The prevalence and forms of violence against women in Morocco: an analysis of national surveys and reports from 2009 to 2020

Abstract

Background

Violence Against Women (VAW) remains a significant challenge in Morocco despite major advances in legislative framework and policy initiatives. This study aims to investigate the trends of VAW in Morocco including its forms, contexts in which it occurs and the socio-demographic characteristics of survivors over a 10-year period from 2009 to 2020.

Methods

We conducted an online search for official publicly available, open access national reports and surveys about VAW in Morocco, published in the period between 2009 and 2020. We extracted data on prevalence of VAW, profiles of the survivors, forms of violence and the contexts in which it occured. Results were presented separately for facility-based reports and population-based surveys.

Results

Across all five reports (three population-based and two facility-based) the estimated prevalence of VAW remained consistently high, exceeding 50% throughout the 2009–2019 period. In population-based surveys, overall prevalence decreased slightly from 62.8% in 2009 to 57.0% in 2019. Facility-based reports showed comparable levels, with one survey reporting a prevalence of 58.2%. Higher rates of VAW were reported among younger women (< 25 years), married women, and women with higher education levels. Psychological violence was the most common form, reaching 95.8% among non-single women in 2018, followed by physical violence, while sexual violence remained consistently low. Economic violence ranged between 7.9% and 15.7% across the 2009–2019 period but rose sharply to 31.9% in 2020, during the COVID-19 pandemic. Marital violence was the most reported context across all surveys, accounting for up to 46.1% of cases in population-based data in 2019 and over 80% in facility-based studies. Extra-marital violence and violence in public spaces both showed a declining trend between 2009 and 2019.

Conclusions

Despite legislative advancements, violence against women remains a complex issue in Morocco, with a considerably high prevalence, thus requiring sustained efforts to address this issue comprehensively. Education and empowerment initiatives, alongside strengthening the implementation of existing laws and legal frameworks and addressing barriers to reporting, are crucial for combating VAW effectively in Morocco.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1186/s12905-025-03832-x.

Introduction

Violence against Women (VAW) is a pervasive global phenomenon with 30% of women globally having experienced some form of violence during their lifetime according to the World Health Organization (WHO) [1]. Due to its negative consequences on the health and well-being of the victims, the 2030 UN Agenda for Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), through target 5.2 [2], and the World Bank’s Gender Strategy underscore the need to eliminate VAW as a prerequisite countries’ progress [2, 3]. VAW subjects women to a range of physical, sexual, and psychological harmful acts that undermine their empowerment, threaten their safety, and perpetuate a cycle of dependency and subjugation [3]. Beyond the more widely recognized forms of violence, economic and cyber violence have also become areas of concern. In some societies, limiting women’s access to financial resources and decision-making power is normalized, with women often deprived of the right to control or contribute to family finances [4]. In extreme cases, women are barred from employment by their partners, while these same partners neglect household responsibilities, further pushing families and children into cycles of poverty. This economic dependence limited educational and future professional opportunities for women, creating conditions that increase vulnerability to further abuse, including sexual exploitation and even trafficking [4]. Additionally, with the rise of social media, cyber VAW is growing with many women now face threats to their reputation and personal safety online, as perpetrators use these platforms to intimidate or damage their public image, adding a new layer of violence in the digital sphere [5].

VAW in Morocco

Morocco, as many other countries in the world still grapples with this pervasive issue [6]. Recent studies and national reports have indicated high rates of violence experienced by women across different socio-economic backgrounds and age groups. According to a report by the High Commission on Planning (HCP) in 2019, around 7.6 million out of the 13.4 million women aged 15 to 74 in Morocco have experienced at least one act of violence in the year prior to the survey [7]. Various forms of violence have been observed including domestic violence, sexual assault, and intimate partner violence [7]. These acts of violence lead to severe physical, psychological, and reproductive health consequences, often perpetuating cycles of trauma and inequality [8]. Research on VAW in Morocco reveals significant gaps, including limited focus on rural and marginalized communities, and focusing on easy to reach populations [9]. Intersectional factors like socioeconomic status, and disability also remain underexplored [10]. Despite Article 19 of the 2011 Constitution, which ensures gender parity, significant disparities persist in women’s employment access [11]. In 2021, a report by the HCP showed that while women represented 50.2% of the population, they made up only 23% of the workforce [11]. In 2019, only 13% of Moroccan businesses were led by women, and only 20% of the Chamber of Representatives were female [11]. Despite these employment gaps, Moroccan women excel academically, often outperforming men [11].

Legal reforms regarding gender issues in Morocco

Morocco has taken significant steps towards addressing VAW through legal reforms and policy initiatives. In addition to Article 19 of the 2011 constitution [12], the enactment of Law 103 − 13 on the elimination of VAW criminalizes various forms of violence and provides mechanisms for victims to seek legal protection and support services. This also demonstrates the government’s commitment to combating gender-based violence. Additionally, the National Strategy for the Prevention of VAW (2018–2023) serves as the guiding national roadmap to strengthening prevention efforts, improving healthcare responses, and enhancing coordination between different sectors involved [13, 14]. Another pioneering initiative was the TAMKINE (ENABLING) program which aimed to converge the actions of all ministerial departments in the fight against VAW and allow the establishment of integrated care units for women and children victims of violence in hospitals [15]. These units have been created at the police level and in courts with a chain of care provision that operates at the provincial and prefecture level [15–17]. The initiative was then institutionalized and generalized by circular n° 1040 of June 17, 2008. The TAMKINE Program has given way to the governmental plans for gender equality whose purpose was to promote equality between women and men through eight areas of intervention, one of which concerns the promotion of equitable and equal access of women to health services [16–18].

Despite these efforts, VAW is still prevalent in Morocco [19] due to persisting patriarchal and gender norms, and some harmful cultural practices which perpetuate and normalize it [20]. Similarly, structural factors such as poverty, limited educational opportunities, and unequal access to resources further exacerbate women’s vulnerability to violence [20]. Given the significant changes over the last decade in women’s economic situation and empowerment, as well as changes of laws fostering gender equality and the protection of the rights of women in Morocco, it is important to understand the changes to the landscape of VAW in the country, across different forms and contexts, as well as the profile of survivors. Although many reports and studies have reported on VAW in Morocco, no study has attempted to collate this information to understand the trends and changes in this phenomenon. Therefore, this study aims to describe the trends of VAW in Morocco including its forms, contexts in which it occurs and the socio-demographic characteristics of victims over a 10-year period from 2009 to 2020.

Methods

Study design and data sources

We compiled data on key VAW indicators in Morocco between 2009 and 2020. Data were obtained from country-specific national surveys by the Ministry of Health and Social Protection [8, 14] as well as reports by public institutions such as the High Commission for Planning [7, 10], and reports by multilateral organizations operating in the field of women’s rights such as UN Women and UNFPA Morocco [21]. These reports are open access and were found online through a search strategy in French, combining keywords for ‘Violence against women’ or ‘Gender-based violence’ and ‘Morocco’. Data extraction was done using on an Excel sheet. Socio-demographic characteristics of participants such as age, sex and marital status were also collected and recalculated to fit the desired age group. A detailed description of each survey has been added to Supplementary File 1.

Definitions

We defined violence in accordance with the Declaration on the Elimination of VAW adopted by the United Nations General Assembly (1993); “any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm including threats, coercion arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in the public or private sphere” [22]. The prevalence of violence was defined as the number of women reporting at least one incidence of violence during the considered reference period (a year, adult life, or lifetime). The prevalence rate was defined as the proportion of women who have experienced violence in the overall population under consideration. This population varies depending on the type of violence and the living context (or setting) where the violence occurred. Definitions for various forms and contexts of VAW are shown in Box 1 below.

Box 1.

Definitions of forms and contexts of VAW

Physical violence: refers to any act of physical violence against a girl or woman because of her gender. Physical violence includes but is not limited to: slapping; throwing objects that could hurt; pushing, shoving or pulling hair; hitting; kicking, biting, dragging; kicking; choking; burning; threatening with a knife, firearm or other weapons among others [7].

Sexual violence: refers to any harmful or unwanted sexual behaviour imposed on a person. Sexual violence includes acts of abusive sexual contact, forced engagement in sexual acts, attempted or performed sexual acts with a woman without her consent, which may include; rape and attempted rape, sexual harassment, unwanted touching, incest etc [7].

Psychological violence includes both emotional abuse and behavioral control. Emotional abuse was defined as insulting; belittling or humiliating in front of others; frightening or intimidating; and threatening to hurt. Behavioral control was defined as isolating, preventing from visiting family or friends; monitoring social interactions; ignoring and indifference; making unjustified accusations of infidelity; controlling access to health care or to education etc [7].

Economic violence: occurs when a person denies his or her partner access to financial resources, usually to abuse or control her, or to isolate her or impose other negative consequences on her well-being, usually to abuse or control her, or to isolate her or impose other negative consequences on her well-being [7].

Workplace violence: manifested mainly in discrimination in terms of pay, promotion or training and internships compared to male colleagues, preferential treatment of male workers compared to female workers etc [7].

Judicial violence: refers to any unfair application of the law that favours men more at the expense of women. In the context of a marital relationship, the laws in question pertain to issues of child custody and alimony in case of divorce or separation, as well as inheritance matters following the death of a partner [7].

Intimate Partner Violence (IPV): includes any act of violence, whether psychological, physical, sexual, or economic, or related to the enforcement of the law, perpetrated by a husband/ex-husband, a fiancé/ex-fiancé, or an intimate partner/ex-intimate partner [7].

Domestic violence: refers to the exercise, or threat of exercise, by a structurally advantaged or stronger person, of physical, psychological, sexual or economic violence within a family relationship other than conjugal. This includes acts of violence committed by family relatives such as brothers, male cousins, in-laws etc [7].

Education and institutional violence: refers to any form of VAW perpetrated in or around education and training establishments against female pupils or students by teachers, administrative staff, fellow students, or other outsiders in the vicinity of the establishment [7].

Public space violence: refers to any form of VAW in the public space, which may be perpetrated by acquaintances (friends, neighbours) or strangers, as well as by law enforcement officers or service providers in government departments or elsewhere [7].

Electronic violence or cyber-violence: refers to any intentional aggressive act by an individual or group of individuals (known or unknown to the victim) using electronic forms of communication. Examples include posting intimate pictures, contacting the victims’ relatives through social platforms or monitoring publications, any form of verbal abuse on chat boxes etc [7].

Data analysis

We identified the overall prevalence of VAW over a ten-year period, from 2009 to 2020, examining how rates varied across age groups, place of residence, marital status, educational background, types of violence (physical, sexual, psychological, economic, workplace, and judicial), and the contexts in which violence occurred (intimate partner violence, domestic violence, violence in public spaces, educational and institutional settings, and electronic violence). Relevant indicators were manually extracted from each report into an Excel sheet, allowing for the organisation of the data and preliminary exploration. This approach enabled us to identify key patterns and shifts in VAW prevalence over the study period. For indicators with missing data, we applied recalculations based on the available sample sizes to address data incompleteness (See Table 1). No statistical analysis was applied due to the heterogeneous nature of the original data. No ethical approval was required for this study.

Results

Prevalence and socio-demographic characteristics

A total of five reports published between 2009 and 2020 were included in the analysis [7, 8, 10, 14, 21] (See Table 1). Of these, two reports [7, 10] based their findings on data from general population samples, while one report [9] used a restricted sample focused on non-single, primarily married women. Two additional reports relied on facility-reported data of which one included data on victims admitted and treated at national violence units between 2011 and 2013 [14], and the second presented data from calls received by a number of NGOs from women victims of violence during the COVID-19 pandemic [21]. We have identified two different types of sampling approaches in the included reports: Facility-based samples and population-based estimates. Facility-based samples, was data collected through specific organizations (ex: Hospital centers, NGO reports via hotlines), and tended to reflect the experiences of those who actively sought support and may therefore overestimate the prevalence of VAW at the population level. Population-based estimates, in contrast, were derived from national or community-wide surveys and are more likely to reflect prevalence in the broader population.

Table 1.

Prevalence, form and contexts of VAW in Morocco 2009–2020

Survey	HCP [10]	ONIPEV [14]				ENPSF [8]	HCP 2019 [7]	UN Women [21]
Year	2009	2011	2012	2013		2018	2019	2020
Sample definition	Random population-based sample	Victims admitted and treated at violence units				Sample restricted to non-single women ages from 15 to 49 years old	Random population-based sample	Calls received by NGOs from Women Victims of Violence) during COVID-19
Sample(n)	9534	2479	8355	9150		9969	12,000	2778
Percentage of women victims of violence (%)	62.8						57.0	58.2
Age
< 25	70.3					12.8	68.5	35.81**
25–34	67.4					15.1	64.5	31.82**
34–49	62.4					15.4	60.3	21.33**
> 50	48.4						44.0	22.0
Residence
Urban*	67.5					17.0	57.0	21.04
Rural	56.0					11.9	55.0	37.04
Matrimonial status
Single	67.5						47.0	27.8
Married	63.6					13.4	52.1	44.0
Divorced	63.5					0.4	34.1	6.0
Widow	28.5					1.3	2.3	3.7
Educational level
Unschooled	56.8					13.4	49.6
Primary school	65.1					16.9	59.0
Secondary school	70.3						64.9
High school	74.5					19.4	64.8
University	75.3						62.7
Context of violence
Domestic						65.1
Marital	55.0	84.9	85		80.4	38.4	46.1	52.5
Familial	13.5	2.9	3.2		4.5	25.3	18.6	31.7
Extra Marital	47.4	2.3	1.7		3.1	40.8	27.7
Workplace	16.0	0.7	0.6		0.4	6.1	15.1	3.02
Public spaces	32.9					28.9	12.6	2.01
Educational institutions	24.2					1.2	22.4	24.9
Other contexts	57.1	9.2	9.5		11.6	5.8		4.5a
All of the above	62.8					44.6	57.1
Forms of violence
Physical	15.2					20.2	9.9	29.8
Sexual	8.7					4.2	6.8	4.80
Psychological	48.4					95.8	42.8	53.9
Economic	8.1						10.6	58.7
Other forms	48.8					1.2		15,7b

*Urban and semi urban were considered urban, **Age data unavailable for 1220 calls: Percentages recalculated on new total 1558, ¹<18–28 years old; ² 29–38 years old; ³39- 48 years old, ⁴Residence data unavailable for 1142 calls: Percentages recalculated from new total 1636, ^aElectronic and cyber-bullying violence among participants, ^bJudicial violence

In the three population-based reports [7, 8, 10], the overall prevalence of VAW ranged from 62.8% in 2009 to 57.0% in 2019 with the highest percentages of violence reported among married women in both 2009 (63.6%) and 2019 (46.1%). Among the two facility-based surveys, only one reported the overall prevalence of VAW (58.2%).

The prevalence of VAW across age groups was reported in four surveys and was found to be higher in the youngest age group < 25 years old (70.3% in 2009 vs. 68.5% in 2019) compared to the oldest age group > 50 (48.4% in 2009 to 22% vs. 2019). Four reports included data on place of residence showing higher prevalence (in the general population samples) among women residing in rural areas. Across three reports, higher percentages of VAW were recorded among educated women with at least secondary school education, ranging from 19.4% in non-single women to 62.7–75.3% in the general population samples. In addition, all three reports showed a consistent increase in the prevalence of VAW as educational levels increase.

Forms of violence against women

Six forms of VAW were reported across the surveys which included domestic, physical, sexual, psychological, economic and cyberviolence.

Population-based surveys [7, 8, 10]

In these surveys, psychological violence stood out as the most common form across the years, ranging from 42.8 to 48% in all women to 95.8% in non-single women. The second most frequent form of VAW was physical (up to 20% in non-single women) but has shown a decrease from 15.9 to 9.9% between 2009 and 2019 in the general population surveys. The prevalence of sexual violence was below 9% across all surveys and decreased from 8.7% 2009 to 6.8% 2019. Economic violence was reported increasing from 8.1% in 2009 to 10.6% in 2019).

Facility-based reports [14, 21]

Forms of violence were only described in one report in 2020 showing a prevalence of 58.7%, 53.9%, 29.8%, 15.76% for psychological, economic, physical and judicial violence respectively. Similar to population-based report, sexual violence the least prevalent form of violence (4.8%).

Contexts of occurrence of violence against women

Population-based surveys [7, 8, 10]

Marital (spousal) violence was the most prevalent context in which VAW occurred. In the general population samples, nearly half of the respondents reported marital violence which showed a decline from 55% in 2009 to 46.1% in 2019. Similarly, extra-marital violence declined from 47.4% in 2009 to 27.7% in 2019. In non-single women, domestic violence represented the most common context (65.1%), followed by martial and extra marital contexts (40.8% and 38.4% respectively). The prevalence of violence in educational institutions was estimated at 24% both in 2009 and 2019. However, only 1.2% on non-single women in 2018 reported experiencing VAW in educational institutions. Violence in public spaces was reported in two surveys showing a marked decrease from 32.9% in 2009 to 12.6% in 2019.

Facility-based reports [14, 21]

Marital violence was the most common context of VAW, ranging from 80.4 to 85% in integrated care units (2011–2013), and estimated at 52.5% in 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic. In the 2011–2013 period, reported estimates of violence in extra-marital, workplace and familial contexts in integrated units remained below 5%. In contrast, these estimates were higher among hotline callers in 2020; familial violence (31.7%) and extra-marital violence (27.7%). Electronic (cyber) violence was only reported in 2020; estimated at 4.5%.

Discussion

The aim of this study was to describe the prevalence of VAW in Morocco between 2009 and 2020 reported by national surveys and to describe the forms and contexts of the violence, and socio-demographic characteristics of the victims. Overall, the estimated prevalence on VAW in large-scale surveys was high surpassing 50% across the 2009–2019 period. Younger, married women with higher education were found to have the highest rates. Psychological violence remained the most prominent form across the reports with higher levels among non-single women, followed by physical violence, whereas estimates of sexual remained low. Economic violence was low in the 2009–2019 but peaked in 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic. Regarding contexts in which VAW occurred, marital violence was the most prevalent across all surveys, representing almost half of the cases in population-based samples and up to 80% in facility-based reports. This was followed by extra-marital violence and violence in public spaces, both of which showed an important decline in population-based surveys.

In this study, we found a high a prevalence of IPV among Moroccan women across the years with marital violence accounting for almost half of the reported cases since 2009. These are consistent with trends in other countries in the region and in the Arab world showing that at least 35% of women in the MENA have experienced some form of violence by an intimate partner during their lifetime [23]. This makes the region the second highest in the world regarding VAW prevalence [23]. This is also consistent with individual studies in Morocco where conjugal violence was also the most prevalent context and the husband was the main aggressor [24, 25]. While the martial context was the most common, the most prevalent forms of VAW were psychological and physical. This is consistent with trends in other countries in the region and in the Arab world. For instance, in Turkey, a study in 2022 showed that 97% of women reported having experienced both physical and psychological abuse from their partners and relatives at least once in their lifetime [26]. Similar trends have been reported in Algeria, a national report showed that one in every ten women aged 19–64 is battered almost every day [27]. The presence of IPV in some Arab households has been explained by discriminatory cultural beliefs and attitudes which lead to the normalization of violence committed by husbands or dominant males in the family [28, 29]. Studies show that many men in the MENA region perceive the legitimacy of violence against intimate partners based on societal expectations of male dominance within households and relationships [30, 31]. This normalization may be further exacerbated as women begin to perceive marital abuse as a regular aspect of their lives, leading to underreporting. While there is limited data on this in Morocco, a survey conducted in 2022 by “Afro Barometer” reported that in nearly half of the cases, women in rural and low socio-economic background, believe it is justified for a husband to physically harm his wife when discussing opinions (51%), going out without informing him (50%), neglecting children (49%), refusing sexual relations (43%), or burning food (24%) [32].

Another key finding is that women with higher levels of education experienced higher levels of VAW. This counterintuitive finding shows the complex relationship between education and VAW in the Moroccan context and also points to possible underreporting trends among lower educational background groups. A global systematic review showed that higher education in victims could be both a protective and risk factor for VAW [33]. Highly educated women are more likely to be married to men who, on average, commit fewer acts of VAW. Simultaneously, these women are also more inclined to challenge male authority and speak out against incidents of VAW, rather than remain silent. However, regardless of educational level, reporting of VAW is a major issue that hinders understanding of the state of VAW in Morocco and globally [33, 34]. Under-reporting in Morocco may be due to societal attitudes and normalization of VAW, particularly within the context of IPV, or due to the “young woman with low to medium education levels and unemployed” profile of victims [35]. It may also be exacerbated in the case of economic violence whereby access to financial resources is restricted as a means of control leading to increased vulnerability and reducing the ability of victims to escape abusive situations [5, 35]. In Morocco, response to cases of victims who do report the occurrence of VAW in Morocco also remains inadequate and may discourage victims from seeking legal help and has been subject to criticism by civil society actors. While there is limited data on this, a report by an NGO showed that of 92,247 women who sought help at the VAW units in Morocco, only 23% benefited from legal aid and 4.6% resulted in a court hearing [36]. Thus, there is a need to strengthen legal frameworks and legislative advances in combatting VAW and address barriers to reporting in Morocco. Failure to enforce the laws and the continued impunity of perpetrators is increasingly gathering media attention and undermines trust in the justice system and may contribute to perpetuating a cycle of violence and impunity.

To combat VAW, many studies highlight the importance of holistic approaches combining preventive measures such as education at home and in schools and available legal and psychosocial support for the victims [22, 36]. Noteworthy efforts to combat VAW in Morocco involve various governmental institutions, sectors and initiatives such as Tamkin initiative [37]. A number of Moroccan NGO’s have also been vocal about this issue and are actively engaged in empowering women in Morocco, from offering legal assistance for women to defend themselves in court to advocating for the amendment of legislative laws [38]. Up to 2019, most initiatives have not been able to drastically impact the prevalence of VAW in Morocco, showcasing the imminent need for intensified and versified efforts on different fronts. The new national policy to combat VAW by 2030 that was adopted in June 2021, aimed to counteract the stagnating trends [39]. Since then, a number of anti-violence mechanisms have been implemented and existing programs have been strengthened. Examples of these initiatives are the adoption of a national strategy on human trafficking, the revamping of the national commission for the care of women victims of violence, as well as the national observatory of VAW, along the increases in budgets and staffing for existing counselling units for women victims of violence etc [39]. Future efforts to strengthen the implementation of law must be coupled with public awareness and education campaigns to change societal attitudes towards violence and promote a culture of accountability and respect for human rights, while also putting in place robust reporting mechanisms to encourage victims to come forward and to reassure the public of the commitment to justice and safety.

While this study on the prevalence of VAW across a ten-year period in Morocco is informative, it has some limitations. First, the study used secondary data from national surveys that adopted different definitions of VAW, contexts, forms, types of respondents, and methodology which led to a heterogenous collection of findings reducing comparability between results. Future research conducted on the national level may consider adopting previously used methodology to ensure robust comparability between results as well as between time periods. Second, facility-based samples reported higher estimates due to the fact that included participants were mostly victims of VAW. These reports although indicative cannot be generalizable to the general population. Third, our study remains descriptive in nature and cannot draw conclusions about the impact of the legislative efforts on these trends nor showcase relationships between the studied indicators. While the study enables us to observe the overall trend and changes in VAW, it does not allow us to identify explanatory factors for the observed changes. Lastly, survey-based studies rely heavily on participants’ self-reported experiences, which can introduce biases influenced by personal perceptions of violence, comfort with disclosure, and safety concerns. Variability in individuals’ subjective understanding of what constitutes violence and the forms worth reporting also limits our findings, as participants may have interpreted, recalled, or prioritized certain types of violence differently.

Conclusions

VAW remains a significant issue in Morocco with far-reaching consequences, despite significant legislative advances. There is a crucial need for intensified efforts to improve the implementation and enforcement of existing legal frameworks. Furthermore, there is a pressing need for future research aimed at comprehensively understanding the existing and persisting barriers to reporting violence experienced by women across diverse forms and settings, and across different demographics. This nuanced understanding will facilitate the development of evidence-based policies and initiatives to effectively address violence in various contexts, and may also be used to produce meaningful amendments to the current legal framework.

Electronic supplementary material

Below is the link to the electronic supplementary material.

Author contributions

Conceptualization, W.F., Y.A. and M.K., methodology, W.F. and Y.A., B.O. validation, W.F., Y.A. and M.K., and B.O.; formal analysis, O.B. and W.F. data curation, W.F. and B.O. writing—original draft preparation, W.F., Y.A. and B.O.; writing—review and editing, W.F., Y.A., B.O., M.K. and Z.A., and B.O. supervision, M.K.; All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

This study was not funded by any entity or funding body.

Data availability

The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are publicly available at the links provided below. 1. HCP 2009 report: https://www.hcp.ma/downloads/?tag=Enqu%C3%AAte+nationale+sur+la+violence+%C3%A0+l%E2%80%99encontre+des+femmes+et+des+hommes. 2. ENPSF 2018 report: https://www.sante.gov.ma/Documents/2020/03/Rapport%20ENPSF%202018%202i%C3%A8me%20%C3%A9dition.pdf. 3. ONIPEV (2011-2013) report: https://www.sante.gov.ma/Documents/2024/08/PNPFEVV-%20analyse%20de%20performance%20final.pdf. 4. HCP 2019 report: https://www.hcp.ma/downloads/?tag=Enqu%C3%AAte+nationale+sur+la+violence+%C3%A0+l%E2%80%99encontre+des+femmes+et+des+hommes. 5. UN Women 2020: https://morocco.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Field%20Office%20Morocco/Documents/others/Violences%20faites%20aux%20femmes%20pendant%20le%20confinement%20au%20Maroc%20-%20Version%20Intgrale%20FR%20%281%29.pdf.

Declarations

Ethics approval and consent to participate

Not applicable.

Consent for publication

Not applicable.

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.