demographic and developmental objectives.
Theoretical and conceptual framework
This study is anchored in two complementary perspectives: the Demographic Transition framework and the Second Demographic Transition (SDT) theory. The Demographic Transition emphasizes the role of modernization—such as education, urbanization, and improved health—in driving fertility decline [5], while the SDT highlights how changing values, gender equality, and individual autonomy foster fertility postponement and new family forms [15]. Within this demographic context, women’s empowerment provides the conceptual lens through which delayed childbearing is examined. Empowerment—operationalized here as decision-making autonomy, reproductive health control, asset ownership, and socio-cultural attitudes—constitutes the mechanisms through which structural and normative shifts are translated into reproductive behaviour. By situating delayed childbearing within these frameworks, the study underscores how women’s empowerment can serve as a catalyst for Nigeria’s fertility decline, helping to complete the First Demographic Transition while simultaneously revealing early features of the SDT.
Methods
This study utilized secondary data from the 2018 Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS) to examine the relationship between women’s empowerment and delayed childbearing in Nigeria. The analysis specifically focused on women aged 35–49 years in Southern Nigeria, with a total sample size of 3,749 respondents. This region was selected due to its higher prevalence of delayed childbearing, as women in the south are increasingly prioritizing education, career development, and financial independence [10, 17]. Additionally, only married or cohabiting women were included in the analysis, as key survey questions relevant to sexual and reproductive health, decision-making, and empowerment were specifically directed at this group, providing deeper insights into factors influencing delayed reproduction within this demographic. A comprehensive discussion of the quality and limitations of the NDHS data is available in [1].
Variables and indices
Dependent variable
The dependent variable in the study was delayed childbearing, which was defined as having the first child at the age of 35 or older. This operationalization follows the definition provided by previous studies [12, 26].
Main predictor
The main independent variables were the indices of women’s empowerment, which were constructed using responses from relevant survey questions. Four dimensions of empowerment were examined in the study: socio-cultural factors, control over sexual and reproductive health, decision-making, and asset ownership. The coding methodology adopted aligns with the approach outlined by Prata and Weidert [21].
The socio-cultural dimension addressed attitudes and beliefs surrounding domestic violence, including questions about whether beating a wife was justified, as well as other variables like the ability to go out without informing the partner, neglecting children, arguing with a partner, and refusing sex. Variables included in this index are coded as 1 = not justified, 0 = justified.
The control over sexual and reproductive health dimension measured a woman’s ability to make decisions about contraception use (self-reported as yes = 1, no = 0), refusal of sex, and requesting a partner to use a condom (both coded as yes = 1, no = 0).
The decision-making dimension focused on the woman’s autonomy in household decisions, including those related to purchases, health, visiting family and friends, and spending money (coded as respondent alone = 1; joint with husband = 0; joint with others or other categories = −1). Finally, the asset ownership dimension measures women’s control over property ownership, specifically, ownership of land and a house (coded as respondent alone = 1, else = 0).
Once the responses to each survey item within a dimension were aggregated, a composite score was computed by summing the individual responses for each woman. For each dimension, the total score represented the degree of empowerment within that specific domain. These composite scores were then divided into three categories: low, medium, and high empowerment. For example, the decision-making index includes five questions with possible responses indicating different levels of decision-making autonomy. A total score was calculated for each woman. A respondent who scored below 50% of the total possible points was categorized as having low empowerment, those with scores between 50% and 69% were categorized as having medium empowerment, and those scoring 70% or higher were categorized as having high empowerment. The same method was applied to the other three dimensions, with appropriate thresholds based on the number of items in each index. The three-category classification adopted in this study aligns with Solanke [25], but diverges from the two-category framework used by Chizomam & Isiugo-Abanihe [7].
By categorizing the scores in this manner, the empowerment dimensions were transformed into categorical variables that could be used as independent variables in the subsequent logistic regression analysis. The composite scores provided a more meaningful interpretation of the different levels of empowerment and enabled an examination of how varying levels within each dimension are linked to the likelihood of delayed childbearing, highlighting differences in access and engagement rather than relying on a single indicator.
Other predictors
The study incorporates a range of other explanatory variables, guided by established literature on the determinants of delayed childbearing [21, 22, 26]. Individual-level variables include age (grouped in 5-year intervals), educational attainment, contraceptive use and intention, and employment status, categorized as employed year-round, unemployed, or engaged in occasional/seasonal work. At the community level, geographic region of residence—specifically, South East (SE), South West (SW), and South South (SS)—was incorporated as a control variable, reflecting evidence that contextual characteristics exert independent influences on reproductive and health behaviors. Additionally, household-level characteristics, particularly household wealth quintile, were included to account for the economic conditions that may affect childbearing decisions. These multi-level controls provide a comprehensive framework for examining the dynamics of delayed reproduction in the Nigerian context.
Statistical analysis
Data analysis was performed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) version 20, encompassing the univariate and multivariate techniques. Descriptive statistics were used to summarize the demographic characteristics of the study participants. To examine the relationship between empowerment and delayed childbearing, chi-square tests were conducted to determine if the distribution of delayed childbearing varied significantly across the empowerment categories (low, medium, high) for each of the four empowerment dimensions. These tests provided insight into whether there were significant associations between the levels of empowerment and delayed childbearing.
Furthermore, logistic regression analysis was used to assess the impact of the empowerment dimensions on the likelihood of experiencing delayed childbearing. The logistic regression model incorporated the empowerment indices as predictor variables while adjusting for potential confounding factors such as age, education, wealth status, employment status, contraceptive use and geographic region. The model is defined as follows [4]:
 |
1 |
Where 
,
is the number of predictors and 
are the predictors. The predictors are the variables related to different dimensions of empowerment and other factors that could influence the timing of childbirth.
Ethical consideration
The National Health Research Ethics Committee (NHREC/01/2007) provided ethical approval for the NDHS in Nigeria. The analyses were conducted using anonymized data, ensuring no harm or offense to any individual or community. These datasets are publicly accessible for general use.
Presentation of results
Table 1 shows that the study sample consisted of Southern women aged 35–49 years, with 43.2% aged 35–39, 30.7% aged 40–44, and 26.1% aged 45–49. In terms of education, 28.9% had no formal education, 44.8% had primary education, 15.7% had secondary education, and 10.7% had tertiary education. Wealth distribution showed 3.8% were in the poorest quintile, 10.7% in the poorer, 21.2% in the middle, 28.4% in the richer, and 35.8% in the wealthiest quintile. Contraceptive use patterns indicated that 54.2% did not intend to use contraception, 10.3% used traditional methods, 16.9% planned to use contraception later, and 18.5% used modern contraceptives. Geographically, the sample was distributed across the South-South (28.4%), South-West (38.8%), and South-East (32.8%) regions of Nigeria. Employment-wise, 85.2% were employed year-round, 9.4% seasonally, and 5.4% were not employed.
Table 1.
Characteristics of respondents
| Characteristics | Categories | N | % |
|---|---|---|---|
| Age | 35–39 | 1619 | 43.2% |
| 40–44 | 1151 | 30.7% | |
| 45–49 | 979 | 26.1% | |
| Education | None | 1082 | 28.9% |
| Primary | 1678 | 44.8% | |
| Secondary | 587 | 15.7% | |
| Tertiary | 402 | 10.7% | |
| Wealth | Poorest | 144 | 3.8% |
| Poorer | 402 | 10.7% | |
| Middle | 796 | 21.2% | |
| Richer | 1064 | 28.4% | |
| Richest | 1343 | 35.8% | |
| Contraceptive | Not intend to use | 2033 | 54.2% |
| Traditional | 387 | 10.3% | |
| Non use but intend to use later | 634 | 16.9% | |
| Modern | 695 | 18.5% | |
| Region | SS | 1063 | 28.4% |
| SW | 1455 | 38.8% | |
| SE | 1231 | 32.8% | |
| Employment status | Not employed | 202 | 5.4% |
| Occasional/Seasonal | 352 | 9.4% | |
| All year | 3195 | 85.2% |
Table 2 presents the distribution of parenthood status (normal vs. delayed) across the four empowerment variables: Control over Sexual and Reproductive Health (SRH), Decision-Making Index (DMI), Socio-Cultural Index (SCI), and Asset Ownership (AO). Overall, the women in the study exhibited varying levels of empowerment across the four indices. In terms of the SRH dimension, 43.4% of women had low empowerment, 44.5% had medium empowerment, and 12.1% had high empowerment. Regarding the DMI dimension, 22.2% of women scored low, 11.8% scored medium, and 66.0% scored high. In the SCI dimension, the overwhelming majority (87.6%) of women scored high, while only 9.3% had low empowerment. For the AO dimension, 61.6% of women had low asset ownership, and 22.6% had high asset ownership.
Table 2.
Distribution of parenthood status by empowerment indices
| Parenthood status | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Empowerment variables | Normal | Delay | % total | p-value | |
| SRH | Low | 1583 | 45 | 43.4% | 0.445 |
| Medium | 1634 | 35 | 44.5% | ||
| High | 440 | 12 | 12.1% | ||
| DMI | Low | 822 | 11 | 22.2% | 0.055 |
| Medium | 430 | 13 | 11.8% | ||
| High | 2405 | 68 | 66.0% | ||
| SCI | Low | 342 | 5 | 9.3% | 0.364 |
| Medium | 116 | 2 | 3.1% | ||
| High | 3199 | 85 | 87.6% | ||
| AO | Low | 2262 | 47 | 61.6% | 0.078 |
| Medium | 573 | 21 | 15.8% | ||
| High | 822 | 24 | 22.6% | ||
| N | 3657 | 92 | |||
In terms of delayed parenthood, the relationship with empowerment dimensions varied. For SRH, the percentage of women reporting delayed parenthood was approximately similar for low and medium empowerment levels—43.4% for low, 44.5% for medium, and 12.1% for high empowerment—but this association was not statistically significant (p = 0.445). Regarding DMI, 22.2% of women with low empowerment, 11.8% with medium empowerment, and 66.0% with high empowerment experienced delayed parenthood, with a marginally significant relationship (p = 0.055). In the case of SCI, 87.6% of women with high empowerment experienced delayed parenthood, compared to just 9.3% with low empowerment, but this difference was not statistically significant (p = 0.364). Lastly, for AO, 61.6% of women with low asset ownership reported delayed parenthood, while 22.6% with high asset ownership did so, though this result was also marginally statistically significant (p = 0.078).
Binomial logistic regression results on the relationships between empowerment and delayed childbearing are presented in Table 3. The study found that decision-making autonomy and asset ownership significantly influenced delayed childbearing in Nigeria. Women with medium and high decision-making autonomy had higher odds of delaying childbirth, with odds ratios of 2.643 and 2.024, respectively, both statistically significant. Medium asset ownership also significantly increased the likelihood of delayed childbearing (AOR = 1.750, 95% CI: 1.016–3.013), while high asset ownership did not show a significant effect. Control over reproductive health (SRH) and socio-cultural empowerment (SCI) both yielded nonsignificant results. These findings highlight that women’s empowerment, particularly in decision-making and access to economic resources, plays a significant role in delaying childbearing.
Table 3.
Logit regression results
| Variables | Categories | Exp(B) | 95% C.I.for Exp(B) | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Lower | Upper | |||
| SRH | Low (Ref.) | 1.000 | ||
| Medium | 0.733 | 0.462 | 1.164 | |
| High | 0.948 | 0.486 | 1.852 | |
| DMI | Low (Ref.) | 1.000 | ||
| Medium | 2.643* | 1.144 | 6.106 | |
| High | 2.024* | 1.009 | 4.059 | |
| SCI | Low (Ref.) | 1.000 | ||
| Medium | 1.295 | 0.243 | 6.913 | |
| High | 2.064 | 0.813 | 5.239 | |
| AO | Low (Ref.) | 1.000 | ||
| Medium | 1.750* | 1.016 | 3.013 | |
| High | 1.138 | 0.661 | 1.960 | |
| Age | 35–39 (Ref.) | 1.000 | ||
| 40–44 | 2.360* | 1.349 | 4.129 | |
| 45–49 | 2.806* | 1.565 | 5.030 | |
| Education | None (Ref.) | 1.000 | ||
| Primary | 2.167* | 1.134 | 4.143 | |
| Secondary | 4.383* | 2.117 | 9.071 | |
| Tertiary | 1.530 | 0.594 | 3.940 | |
| Wealth | Poorest (Ref.) | 1.000 | ||
| Poorer | 2.458 | 0.295 | 20.510 | |
| Middle | 2.007 | 0.254 | 15.863 | |
| Richer | 2.640 | 0.337 | 20.701 | |
| Richest | 2.922 | 0.369 | 23.150 | |
| Contraceptive | Not intend to use (Ref.) | 1.000 | ||
| Traditional | 0.251* | 0.089 | 0.714 | |
| Non use but intend to use later | 1.283 | 0.727 | 2.264 | |
| Modern | 0.463* | 0.215 | 0.998 | |
| Region | SS (Ref.) | 1.000 | ||
| SW | 0.761 | 0.404 | 1.435 | |
| SE | 2.167* | 1.259 | 3.729 | |
| Employ. Status | Not employed (Ref.) | 1.000 | ||
| Occasional/Seasonal | 0.584 | 0.213 | 1.600 | |
| All year | 0.475 | 0.210 | 1.075 | |
| Constant | 0.001 | |||
Ref. means Reference category; *Significant at 5%
In addition to the empowerment dimensions, several other factors were also significantly associated with delayed childbearing. Maternal age was a strong predictor, as women aged 40–44 years (AOR = 2.360, 95% CI: 1.349–4.129) and 45–49 years (AOR = 2.806, 95% CI: 1.565–5.030) were more likely to delay childbirth. Education was also a key factor, with primary (AOR = 2.167, 95% CI: 1.134–4.143) and secondary education (AOR = 4.383, 95% CI: 2.117–9.071) significantly increasing the likelihood of delaying childbearing, while tertiary education had no effect (AOR = 1.530, 95% CI: 0.594–3.940). Contraceptive use, both modern (AOR = 0.463, 95% CI: 0.215–0.998) and traditional (AOR = 0.251, 95% CI: 0.089–0.714), was associated with lower odds of delayed childbearing. Regionally, women in the South-East (AOR = 2.167, 95% CI: 1.259–3.729) were more likely to delay childbearing, while no significant effect was found in the South-West (AOR = 0.761, 95% CI: 0.404–1.435).
Discussion
This study’s findings offer significant insights into the interplay between women’s empowerment and delayed childbearing, providing support for existing literature on the role of empowerment in shaping reproductive behaviours. In particular, the study highlights the influence of women’s autonomy, particularly in decision-making and economic resources, as crucial factors in determining the timing of childbearing. These results are consistent with the work of Prata & Weidert [21] and Solanke et al. [26], which emphasized that empowerment—especially in the socio-cultural and reproductive health dimensions—can foster delayed childbearing. For example, Prata & Weidert [21] underlined the role of socio-cultural empowerment in reducing fertility in Angola, especially among younger women. Similarly, Solanke et al. [26] demonstrated that women with restricted autonomy in household decisions were 27.8% less likely to delay childbearing compared to those with full autonomy in Nigeria.
The present study also echoes the significance of education and contraceptive use in promoting delayed childbearing, reinforcing Solanke et al. [26]. Education, along with reproductive autonomy and economic resources, enables women to make informed decisions about when to have children, aligning their fertility patterns with broader demographic and developmental goals.
The significant effects of decision-making autonomy, education and asset ownership resonate with the elements of the SDT, which emphasizes the growing importance of gender equality, economic independence, and individual autonomy in driving fertility postponement. By demonstrating that empowered women are more likely to delay childbearing, the study shows how empowerment functions as a mechanism linking societal modernization to reproductive change in Nigeria. Although Nigeria has not fully completed its first demographic transition, characteristics associated with the SDT—such as single parenthood, rising divorce, and women’s career advancement—are becoming increasingly visible, suggesting that delayed childbearing may intensify as these trends unfold [19].
Delayed childbearing, when viewed through the lens of demographic transition, offers potential benefits in Sub-Saharan Africa. As countries in the region strive to achieve declining birth rates, longer life expectancy, and shifting age structures, delayed childbearing, if managed effectively, may help stabilize population growth and release resources for public health, education, and economic development [5], aligning with the broader objectives of demographic transition. However, the feasibility of this strategy depends on various factors, including healthcare access, socio-economic conditions, and the broader socio-cultural context, particularly for women aged 35 and older, who face higher risks of medical complications, including infertility and pregnancy-related health issues [22]. In addition, societal norms and cultural practices often reinforce traditional gender roles, restrict women’s autonomy, and expose them to discrimination in education, employment, and family life, thereby limiting their opportunities to delay childbearing [2, 9, 16].
In Nigeria, emerging signs of the second demographic transition, such as increasing divorce rates, single parenthood, and changing gender roles, suggest evolving fertility patterns [19]. As more women delay marriage to pursue higher education and career advancement, this empowerment also exposes them to the fertility risks of postponing childbirth. In contrast to more developed regions like Europe and North America, where reproductive technologies are widely accessible, Nigeria faces significant challenges related to the affordability and availability of such services [12].
Thus, policy solutions must balance empowering women to make informed decisions about delayed childbearing while addressing the health and economic consequences associated with these choices. Empowerment strategies, including increased access to education, economic opportunities, and family planning services, can help women navigate the complexities of delayed reproduction. However, these efforts must be paired with improvements in healthcare infrastructure, access to fertility treatments, and financial support to mitigate the risks associated with later childbearing.
Ultimately, this dual approach is essential for fostering not only healthier reproductive outcomes but also for addressing broader demographic shifts, such as an aging population and evolving workforce dynamics. By enhancing women’s decision-making power and economic independence, policies can facilitate a balanced demographic transition that aligns with sustainable development and economic growth objectives. This comprehensive approach is necessary to ensure that women’s reproductive choices are supported by the resources and healthcare services they need to thrive, while contributing to the larger societal goals of demographic stability and economic progress.
Limitations
While this study provides valuable insights, its cross-sectional design limits causal interpretations, highlighting the need for longitudinal research to deepen our understanding of the relationship between women’s empowerment and reproductive outcomes. Second, the potential for recall bias in the responses cannot be dismissed, as the survey depended on self-reported data. Nevertheless, the findings underscore the importance of fostering women’s autonomy through targeted policies to promote healthier demographic transitions in Nigeria and beyond. Empowering women with tools, education, and access to reproductive health services is essential to mitigating the risks of delayed childbearing while maximizing its potential benefits for individuals and society.
Conclusions
This study examined the role of women’s empowerment in shaping delayed childbearing in Nigeria, focusing on women aged 35 and older. It delves into key dimensions of empowerment—such as decision-making autonomy, asset ownership, control over sexual and reproductive health and socio-cultural factors— as transformative levers to address the multifaceted health and social implications of delayed reproduction while advancing the demographic transition.
The findings highlight that women’s empowerment, particularly through enhanced decision-making autonomy and economic resources, plays a crucial role in delaying childbearing. From the lens of the SFT, the results highlight how greater individual autonomy and economic independence enable women to prioritize non-familial goals and postpone motherhood. Conversely, the nonsignificant results for socio-cultural empowerment and reproductive health control indicate that, in Nigeria, persistent cultural constraints and limited reproductive agency continue to restrict the full realization of empowerment’s demographic effects.
While delayed reproduction offers a potential pathway for advancing Nigeria’s first demographic transition, it simultaneously engenders significant health risks and social challenges, especially for women in this age cohort. To confront these complexities, the study underscores the imperative of embedding empowerment-centered strategies within public health and social policy paradigms. Such strategies should prioritize the cultivation of decision-making autonomy, the expansion of economic opportunities, and the improvement of access to reproductive healthcare and education. At the same time, they should address socio-economic inequalities and cultural norms to ensure that the benefits of delayed reproduction are realized without compromising maternal health and well-being.
Empowerment, as conceptualized in this framework, extends beyond individual agency to encompass the structural and systemic conditions that enable informed reproductive choices. By mitigating the deleterious health, economic, and social consequences associated with delayed childbearing, empowerment-oriented interventions provide a robust foundation for addressing these challenges. Moreover, these initiatives align with the broader aspirations of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 3 and 5, advancing gender equality and fostering healthier demographic trajectories. Such measures are indispensable in ensuring that women are equipped to navigate the risks of delayed reproduction, thereby safeguarding their well-being while contributing to broader societal progress.
Nevertheless, the study’s cross-sectional design limits causal inferences, emphasizing the need for longitudinal research to explore the long-term relationship between women’s empowerment and reproductive outcomes. Future studies should focus on this aspect to further refine policies that support women’s reproductive choices, address the evolving challenges of delayed childbearing, and foster more sustainable and equitable demographic transitions in Nigeria.
Acknowledgements
Not applicable.
Abbreviations
- AO
Asset ownership
- DMI
Decision-Making Index
- NDHS
National health demographic survey
- SCI
Socio-Cultural Index
- SRH
Control over sexual and reproductive health
- SSA
Sub-Saharan Africa
Authors’ contributions
I. O. A. designed the study, S. A. A. collected the data, I. O. A. analyzed data, S. A. A. wrote the first draft of the manuscript. I. O. A. revised the manuscript. Both authors approved the final draft.
Funding
No funding was received for conducting this study.
Data availability
The data used during this study are available in the DHS repository.
Declarations
Ethics approval and consent to participate
Not applicable.
Consent for publication
Not applicable.
Competing interests
The authors declare no competing interests.
Footnotes
Publisher’s Note
Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
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Associated Data
This section collects any data citations, data availability statements, or supplementary materials included in this article.
Data Availability Statement
The data used during this study are available in the DHS repository.