An examination of communication mechanism of ancestral hall sacrifice rituals in rural southern China

Abstract

Ancestral hall sacrifice ritual refers to actions performed by lineage members to worship their ancestors in the ancestral hall, a common architectural form in rural southern China. This paper first reviews the rise and growth of ancestral halls during the Song and Ming dynasties, and then examines the mediality of ancestral halls and the transmissibility of ancestral hall sacrifice rituals from the perspective of communication studies. To be more specific, this paper explores the communication mechanism of ancestral halls and sacrifice rituals by conducting fieldwork in the rural areas of Luoyuan County in Fujian Province. The obvious findings to emerge from the study are as follows: firstly, the ancestral hall, housing the portraits, relics, and tablets of ancestors, serves as a medium that facilitates communication between the living (lineage members) and the dead (ancestors); secondly, the lineage head, as the “representative” of ancestors, plays a dominant role in the rituals and gains the communication power to connect the living and the dead; finally, the ritual symbols composed of tributes, blessing words (zhu ci), and prayers (dao wen), constitute the embodied content of communication, which engages lineage members in the ritual performance. Through this process, each member internalizes the moral standards, behavioral norms, and shared emotions of the lineage, contributing to the establishment of the lineage order. The media facilities in the ancestral hall, together with the lineage head as the “representative” of ancestors and the ritual symbols, make up the “communicable ancestral phenomenon”, which paves the way for the ritual communication of ancestral hall sacrifice.

Introduction

Ancestral hall sacrifice rituals in rural southern China serve as a vital mechanism for sustaining lineage order. While current studies examine these rituals through anthropological or historical lenses^1–3, the communication process allowing this function remains underexplored. Carey⁴ pointed out that “communication studies should engage interdisciplinary knowledge resources such as biology, religious studies, anthropology, and literature, and pay close attention to the examination of customs, forms and practices.” In response to this, this study aims to explore how ancestral halls operate as media to facilitate communication between the living and the dead, and how this ritual communication reinforces social cohesion.

This study is conducted through a mediological and ritual communication framework, arguing that ancestral halls construct a “communicable ancestral phenomenon”—integrating ​material media (portraits, tablets), ritual authority​(the lineage head as ancestral representative), and symbolic content​(eulogies, blessings)—to mediate Confucian values and lineage identity. Methodologically, ethnographic fieldwork is carried out in four well-preserved lineage villages with ancestral halls in Luoyuan County, Fujian Province. Besides, participant observation and semi-structured interviews are employed to investigate ancestral halls and their rituals, gathering insights from villagers about the impact of these halls and rituals on their lives. Through this process, the study reveals: (1) how medium devices in the ancestral halls facilitate dialogue between the ancestors and the lineage members; (2) how the lineage head, through ritual performances, becomes the central communicator to wield authority; (3) how the symbolic content of rituals generates powerful communicative effects, internalizing Confucian values into the consciousness of lineage members. It can be concluded that ritual communication forms the cornerstone of moral order in lineage-based villages.

Literature review

During the Song and Ming dynasties in China, folk beliefs were in disarray, and groups of monks, Taoists, and shamans ran rampant in rural society, hindering the central government from controlling the grassroots. At this time, Confucian scholars attempted to reform the “sacrificial ritual” to foster Confucian education, so as to maintain the state’s stability. The reason for this effort is that the “sacrificial ritual” in Confucianism is imbued with the ultimate concern for people, that is, the highest expression of individual morality. Just as The Confucian Analects says, “let there be a careful attention to perform the funeral rites to parents, and let them be followed when long gone with the ceremonies of sacrifice—then the virtue of the people will resume its proper excellence”⁵. The sacrificial ritual was fundamentally designed to provide moral leadership in terms of its form and content and improve commoners’ moral cultivation, as The Classic of Rites points out that “the first and greatest teaching is to be found in sacrifice”⁶. Therefore, since the Song Dynasty (AD 960–1279), Confucian scholars have kept reforming folk “sacrificial rituals”, under which it was preferable to change the applicable class so that they could be disseminated at a wider level. Zhu Xi (AD 1130–1200) further proposed the creation of “ancestral halls” in his work Family Rituals, providing the common people with a dedicated space to venerate their ancestors. Later, during the Ming and Qing dynasties, ancestral halls garnered widespread popularity, making their establishment a top priority for the lineage. This phenomenon is verified in the book The Complete List of Ancestral Halls of Fujian, which records that “a lineage often boats dozens of ancestral halls, or even in a village, many ancestral halls are looking at each other, and the grand ancestral ritual honor more than 21 generations of ancestors”⁷. The dramatic increase in ancestral halls boosted the development of lineage organizations in Fujian, especially during the Ming and Qing dynasties when some Confucian scholars broke through the limitation that both officials and commoners could worship four generations of ancestors. This feat created a new look that sacrificial rituals were no longer confined to lesser descent lines but were also accessible to greater ones, which enabled lineage members to trace more distant ancestry and facilitated the lineage to acquire more durable development and larger scales. It is evident that ancestral hall sacrifice rituals are inextricably linked to the development of lineage organizations. Research into these rituals provides insights into the relationship between traditional Chinese Confucian culture and local social structures. Scholars have approached this topic from various disciplinary perspectives, primarily within history, anthropology, and sociology.

Historical studies, for instance, examine primary sources such as historical documents, genealogical records, and local gazetteers to trace the origins of ancestral halls, their institutional norms, the evolution of sacrificial rites, and the formation and development of related lineage organizations^8,9. In contrast, anthropology research typically centers on case studies, employing fieldwork methodologies like participant observation to gain an in-depth understanding of how ancestral halls and rituals function within contemporary or modern rural societies. This approach displays their crucial roles in maintaining lineage solidarity, transmitting cultural traditions, and managing social relationships^10,11. Meanwhile, sociological investigations explore the contributions of ancestral halls and rituals to constructing social order, preserving social cohesion, transmitting cultural values, and reflecting power structures^12,13.

Building upon the theoretical frameworks provided by these disciplines, we also discern implicit notions of “medium” embedded within the discourse. For example, Lin¹⁴, in his fieldwork-based case study of the Yixu lineage, argued that “the ancestral hall is regarded as the Collective Representation of lineage-associate villages, as it inherits the ideas, opinions, attitudes, and morals from ancestors, and acts as a medium for passing on lineage culture”. Similarly, through an analysis of historical documents, Inoue¹⁵, investigated lineage groups during the Song, Ming, and Qing dynasties, and noted that “the ancestral hall exists primarily as a medium for ancestral sacrifice, striving to strengthen the unity of lesser descent-line”. Gu¹⁶, through an examination of modern Huizhou ancestral halls, proposed that “ancestral halls serve as spatial media, providing venues for interaction and social engagement among lineage members. They constitute a new type of public space in rural areas, facilitating the dissemination and exhibition of local culture”. Collectively, these insights provide a valuable foundation for deepening the research.

Theoretical basis: ancestral halls as a medium and rituals as a way of communication

The mediality of ancestral halls

There is a limited number of researches on physical spaces with mediality in early communication studies. The fact that researchers frequently get confused over the concepts of “media” and “medium” helps explain for this phenomenon. Without getting rid of confusion, most studies on “medium” focus primarily on news media. However, in the Chinese context, the term “mei ti (media)” and the term “mei jie (medium)” incorporate different scopes. According to The Contemporary Chinese Dictionary, “mei jie (medium)” refers to “a person or thing that facilitates a relationship between two parties (people or things)”, while “mei ti (media)” refers to “a tool for information communication and dissemination, such as newspapers, radio broadcasts, and advertisements”. This distinction shows that “medium” functions as an intermediary or an agent, while “media” refers to more concrete tools for information communication. This explanation is in sync with many mediologists’ views. For instance, Debray¹⁷ specified that “medium” refers to “a third party that interconnects two entities”, and “without this mediation acting as a third party, such an interaction would not exist”. Peters¹⁸ defined “media” as “things in the middle”, “because media are in the middle, their definition is a matter of position, such that the status of something as a medium can fade once its position shifts”. Discussing “medium” from the aspects of its connectivity and mediation can break new ground in communication studies. Activities carried out in physical spaces, and physical spaces themselves—such as squares, streets, and buildings—as a medium, hold significant importance in communication¹⁹. Schramm and Porter²⁰ also pointed out that “statues communicating the greatness of the gods of the ancient world, buildings and monuments communicating the achievements of a kingdom or a ruler, memorials like the Taj Mahal and the pyramids, and remarkable conceptions like the cathedral, which not only brought together a community and communicated a way of life but also taught the history of a people and what they could expect in a life to come”. Debray²¹ argued that “the key questions for mediology are: what mediums can turn an idea into a material force? How can a discourse give rise to an event? How can a spirit be materialized into a material object?” Viewing the ancestral hall as a medium allows us to explore how it establishes connections with its surroundings and how it transmits information. “Mediology aims to examine the relationship between high social functions (such as religion, politics, ideology, and ideas) and technical structures in the process of information communication, and to explore how the medium can carry information”²². Here it should be noted that this paper mainly focuses on exploring how ancestral hall sacrifice rituals become a means of communication and are transmitted through ancestral halls.

The communicative properties of rituals

As previously mentioned, “the first and greatest teaching is to be found in sacrifice”⁶. Establishing ancestral halls is a goal achieved not as an end in offering commoners a place to perform rituals but as a means of edifying people with these rituals. Therefore, ancestral halls are primarily used to transmit ideas and communicate information through the performance of rituals. Rituals play a pivotal role in converting the ancestral hall into a medium and an intermediary. Thus, what relationship between rituals and communication is the question to be explained in this section.

As the governing concept of traditional Chinese society, Li (ritual principles) imbued ceremonies with profound historical significance. While Li cannot be fully equated with “ritual” due to its richer connotations²³, it exhibited core ritualistic characteristics in practice. Consequently, scholars tend to analyze Li within the scope of ritual studies²⁴. Around 1046 BCE, the Zhou monarchy formalized Li into a comprehensive system of behavioral norms. This system sustained the patriarchal hierarchy while establishing standards for both state governance and ceremonial activities. Thus, Li played a crucial role in constructing social order through the symbolization of behavior (using elements like ceremonial guards, attire, and spatial arrangements). Later, thinkers like Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi deepened the meaning of Li, elevating it to one of the five cardinal moral principles essential for self-cultivation. They also emphasized that Li could shape moral consciousness through internalizing role-based ethics and social norms. Xunzi, in particular, regarded Li as the cornerstone of moral education, believing ritualized practice could foster a sense of maturity and social responsibility²⁵. Not until the Han Dynasty, when Confucianism became state orthodoxy and bolstered political integration and the familial system through its “Great Unity” doctrine, did Li permeate from imperial authority down to the grassroots level. By the Tang Dynasty, Emperor Xuanzong’s promulgation of the Kaiyuan Liturgical Code systematically synthesized legacies of ritual institutions from the Southern and Northern Dynasties to the Sui era. This comprehensive code introduced new regulations for military rituals (junli) while refining ceremonial procedures for sacrificial rituals (jili, e.g., sacrifices) and family rituals (jiali, e.g., weddings/cappings). Therefore, it established an integrated liturgical framework governing rituals from imperial ceremonies to commoners’ practices. During this period, Li began flourishing among the populace, evolving into diverse forms characterized by grandeur and openness. The Song Dynasty witnessed a revival of “Ritual Studies” (lixue). Alongside reforms in ritual official institutions, Confucian scholars innovated court ceremonies by reconstructing classical models²⁶. Crucially, Zhu Xi’s Family Rituals lifted restrictions on numerous family ceremonies, invigorating ritual practices among commoners. This transformed Li from external regulations into a tool for moral self-cultivation, establishing extensive networks for disseminating family rites. Through repeated performances in the private sphere, these rituals reinforced ethical awareness²⁷. In essence, Zhu Xi’s Family Rituals democratized aristocratic rituals, making the ethos of Li deeply embedded in popular society.

The development and evolution of Li reveals its continuous transmission across both vertical historical dimensions and horizontal social dimensions. Throughout China’s dynastic history and across all social classes—from emperors and scholar-officials to commoners—Li has perpetually existed within the historical and social chains of transmission. More specifically, Hung²⁸demonstrated the mediatic function of ritual artifacts, contending that these objects acted as key vehicles for Li to traverse historical eras. Similarly, Lu²⁹ analyzed how family rituals could incorporate Li into daily life through texts and practices, highlighting the role of ritual communication in consolidating social identities. By and large, “Li” and “Communication” are inextricably intertwined within the Chinese context.

Close exploration of Confucian classics reveals substantial evidence corroborating the ritual-communication nexus. For example, it is recorded in The Rites of Zhou that “on an auspicious day in the first month of a new year, the plans for governing the country are displayed on high buildings in the capital, and the methods of governance are posted in prominent places so that all the people can see them”³⁰. This refers to the New Year ritual prescribed by The Rites of Zhou, where the plans for governance are publicly transmitted to inform and engage the populace. The chapter of Tan Gong I of The Books of Rites also mentions, “Zhong Xian said to Zeng-zi, ‘Under the sovereigns of the Xia Dynasty, they used (at burials) the vessels which were such only to the eye of fancy, intimating to the people that (the dead) had no knowledge. Under the Yin they used the (ordinary) sacrificial vessels, intimating to the people that (the dead) had knowledge. Under the Zhou we use both, intimating to the people that the thing is doubtful.’ Zeng-zi replied, ‘It is not so! It is not so! What are vessels (only) to the eye of fancy are for the shades (of the departed); the vessels of sacrifice are those of men; how should those ancients have treated their parents as if they were dead?’”³¹. It can be seen that the ancients placed great importance on the objects used in rituals, because the type of ritual vessels employed in funeral ceremonies was germane to the message communicated to the people. The Chapter of Fang Ji of The Books of Rites records Confucius’ words, “the sweet liquor is in the apartment (where the personator is); the reddish in the hall; and the clear in the court below—all to teach the people not to go to excess in being greedy. The personator drinks three cups, and all the guests drink one—teaching the people that there must be the distinction of high and low. The ruler takes the opportunity of the spirits and flesh of his sacrifice to assemble all the members of his kindred—teaching the people to cultivate harmony. Thus it is that on the hall above they look at what is done in the apartment, and in the court below at what is done by those in the hall (for their pattern)”³². Confucius believed that in the process of ancestor worship, rites, vessels, and ceremonial demeanor should be conducted in an open and observable environment so that their elucidated function can be at its best. The sentence, “it is that on the hall above they look at what is done in the apartment, and in the court below at what is done by those in the hall (for their pattern)”³², implies the formation of a tiered architectural structure designed for viewing. Such examples are prevalent in Chinese classical literature.

It is apparent that ritual is always associated with signs, symbols, and specific behaviors, all of which need to be understood and shared through effective communication. The language, actions, and objects used in ritual serve as unique forms of communication, enabling participants to communicate and jointly appreciate specific cultural or religious meanings. Peng³³, in his book The Theory and Practice of Anthropological Rituals, thoroughly elucidated the relationship between ritual and communication, pointing out that “ritual can be considered as a field of exchange and communication”. Based on these viewpoints, the scholar Eric W. Rothenbuhler, who systematically explained the relationship between ritual and communication, explicitly introduces the concept of “Ritual Communication” in his book Ritual Communication: From Everyday Conversation to Mediated Ceremony. He expounded it from two aspects: ritual is a communicative form, and communication is a ritual phenomenon. The former means that “all forms of ritual are communicative. Rituals are always symbolic behaviors in social situations.if they do not function communicatively, they do not function at all”. The latter puts more emphasis on the ritual characteristics of communication. Rothenbuhler argued that “ritual is a strong form of communicative effectiveness”. On the one hand, “the forms of ritual are relatively invariant. So are the interpretations that, though structured by all of the particularities of any communicative situation, are still mostly traditional”³⁴. This repetitive and stable process allows the messages conveyed through ritual to deeply resonate with people, minimizing interference from “noise”; on the other hand, ritual is usually about primordial things, making use of the most deeply encoded logics of our sign and meaning systems, built on the most basic beliefs and values, most of these structures lost to consciousness from the earliest stages of our socialization. In summary, ritual employs a rich metaphorical system characterized by repetition, stability, and profound symbolicity to tap into basic human instincts. By engaging these instincts through the collective unconscious, rituals lead to effective symbolic communication and create a powerful effect. Just as Valeri suggested that the ambiguity of ritual and its poetic properties are far more important than language³⁵. From the above discussion, it can be concluded that there is a close connection between ritual and communication. Ritual can not come into existence without communication, while communication finds its meaning in ritual.

To sum up, the ancestral hall acts as both an essential space and a medium for communication. Ritual, in turn, incorporates lineage symbols into the belief systems and feelings of lineage members through symbols, metaphors, and performances. This process ensures the lineage community has enjoyed lasting stability over time, making ritual an integral part of communication in terms of form and content. Ritual is enacted and transmitted within the ancestral hall, and the hall’s role as a medium is solidified through ritual communication. The interplay between ritual and the ancestral hall lays some groundwork for communication studies. This study draws inspiration from three theoretical ideas to analyze the communicative properties of rituals. Firstly, based on Debray’s¹⁷ framework of mediology and Peters’¹⁸ concept of the materiality of media, it reveals how media devices within ancestral halls facilitate dialogue between the living and the dead. Secondly, applying Couldry’s media ritual theory—especially the concepts of “in the media” and “not in the media”³⁶—it uncovers how lineage head (Zu zhang), the primary communicator, generates communicative power within the ancestral hall. Finally, inspired by Rothenbuhle’s³⁵ view that ritualistic symbolic systems lead to potent communication, this study examines symbols in ancestral hall sacrifice rituals to elucidate the communicative process within these ceremonies.

Research area and research methods

Research area

Fujian Province is considered as one of China’s leading provinces in lineage organizations. This paper has selected rural regions in Luoyuan County of Fujian Province as its fieldwork site. For one thing, Luoyuan County stands as a prominent guardian of traditional villages recognized at both national and provincial levels, which are famous for their well-preserved village forms and cultural heritage. Specifically, the County boasts seven national-level traditional villages, seven provincial-level traditional villages, 113 historical buildings, and 20 traditional buildings³⁷. For another thing, these villages still retain the traditional architectural styles of the Ming and Qing dynasties, and many are historically renowned as the birthplace of scholars and provincial graduates for China’s imperial examinations. The eaves of the ancient buildings often display plaques with titles (Fig. 1)such as “Juren” (local graduate), “Jinshi” (provincial graduate), “Wen Kui” (top scholar in literature), “Wu Kui” (top scholar in martial arts), and “Ba Gong” (recommended scholar). For example, in Linjia Village, the flagpole grove(Fig. 2) in front of the Lin family ancestral hall was originally set up in the 40th year of the Ming Dynasty’s Wanli era (1621) and features 38 flagpoles which represent the village’s legacy of producing 16 top scholars in the imperial examinations. “Gengdu Chuan Jia” (farming and studying as a family tradition) remains the essence of rural culture in Luoyuan County.Nearly every village with a common surname features well-preserved ancestral halls. Additionally, many villages retain ancestral homes, which are the original houses established when the first ancestor settled in the area. It can be concluded that ancestor veneration and descent-line respect, deeply valued by ancient Chinese, have been remarkably kept in the rural areas of Luoyuan County.

Fig. 1.

The slogan of Gengdu Chuan Jia in the ancestral hall of Ximen village in Luoyuan County.

Fig. 2.

Flagpole grove in Luoyuan County’s Linjia Village.

Research methods

The fieldwork method is adopted in this study. In 2022 and 2023, the researchers visited several lineage-based villages in Luoyuan County, where they explored ancestral halls and interviewed lineage members, providing insights into the villages’ lineage rules, genealogies, and ancestors. Additionally, the researchers took part in various ancestral rituals in the villages, including not only grand ancestor worship ceremonies but also smaller rituals to inform ancestors of important family events, such as weddings, relocation, house building, and the education of descendants. Direct experience and observation offered a good chance to describe and record ancestral hall sacrifice rituals in the villages of Luoyuan County. Materials such as local chronicles, genealogies, village histories, inscriptions, contracts, and historical documents were a great help to this study, which also took a page from historical anthropology research on local settlements and lineage organizations in rural areas. It should be stressed that this study explores the communication mechanism of ancestral hall sacrifice rituals in traditional villages of Luoyuan County from the perspective of communication studies.

Research findings: communication mechanism of ancestral hall sacrifice rituals

This study examines the communication mechanism of ancestral hall sacrifice rituals from three aspects: medium devices, the identity of communicators, and the content of communication, with the method of fieldwork.

How communication takes place: medium devices in the ancestral hall

The first question is why communication takes place, that is, why communication between the living and the deceased becomes feasible. Previous researches in communication studies have indicated that the living must depend on material mediums to communicate with the deceased, as their direct interaction with the dead is unattainable. From a biological standpoint, “death” marks the end of an individual’s physical existence, resulting in the loss of the ability to speak or listen. However, “death” is not merely a biological phenomenon, but also carries “sociality”. Arguably, it impacts the individual as well as the family, the community, and society. “From a perspective of social relationship, physical death aligns with social death only when it also signals the close of social connections and interactions. In reality, they often do not occur simultaneously”³⁸. The living feel extremely painful about losing close relatives, which means they have to confront both the fear of death and the insecurity resulting from missing intimate relationships. In order to dispel fear and insecurity and express grief, the living attempt to establish “communication” with the deceased through relevant objects. In this situation, the deceased’s “remains” serve as a “medium” that carries the traces and information of the deceased and evokes the living’s memories, thereby facilitating communication between them. According to Peters³⁹, “indeed, all mediated communication is in a sense communication with the dead, insofar as ‘phantasms of the living’ for playback after bodily death.” This communication practice creates the idea that although the deceased are absent from real life, they remain present through the medium. Since ancient times, people have resorted to material objects like stones, wood, and bones to invent totems that preserve the image, information, and thoughts of the deceased. These totems act as a medium to help the living establish connections and communication and share wisdom and experiences with the departed. “Medium offers a way to engage with the ‘material-lost reality’ and facilitate ‘disembodied communication’”⁴⁰.

The ancestral hall is exactly a good example, as it constructs a connection between the living and the deceased through ancestral relics, portraits, and memorial tablets. Scholars have observed that the social presence of the deceased is partially shaped by available medium devices, which not only influence how the living perceive death but also affect their attitudes towards the deceased, leading to different ways of associating with them⁴¹. During our fieldwork, we found that ancestral halls in the four villages of Luoyuan County were equipped with a range of medium devices designed to foster connections with ancestors. For example, genealogies laden with the ancestors’ names and achievements, ancestral tablets in the rear hall, plagues hanging beneath the eaves to signify ancestral status, and portraits of ancestors displayed on the walls collectively served as a medium for interaction between lineage members and their ancestors. These elements created various conditions for communication, extending from everyday activities into ritual events. In other words, communication with ancestors was observed in both everyday and ritual contexts. As Interviewee 8 noted:

“The ancestral hall is a sacred space. Upon crossing its threshold, I am confronted with the spirit tablets and portraits of ancestors, which makes me feel their palpable presence and eager to commune with them to seek solace.”

It occurs not only in daily conversations but also in the reverence for ancestral portraits; it exists in the kneeling and prayers before ancestral tablets and in the collective ritual ceremonies of the lineage. It can be said that the moment people enter the ancestral hall, communication with their ancestors begins. Furthermore, the ancestral hall develops a “medium space” where various medium devices coexist. Within this space, whether oral narratives or those represented by tablets, calligraphy, and plaques, they all suggest a reality: the ancestors are not “absent” here but remain an indispensable part of the lineage’s network of relationships. As Neil Postman stated, “the medium is the metaphor.” The form of the medium not only dictates its content but also shapes people’s thinking about reality. In the medium space provided by the ancestral hall, when all forms of medium serve for the “ancestor”, the “imagination” of communication naturally comes into being.

The way of communication: representative of ancestors in the ancestral hall

The next question is the way of communication, especially through what methods lineage members communicate with their ancestors. From the perspective of communication studies, communication can’t occur without the communicator and the receiver. In other words, it is only through their co-presence that a communicative environment can be created. But since the ancestors as the deceased can no longer speak, direct communication with them is impossible. Therefore, an intermediary, typically the “Zu zhang”(lineage head), is a pivotal figure in this process. On one hand, the lineage head, on behalf of the entire lineage, issues a “notification” to gather all members prior to the ritual and conveys their collective “wishes” to the ancestors during the ritual. On the other hand, the lineage head acts as the “representative” of the ancestors, “ensuring that the ritual follows the regulations and traditions set by the ancestors”⁴², and standardizing various behaviors and procedures during the ritual. In the final stage of the ritual, namely the process of “eating the leftovers”, the lineage head channels the ancestors’ “will” into “offering a response” to lineage members and “bestowing blessings”. In essence, as the “spokesperson” bridging the living and the deceased, the lineage head fulfills a dual role: expressing the collective “voice” of lineage members and interpreting the will of the ancestors, and serves as the central communicator who holds the authority to speak. It can be deduced that in the lineage, sacrifice rituals are governed by a center of power, which has a monopoly on communication. This also highlights that the “lineage head”, as the “representative” of the ancestors, is supported by a comprehensive system of power, with his communicative authority as a token of this power.

What grants this power? According to Zhuzi jiali (Zhu Xi’s Family Rituals), the lineage head, held by the eldest main-line son, carries out ancestors’ instructions in the ancestral hall. In this context, it is consanguinity that gives rise to the power. By the mid-Ming Dynasty, the rise of the commercial economy empowered local gentry and landlords to gradually occupy the important position, and follow ancestors’ instructions in the ancestral hall⁴³. In this condition, it is cultural and economic capital that grants the power. Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the role of the “Zu zhang” has slowly disappeared or become blurred, but selecting the “host” for ancestral hall sacrifice rituals has remained significant. Interviewees 1, 10, 14, and 17 served as ritual hosts in their respective villages, a role equivalent to that of the “Zu zhang”. Interviewee 1 stated:

“After 1949, we rarely referred to ourselves as Zu zhang, generally using the term ‘host’ instead. The title Zu zhang represents the feudal patriarchal system of the old era, which is backward, and we prefer not to identify ourselves that way.”

But to the villagers, these so-called “ritual hosts” remained their true “Zu zhang” at heart. When interviewing Respondent 8 about his perspective on the hosts, he explained:

“Presiding over rituals is sacred work that demands both moral integrity and competence. When we find someone truly worthy of this role, we naturally regard them as our Zu zhang and willingly follow their direction.”

His perspective was also endorsed by Interviewees 2, 4, 7, 8, and 9. Therefore, the selection of ritual hosts is a matter of great significance. In some villages, the most revered elder, chosen by fellow villagers, works as the host in the ancestral hall (like L Village). In others, the oldest elders take turns holding the role by drawing lots in the ancestral hall (like Y Village), or the village party secretary takes on the role directly (like T Village). Their qualifications should be reported to the ancestors in the ancestral hall. It is apparent that the lineage head’s power has undergone many changes in its sources over time, but no matter whether it is given by consanguinity or economic achievements, this power needs to be displayed in a specific medium, that is, in the ancestral hall. In essence, the ancestral hall has provided the conditions for the exertion of this power. Thus, the “lineage head” emerges as the central figure, linking kinship relations, territorial relations, and spiritual relations, and becomes the focal point of the entire ritual. Through the monopoly of discourse and the mastery of the communication power, the lineage head is entitled to be the “representative” of the ancestors, thereby creating considerable symbolic power. It can be observed that, on one hand, the belief system is embodied through its transmission; on the other hand, it is the belief itself that serves as a carrier of trust, thereby transforming ancestral power into organizational power.

Couldry³⁷ has utilized the notions of “in the media” and “not in the media” to examine how the media’s authority turns into a social center, unfolding the relationship between rituals and symbolic power. In this regard, considering the ancestral hall as a medium similarly establishes a distinction between “in the ancestral hall” and “not in the ancestral hall”. The space “in the ancestral hall” serves not only as a place for ancestor veneration but also as a dwelling of the respected ancestors. Enclosed by high walls, its layout, furnishings, and equipment are distinctly ritualistic rather than domestic. In addition, the sanctity, authority, and uniqueness of the “ancestors” distinguish it from the profane space “not in the ancestral hall”, thereby elevating it into a sacred one. Simultaneously, the mystique of the “ancestors” and the coexistence of various media forms make space “in the ancestral hall” function as a highly centralized system of symbolic production. “In the ancestral hall”, as the “lineage head” is “crowned” by the “ancestors”, he monopolizes the authority of interpreting symbols and wins an authoritative status that transcends secular power and is reinforced through rituals. Apart from that, this authority will be continually naturalized, systematized, and institutionalized through rituals. Just as Couldry⁴⁴ stated, “rituals do not so much express order, as naturalize it.” Thus, it can be inferred that power is hidden under the ritual, creating a structuring function that is hard to discern; and the ritual is infused with power, acquiring an unassailable sacred status. In other words, power is exercised through ritual, while ritual is upheld by power; their interplay produces a “media ritual” centered on the “ancestors”. In this sacrifice ritual, the “imagination” of communicating with the ancestors becomes tangible, positioning the lineage head as the “representative” of the ancestors in this interaction, thereby facilitating the transmission of familial hierarchy. The “lineage head” not only emerges as the focal point of the “ancestral hall sacrifice ritual”, but also becomes the center of the entire lineage.

Communication content: ritual symbols in the ancestral hall

What is the content of this communication? What do lineage members share with their ancestors? The lineage members communicate with their ancestors typically from the following three aspects (These three aspects of content were derived from both the researcher’s fieldwork observations and interviews conducted with Table 1Interviewees 1, 10, 14, and 17): (1) informing the ancestors about their present lives, including both positive events like marriages, births, moving into a new home, and academic achievements, as well as negative events such as funerals, natural disasters, and man-made tragedies; (2) seeking blessings from the ancestors or drawing upon the ancestors’ wisdom for guidance and comfort in facing current challenges; (3) receiving the ancestors’ blessings in return.

Table 1.

Table of interviewees.

Table of interviewees
Number	Sexes	Age	Careers	Residence
1	Male	54	Village head	L1 Village
2	Female	42	Villagers (farming)	Linjia Village
3	Male	43	Villagers (farming)	Linjia Village
4	Female	40	Villagers (farming)	Linjia Village
5	Male	52	Village clerk	Linjia Village
6	Male	52	village head	Ximen Village
7	Female	64	Villagers (farming)	Ximen Village
8	Female	42	Villagers (farming)	Ximen Village
9	Male	45	Villagers (carpenter)	Ximen Village
10	Male	72	Villagers (farming)	Ximen Village
11	Male	42	Villagers (farming)	Yangpin Village
12	Female	31	Villagers (farming)	Yangpin Village
13	Female	62	Villagers (farming)	Yangpin Village
14	Male	50	village head	Yangpin Village
15	Female	21	Villagers (college student)	Yangpin Village
16	Female	38	Village council staff	Taliyang Village (She ethnic)
17	Male	68	Villagers(carpenters)	Taliyang Village (She ethnic)
18	Male	53	Villagers (farming)	Taliyang Village (She ethnic)
19	Female	68	Villagers (farming)	Taliyang Village (She ethnic)
20	Male	57	Villagers (farming)	Taliyang Village (She ethnic)

The initial step is to honor the ancestors by “preparing the offerings”. This process involves arranging the sacrificial items and ritual vessels, following specific requirements for their placement and order. While regional customs may differ slightly, incense burner stables and offerings such as pigs, cattle, and sheep are of great importance. In agrarian societies, sharing food, traditionally regarded as the highest expression of respect, demonstrates the lineage members’ deep reverence for their ancestors. Next, the main officiant leads the lineage members to kneel before the ancestral tablets, a gesture that signifies the utmost respect and underscores the ancestors’ esteemed position. Finally, the main officiant recites the “eulogy”, which primarily praises the ancestors’ virtues, expresses gratitude for their guidance and protection, and informs them of the lineage’s current circumstances. “Informing” denotes that even though the ancestors’ physical bodies have long “departed”, their enduring spirits remain “ever-present”. Their authority continues to prevail, ensuring the lineage stays under their protection. On the other hand, ancestors’ knowing empowers “events” to be overseen in a more “sacred” realm, and this practice of informing impels the ancestors’ power to be imbued with a sense of “sanctity”.

The second step is to bestow blessings upon future generations through the authority and “wisdom” of the ancestors. In this part, the main officiant (the lineage head) addresses lineage members’ needs with parallel-structured “blessing words” that focus on blessings supplemented by admonitions, such as: “祖考命工祝, 承致多福於汝孝孫, 使汝受祿於天, 宜稼於田, 眉壽永年, 勿替引之。”(Translation: The ancestors command the liturgist, ‘bestow abundant blessings upon you, the filial descendant. May God grant you enduring prosperity, bountiful harvests in fields, and a healthy and long life. May this blessing flow ceaselessly through generations’.) This signifies a blessing for the lineage, guaranteeing fertile farmlands and the health and longevity of lineage members, while also admonishing future generations to inherit and carry forward their ancestors’ virtues and to refrain from actions that would tarnish their lineage. It is evident that the “blessing words” fulfill two key roles: for one thing, they offer blessings to future generations, providing spiritual comfort to lineage members; for another, they educate posterity, foster a shared ancestral identity to unite the lineage and encourage personal growth, respect for ancestors, and a commitment to goodness among lineage members. Furthermore, the “blessing words” create a communication model with the ancestors at its core, helping lineage members understand the relationships and statuses among ancestors, descendants, and deities during the recitation in the solemn ancestral hall. Paul⁴⁵ believed that “my lineage, my branch, my name, my coat of arms: all these terms, while insistently referring to qualities inherent in the possessor, express those qualities in an idealized form; they allude in a somewhat etherealized manner to something that is distinctly and directly corporeal: blood.” It is this connection between body and soul that allows participants to activate and release spiritual power through the recitation of the “blessing words”, making each generation of members recognize their position within the lineage and cultivate a greater sense of psychological identification and closeness among them.

The ritual of “eating the leftovers”(分胙: fēn zuò), which follows the phrase of “blessing words”, marks the final part of the communication process, involving the distribution of sacrificial foods among lineage members. While “blessing words” allows lineage members to get the ancestors’ blessings through hearing, “eating the leftovers” offers a more direct way to let them feel the ancestors’ blessings through taste. “Eating the leftovers” is in accordance with the principle of seniority, which gives priority to elders. It reinforces ritual propriety as the moral foundation for receiving blessings and educating future generations.

Based on field observations, the ritual of “eating the leftovers” (分胙: fēn zuò) begins with the presiding man distributing sacrificial offerings (pork, beef, mutton) onto plates and decanting wine into individual vessels, after which junior family members are dispatched to deliver these portions to other relatives. Men and women are in separate areas and ordered by seniority. The most senior man takes his seat facing south, with the most honored place in the middle of the room, while other men facing east according to age sequentially offer wine to the senior and convey blessings such as “Thanks for our ancestors’ bounty” and “May our lineage prosper eternally”. Then, the most senior man accepts each cup and drinks the wine (if the offerer is a younger brother, the senior stands; if a son or nephew, he remains seated), until all juniors present their tribute. Subsequently, he instructs the youngest attendee to pour the wine, bestows a cup upon each junior member with benedictions, and finally shares the sacrificial foods with all descendants to conclude the communal ritual. Interviewee 5 expressed:

“Sharing the feast with our ancestors during the ritual of eating the leftovers makes me feel their enduring presence beside us. I’m assured they perpetually watch over me and our lineage, and I will carry forward their teachings with reverence.”

To some extent, the sacrificial offerings can be considered as “gifts” given by the ancestors. Enjoying these offerings is acclaimed as a blessing from the ancestors and a symbolic exchange between descendants and their forebears. This exchange is not merely utilitarian; it is rooted in moral values and guided by Confucian ethics of “ritual propriety” and “righteousness”. In this manner, the lineage’s descendants receive the ancestors’ “gifts” through their reverence and worship, which endows them with supernatural power and translates their spiritual aspirations into a tangible desire for ancestral blessings. As a result, sacrificial offerings function as a vital link between reality and ideals, and a crucial medium for seeking self-identity within the family by recognizing and tracing ancestral lineage.

The ritual content of these three parts forms a symbolic system revolving around the “ancestors”. Rothenbuhler⁴⁶ insightfully stated that “ritual is usually about primordial things, making use of the most deeply encoded logics of our sign and meaning systems, built on the most basic beliefs and values, most of these structures lost to consciousness from the earliest stages of our socialization. Taken together, these features of ritual give it a greater opportunity to be effective than almost any other communicative form.” In the ancestral hall sacrifice ritual, whether through the eulogy, blessing words, or the final act of “eating the leftovers”, their semiotic systems point to the most important concept of traditional Chinese culture—Confucianism. Specifically, through the eulogy, clan members express reverence towards ancestors and commemorate them, embodying the Confucian virtue of “filial piety” (孝: xiao). The ancestors, in turn, inspire clan members through blessing words, manifesting the Confucian principle of “benevolence” (仁: ren). Finally, the act of ancestors and clan members sharing food together reflects the Confucian concept of “love” (爱:a.i.). Collectively, these virtues constitute the essence of Confucianism: “ritual propriety” (礼:li). It is “ritual propriety” that endows the ritual with potent communicative effectiveness. Thus, within the communicative system constructed by “ritual propriety”, the clan community internalizes the essence of Confucianism into the spirit of its members.

Discussion: the imagination of communicative ancestors

Anthropologist Edward Burnett Tylor posited that the “belief in spiritual beings” lays the foundation of all religions⁴⁷. This belief also underpins ancestral hall sacrifice rituals, as Confucianism is “not a religion but fulfills a similar role as one”⁴⁸. At the inception of ancestral hall sacrifice rituals, “although some ritual parts, such as the worship of spirits and deities, were removed by Confucians in the Song Dynasty, a great religious power remained. The entire set of rituals outlined in the Zhuzi Jiali (Zhu Xi’s Family Rituals) is predicated on the existence of spirits and deities”⁴⁹. However, it is crucial to distinguish that the belief in spiritual beings within a lineage differs fundamentally from that in an organized religion. Unlike temples and churches, ancestral halls worship not deities or gods, but rather ancestors with kinship relations. In other words, ancestral hall sacrifice rituals that honor ancestors are deeply rooted in consanguineous relationships. Xu⁵⁰ held that lineage-based ancestor worship is based on “consanguineous rationality” peculiar to China, which elevates ancestors to a sacred status, whence comes the ontological principle of consanguineous rationality, namely, “ancestral human rights”. This means that the existence and behavior of people sharing the same bloodline are legitimized by their ancestors. Ancestry is a symbol of consanguineous relationships. Therefore, communication with ancestors (through sacrificial rituals) is a crucial way to affirm one’s existence and personal identity and is the bedrock of establishing the lineage’s network of relationships. Hsu⁵¹ in his study of Xizhou Town in Yunnan Province, put forward, “the individual has no social existence apart from his forebears. His worth and destiny are not only closely bound up with those of his ancestors but are also regarded as reflections and results of what the past members were and did. Seen from this angle the individual may be said to exist under the shadow of his ancestors.” It is evident that ancestors play a pivotal role in sustaining consanguineous relationships and laying the groundwork for all lineage activities. Consequently, the establishment of ancestral halls and the design of rituals revolve around the ancestors, leading to the interactivity and communicability of ancestors attracting the most attention.

Thus, the media in the ancestral hall, together with the lineage head as the “representative” of the ancestors and the ritual symbols, constitute the imagination of communicative ancestors. When ancestors become communicative, the mediality of the “ancestral hall” emerges, giving rise to more forms of communication (rituals). For this reason, lineage members create a ritual space within the ancestral hall to conduct ceremonial activities. This space acts as a medium for communication with the ancestors, interaction with Heaven and Earth, and dialogue with past experiences. It weaves together various relationships, such as existence and death, material and spiritual, territorial relations and kinship relations, family and lineage, thereby formalizing the current lineage order and ensuring its ongoing transmission to the present day.

Limitations

This study only focuses on Luoyuan County, potentially overlooking regional variations. Social desirability bias may exist in interviews on sacred rituals. Future work could compare coastal and inland Fujian lineages.

Author contributions

Zhang was primarily responsible for manuscript drafting and theoretical analysis;Jiang focused on organizing historical documents and contextualization. All authors reviewed the manuscript.

Data availability

The datasets generated during and/or analysed during the current study are not publicly available due to [Personal privacy of respondents] but are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request. (email:418000593@qq.com)

Declarations

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.

Ethics declarations

The Ethics Committee of Wuhan University waived the requirement for ethics approval, analysis, and publication of the retrospectively obtained and anonymized data in this non-interventional study, as permitted under Article 32, Chap. 3 of the Wuhan University’s Ethical Review Regulations (https://wsm70.whu.edu.cn/info/1465/19019.htm). All study methods complied with the Declaration of Helsinki and applicable laws and regulations.

Consent form

According to local conventions, informed consent was obtained verbally before participation.Only participants who selected “I agree to participate” participated in the survey. Participants provided consent for their involvement in the study and the use of their data for publication. They were fully informed that their anonymity would be ensured, that their data would be used solely for research purposes, and that there were no risks associated with their participation.