Reconnoitering the Association Between Childhood Trauma and Perceived Attachment Styles: A Study Conducted in Northern and Western Prisons of India

Abstract

Background:

Experiences of childhood trauma in early years can have a devastating effect on an individual. Such experiences can often lead to difficulty developing healthy relationships and, in turn, influence relationships in adulthood. Understanding the relationship between such adverse experiences and attachment styles among prisoners, a population that is often neglected by society, is essential and, therefore, was the driving factor to conduct this study. The current study aimed at exploring the link between early traumatic experiences and perceived attachment styles among Indian prisoners.

Methods:

A cross-sectional study design was used to collect data from prisons in the North and West regions of India. A sample of 200 prisoners (184 males, 16 females) aged 18–60 years was included in the study. The measures included the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire, Revised Adult Attachment Scale, and Modified Kuppuswamy Socioeconomic Index.

Results:

Descriptive analysis revealed key socio-demographic characteristics of the participants. Neglect was observed to be more prevalent than other forms of abuse. Significant correlation was obtained between trauma and perceived attachment styles. Regression analysis indicated emotional abuse as a strong predictor of attachment-related anxiety and difficulty depending on others. Prisoners with fearful and preoccupied attachment styles reported greater exposure to physical abuse than those with a secure attachment style.

Conclusions:

Our study provides preliminary highlights on the complex interplay between different forms of childhood trauma and their influence on adult attachment dimensions, highlighting the relevance of developing individualistic-based intervention strategies for prisoners to better aid in their rehabilitation.

Key Messages:

• Question: How does childhood trauma relate to adult attachment styles among Indian prisoners?

• Findings: Emotional abuse emerged as a key predictor of higher attachment-related anxiety and a decreased ability to rely on others; an increased occurrence of physical abuse was also observed in prisoners with an insecure attachment style.

• Meaning: Early traumatic experiences shape perceived attachment styles among prisoners, highlighting the importance of personalized, trauma-informed interventions in correctional settings.

Criminal behavior is a multifaceted phenomenon that cannot be understood through a single theoretical model. To understand the complex nature of offending, it incorporates complex social, emotional, psychological, and demographic determinants to some extent. The crime rate in India has significantly increased among younger adults. Records from the National Crime Research Bureau indicate 445.90 per 100,000 individuals commit a crime, with a significant increase by 4% for crimes against women, especially cruelty, assault, and rape, and theft as the most prevalent crime, followed by robbery and assault, with Uttar Pradesh, Kerala, Maharashtra, Delhi, and Bihar having the highest crime rates in India. ¹ This rising trend in crime highlights the importance of understanding the underlying psychosocial etiological factors of criminal behavior, especially early childhood traumatic experiences, which have often been linked to violent and criminal behaviors.^2–4

The complex mechanism of trauma and criminal behavior has been grounded in various theories that explain how early life experiences shape future criminal behavioral tendencies.^5,6 Trauma in general involves any form of psychological and/or physical situation that does not usually occur in everyday life, and if it happens, can give rise to internal and external psychological behavioral issues. ⁷ Felitti and colleagues highlighted the coercive relationship between abuse/neglect and later risk factors leading toward moral behavioral problems. ⁸ A history of childhood trauma has often been associated with aggressive behavior in adulthood, usually followed by violent behavioral tendencies. ⁹ Presentation of negative stimuli (abuse, neglect, violence) in childhood leads to chronic emotional distress, which crystallizes into hostility, aggression, and distrust toward. The framework given by Akers also states that environments characterized by trauma serve as schools of aggression: they deliver the models, beliefs, and reinforcement that enable violent behavior to be learned or rationalized. ¹⁰ Trauma theory emphasizes the link between adverse events, which as a result impacts the social and emotional well-being, influencing their ability to self-control, rational thinking, lifestyle, risky prone behaviors, strains in future, etc. ¹¹ Thus, it can be summarized that, criminal behavior may occur as a result of various strains resulting from the inability to achieve societal goals, leading to feelings of poverty, adverse situations, frustrations, etc., thus causing aggressive or violent behavior. Therefore, strain in the form of childhood stressors increases susceptibility to criminal acts. These experiences act as a mediator between their once victimization by crime and subsequent offending behavior in adulthood. A well-known study related to youth crime, states a similar finding, highlighting how social learning, weak family attachment, early exposure to adversity can impact the development of criminal behavior, increasing the chances of persistent offending as well as transitions in and out of crime reporting various risk factors, such as family, peers, school, and neighborhood, that are associated with the youth offending trajectories and also highlight the importance of social learning and need for interventions to prevent youth criminality (Edinburgh Study of Youth Transitions in Crime). ¹² Abusive childhood experiences are a prevalent phenomenon among offenders. ³ Traumatic experiences disrupt the child’s belief system and thus hinder the ability to form secure attachments with parents. ¹³ This can often make individuals more vulnerable to anxious or avoidant styles in adulthood. ¹⁴ Disrupted attachment affects emotional regulation, contributing to impulsivity, aggression, and susceptibility to criminal pathways. ¹⁵ For instance, when a child experiences insecure early caregiver attachment, in that case, they may not learn trust, empathy, and emotional regulation, making them more susceptible to deviant or abusive peer groups and poorer internal control of bad behavior. Once the child’s emotional world is dysfunctional, social learning mechanisms may easily lead them to antisocial tendencies. Sutherland’s Differential Association theory also holds that when exposure to people with behavioral patterns and attitudes favorable to crime, criminal behavior is likely to be learned, and a lack of internal control over bad behavior will only make them prone to a dysfunctional form of learning. ⁵ Children witnessing trauma frequently internalize aggressive behavior as a means of coping or exerting control. Trauma establishes an environment conducive to deviant modeling, and social learning mechanisms perpetuate this behavior across generations, a phenomenon referred to as the intergenerational transmission of violence. ¹⁶ Though previous studies have explored the effects of childhood maltreatment on recidivism in the Indian population, there is still a limited understanding in terms of providing sufficient scientific evidence in the Indian population. Identifying risk factors for criminal behavior holds clinical and policy significance, with the development of interventions to manage and mitigate the recurrence of offenses.

Rationale for the Study

Considering the paucity of studies measuring childhood trauma among the Indian inmate population, the present research assesses the prevalence of early trauma experiences and their influence on attachment, particularly in three categories: (a) closeness, (b) dependability, and (c) anxious. There is still limited exploration in India to provide empirical evidence to develop focused rehabilitative measures, particularly for prisoners. Thus, the current study attempts to fill this gap by exploring the prevalence of traumatic experiences and highlighting the need to develop individualized rehabilitation strategies, facilitating better restoration of prisoners into society.

Operational Definitions

Childhood trauma for the present study refers to maltreatment experienced in early years of life (before 18 years of age), particularly abuse (emotional, physical, and sexual) and neglect (emotional and physical). ¹⁷

Attachment refers to a set of beliefs and a bond between a child and a caregiver that establishes a sense of security, influencing emotional regulation, behavior in relationships, and future interpretations of social experiences in adulthood.^18,19

Aim

The current study examines the association between childhood trauma and perceived attachment styles among Indian prisoners.

Objectives

The objectives of the study were as follows:

1. To assess the prevalence of childhood traumatic experiences among the prison population.

2. To assess the link between a history of childhood traumatic experiences and perceived attachment dimensions among prisoners.

Hypotheses

For the current research, the following hypotheses were proposed. First, there would be a significant negative relationship between childhood trauma and attachment patterns. Further, the second hypothesis was proposed, stating that childhood trauma would significantly predict attachment patterns among prisoners.

Methods

Ethical Considerations

The Institutional Ethical Review Board of the University approved the research. This research was conducted ethically in accordance with the World Medical Association Declaration of Helsinki. Since the study involved prisoners, special care was taken to ensure that each participant’s participation was voluntary and not coerced. Participants were informed of the research objectives, procedures, and their right to withdraw their consent at any time without consequences. Written informed consent was obtained from participants after they voluntarily agreed to participate. Confidentiality and anonymity of the participants were maintained. Participants were free to withdraw their consent at any time during data collection. Any personal information that could reveal their identity was not recorded. Due to the sensitive nature of the data and to maintain anonymity, details on their imprisonment status (whether under trial or convicted) and the type of crime were collected using the prisoner identification number issued by the prison authority. The information shared by the prison staff was limited to categorical identifiers for research purposes only.

Study Design

The present study employed a cross-sectional design with convenience sampling. This method allowed the inclusion of readily available participants who met the inclusion criteria and were voluntarily willing to participate in the research. This method was chosen due to the sensitive nature of the sample and the restricted access to participants, which resulted in administrative limitations.

Setting

The sample was collected from two prisons in the northern (Union Territory) and western (Gujarat) states of India, between March and June 2024. The identity and exact location of prisons have been withheld to maintain confidentiality. Consequently, both prisons function as correctional facilities, housing prisoners under trial and/or convicted, to provide structured rehabilitation and reform, ensuring representation from distinct geographical and cultural regions of India, given the diversity of inmate populations.

Sample

Formal sample size estimation was conducted using G*Power 3.1.^20,21 A medium effect size (r = 0.30), with a statistical power of 0.80, and a significance level of α = 0.05 was chosen as the criterion to minimize the risk of Type I and Type II errors. Based on these parameters, a minimum of 112 participants was determined, and the final sample included 200 participants, exceeding the requirement and ensuring statistical sensitivity. The inclusion criteria for the study were age 18–60 years, the ability to communicate in Hindi, and a history of committing at least one crime. Prisoners with a history of any head trauma, epilepsy, autistic spectrum disorder, or neurological disorders were excluded from the research.

Procedure

The data collection process was divided into Phases I and II (Figure 1). The primary focus of Phase I was to receive approval from the prison authority. Upon receiving the approvals, the researcher explained the study objectives to the jail superintendent. Phase II involved providing an informed consent form to participants interested in the study. Only participants who agreed to take part after learning the purpose of the research were included. Demographic details and actual data collection were conducted using a pen-and-paper survey.

Figure 1. Stages for Gathering Data from Participants.

Measures

The tools were translated into Hindi for the convenience of the participants and then back-translated into the original language for accuracy. The tools underwent Hindi translation with subsequent back-translation, using the Translation, Review, Adjudication, Pretesting, and Documentation (TRAPD) method developed by Harkness. ²² Cronbach’s alpha coefficients for the scales in the present study were evaluated (as mentioned in the tools description).

Basic demographic details such as age, gender, educational qualification, occupation before current sentencing, type of family within which the prisoners resided, type of prisoner (convicted or under trial), and substance use history were collected (Table 1), and later, the questionnaires were given to the participants for self-reporting. Doubts raised during questionnaire completion were resolved with utmost care to reduce the likelihood of social stereotypes and desirability bias.

Table 1.

Socio-demographics Profile of Participants (N = 200) and Prisoner Type.

Sample Characteristics	N (%)
Age
Gender
Male	184 (91.5)
Female	16 (8.5)
Marital Status
Single/Unmarried	94 (44.5)
Married	96 (47.8)
Divorced/Widowed	10 (7.7)
Education
Illiterate	53 (26.9)
Literate	147 (73.1)
Occupation
Unemployed	18 (9.4)
Labor/Skilled	123 (61.2)
Private or other	59 (29.4)
Family type
Nuclear	112 (55.7)
Joint	88 (44.3)
Socioeconomic class
Upper	4 (2)
Upper middle	25 (12.4)
Lower middle	42 (20.9)
Upper lower	123 (61.2)
Lower	6 (3.5)
Prisoner type
Convicted	167 (83.1)
Under trial	33 (16.9)

The Modified Kuppuswamy Socioeconomic Index (2021) was used to assess socioeconomic status. This scale focuses on three key parameters: education, occupation of the head of the family, and total monthly income, which are further divided into multiple subgroups with a scoring range from 3 to 29, classifying families into five socioeconomic categories: upper class, upper middle class, lower middle class, upper lower class, and lower class. ²³

To assess the early childhood traumatic experiences, the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire – Short Form (CTQ-SF, 1998) was employed. This scale consists of 28 self-report items assessing three types of childhood abuse and two types of neglect, that is, emotional, physical, and sexual abuse; emotional and physical neglect. Responses are rated on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from “Never true” to “Very often true.” The scale has a strong reliability, with internal consistency ranging from 0.66 to 0.92 and test-retest reliability from 0.79 to 0.86. The scores are interpreted into four categories: none (minimal), low (to moderate), moderate (to severe), and severe (to extreme). ¹⁷ Accordingly, participants were divided into these categories based on the scores. Cronbach’s alpha coefficients for each sub-scale in this study were 0.75 (Emotional Abuse), 0.80 (Physical Abuse), 0.91 (Sexual Abuse), 0.83 (Emotional Neglect), and 0.64 (Physical Neglect).

The Revised Adult Attachment Scale-Close relationship version was used to assess perceived attachment styles among prisoners. ²⁴ This 18-item scale is rated on a 5-point Likert scale from 1 (not at all characteristic) to 5 (complete characteristic) and is divided into three dimensions: close (assessing the perceived comfort in close relationships), depend (perceived ability to trust or rely on others), and anxiety (perceived fear of being rejected or abandonment in relationships). Cronbach’s alpha values are 0.69 for closeness, 0.75 for dependence, and 0.72 for anxiety, with test-retest correlations of 0.68, 0.71, and 0.52, respectively. The scores obtained in each sub-scale were computed into a single composite of Close-Dep (Close and Depend) and anxiety. For each attachment dimension, a scoring protocol was used comparing the theoretical mean cut-off score of 3 in each sub-scale, to categorize each participant into one of the four attachment styles categorized by Bartholomew’s (1990) four-category model – Secure, Preoccupied, Fearful, and Dismissive. ²⁴

Statistical Analysis

The analysis was conducted using IBM Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) Version 20. ²⁵ Tests of normality using the Kolmogorov-Smirnov test (all p < .05) indicated that the scores significantly deviated from normality; therefore, nonparametric statistical tests were conducted. Spearman’s rho correlation was conducted to assess the relationship between types of childhood trauma and perceived attachment, followed by linear regression analysis to examine causality.

Strengthening the Reporting of Observational studies in Epidemiology (STROBE) reporting guideline (a) and checklist (b) were used ²⁶ to report the study.

Results

The study was conducted to examine the association between childhood trauma and attachment style among Indian prisoners in the northern and western regions of India. Table 1 summarizes the socio-demographic details and type of prisoners. A sample of 200 adult prisoners, with male participants dominating the sample (91.5%), with a median age of 32 years within the age group of 18–55 years. Regarding imprisonment status, 83.1% were convicted, whereas 16.9% were still under trial at the time of data collection. Almost half of the participants were married (47.8%), and primarily belonged to the nuclear family type (55.7%). Most participants were literate (73.1%), indicating a formal basic education.

Figure 2 shows the monthly income generated in the family. As discussed, most participants (36%) had a basic income of less than 20,000, and nearly 14% had a cumulative family income of more than 50,000. These findings suggest that participants primarily belonged to lower-income households, reflecting limited economic resources within their families.

Figure 2. Monthly Household Income of Study Participants.

Nature of Crime Committed

Figure 3 displays the types of crime committed by participants, which were further divided into seven categories. The majority of the participants had committed a crime against the human body (61.4%), such as homicide, sexual offenses, etc. The fewest crimes were reported against public order (3.9%).

Figure 3. Types of Offenses Committed by Prisoners.

Prevalence of Childhood Trauma

The prevalence of childhood trauma (Table 2) was assessed using standardized cut-off scores. The scores for each domain were as follows: Emotional Abuse (None: ≤8, Low: 9–12, Moderate: 13–15, Severe: ≥16); Physical Abuse (None: ≤ 7, Low: 8–9, Moderate: 10–12, Severe: ≥13); Sexual Abuse (None: ≤ 5, Low: 6–7, Moderate: 8–12, Severe: ≥13); Emotional Neglect (None: ≤ 9, Low: 10–14, Moderate: 15–17, Severe: ≥18); and Physical Neglect (None: ≤ 7, Low: 8–9, Moderate: 10–12, Severe: ≥13). ¹⁷ The analysis revealed that abuse, particularly emotional (20%), physical (18%), and sexual (9%), was less frequently reported as compared to neglect - emotional (38%) and physical (47%) approximately.

Table 2.

Prevalence of Childhood Trauma Among Prisoners.

Variables	None (Minimal)	N (%)
		Low	Moderate	Severe
Emotional abuse	156 (68.4%)	26 (11.4%)	8 (3.5%)	10 (4.4%)
Physical abuse	164 (71.9)	15 (6.6)	10 (4.4)	11 (4.8)
Sexual abuse	181 (79.4)	5 (2.2)	9 (3.9)	5 (2.2)
Emotional neglect	125 (54.8)	51 (22.4)	11 (4.8)	13 (5.7)
Physical neglect	104 (45.6)	23 (10.1)	36 (15.8)	37 (16.2)

Prevalence of Attachment Styles

Table 3 displays the frequency and percentage distributions of the four attachment styles according to Bartholomew’s (1990) classification (secure, preoccupied, fearful, dismissing). ²⁴ After data screening, 19 cases were excluded using standard procedures for handling missing data. Secure attachment style was the most prevalent (58%), suggesting that most participants perceived themselves as comfortable in relationships. Additionally, approximately 40% of the participants reported insecure attachment styles (dismissive, preoccupied, fearful), reflecting fear of rejection, emotional withdrawal, etc. Overall, these findings indicate that even though secure attachment seemed to be most common, other prevalent patterns suggest potential difficulties in building relationships, often linked to early adverse experiences and maladaptive coping mechanisms.

Table 3.

Prevalence of Attachment Styles Among Prisoners.

Variables	n (%)
Secure	105 (58)
Preoccupied	9 (5)
Dismissive	37 (20.4)
Fearful	30 (16.6)

Association Between Childhood Trauma and Attachment Dimensions

As shown in Table 4, significant positive and negative associations were observed between trauma and attachment dimensions, with effect sizes ranging from small to moderate. For instance, among the childhood trauma subscales, emotional abuse showed moderate positive correlation with physical abuse (p < .01), emotional neglect (p < .01), and sexual abuse, suggesting a history of experiencing multiple types of traumatic experiences. Within the dimensions of attachment, a significantly small positive correlation was observed between dependence and closeness, indicating that the ability to depend (on others) also establishes higher closeness in relationships. Anxiety showed a significant moderate negative correlation with attachment-dependence and closeness (p < .01). Closeness dimension showed significantly small negative associations with emotional neglect and physical abuse (p < .05), indicating that those with a history of early childhood adversity related to greater rejection/abandonment fears in adulthood. Furthermore, dependence was significantly correlated with small negative associations, with abuse and neglect (p < .05), suggesting potential difficulty in trusting others as associated with early emotional traumatic experiences. Anxiety showed a significant, small positive correlation with emotional and physical abuse (p < .01), indicating that higher experiences of abuse could potentially increase the likelihood of experiencing attachment anxiety. Overall, findings clearly suggest associations between early trauma exposures and a greater likelihood of experiencing insecure attachment patterns in adulthood, potentially leading to maladaptive behaviors among inmate populations.

Table 4.

Relationship Between Childhood Trauma and Attachment Dimensions Among Prisoners.

Variables		1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8
1	Emotional abuse	1
2	Physical abuse	0.414**	1
3	Sexual abuse	0.183**	0.221**	1
4	Emotional neglect	0.386**	0.364**	0.231**	1
5	Physical neglect	0.167*	0.180*	0.248**	0.447**	1
6	Closeness	–0.049	–0.170*	–0.058	–0.145*	0.044	1
7	Depend	–0.176*	–0.159*	–0.069	–0.164*	0.004	0.259**	1
8	Anxiety	0.228**	0.185**	0.080	0.133	–0.005	–0.403**	–0.344**	1

Spearman’s rho correlations. p < .05*, p < .01** level (two-tailed) is considered significant.

Influence of Childhood Trauma on Attachment Dimensions

Through regression analysis, the study explored how early traumatic experiences affect adult attachment styles. Although there was a negative correlation between emotional neglect and the closeness dimension, the findings were not statistically significant (F (1,198) = 3.48, p = .063). A model that included emotional abuse, physical abuse, and emotional neglect showed statistical significance for the depend dimension (F (3,196) = 3.30, p < .05). This suggests that experiencing multiple forms of trauma influences the capacity to depend on others. However, the model could only explain 4.8% of the variance. On the other hand, the anxiety prediction model was statistically significant (F (2,197) = 6.53, p < .01). Emotional abuse was a significant predictor (β = 0.186, p < .05), accounting for 6.2% of the variance. Since the models showed lower variances, this suggests the role of other psychosocial or related factors that could also potentially be associated with attachment-related difficulties.

Discussion

The present study explored the association between childhood trauma and adult attachment styles among prisoners. The findings revealed significant correlations between different forms of traumatic experiences in childhood and perceived attachment. Higher levels of trauma were associated with greater anxiety with respect to attachment and reduced closeness and dependence within relationships. The study also revealed emotional abuse as a significant predictor of perceived anxiety in forming relationships. One possible explanation for the current findings can be drawn from social learning theory. This theory highlights the importance of learning behavior as associated with modeling phenomena in adulthood. These results align with theoretical underpinnings, such as attachment theory and general strain theory, which highlight that early adverse experiences often serve as emotional stressors, impairing relational security and increasing vulnerability to antisocial behavior.^11,15 Weak attachment often undermines moral regulation, increasing criminal propensity. ²⁷ Significant correlations between trauma and insecure attachment reinforce these theoretical premises. Experiencing and witnessing any form of abuse can hence increase the odds of engaging in violent offending as a way of coping with conflicts, even if those are maladaptive in nature. ²⁸

In the Indian context, where family systems and cultural norms heavily influence emotional expression and attachment bonds, examining these associations within prison settings becomes vital for understanding the psychosocial underpinnings of offending and for developing culturally responsive rehabilitation strategies. Often, insecure attachment has been linked with early traumatic experiences among offenders.^14,29,30 Higher adverse childhood experiences are related to psychological effects in adulthood. ³¹ A history of abuse and insecure attachment is often correlated with future sexual violence. ² Interestingly, this study found a higher prevalence of secure attachment, contrary to earlier findings where insecure attachment styles were predominant among prisoners.^32–34 This divergence may be attributed to contextual and methodological factors. First, response bias and social desirability may have influenced self-reports, as prisoners may underreport emotional insecurities due to fear of being judged. Second, cultural influences play a significant role. Indian traditions emphasize familial interdependence, which may lead to overreporting of closeness or security. Trauma-related denial or minimization, common in forensic settings, might obscure the extent of attachment-related distress. Indian prison studies often focus on psychiatric morbidity, substance abuse, and socio-demographic correlates. For instance, psychiatric illness among prisoners in India is substantial, and studies have linked the significance of social support in prison settings among those with a history of mental health issues.^35,36 However, systematic exploration of attachment dynamics in Indian correctional settings remains scarce, underscoring the novelty and significance of the current findings.

In India, rehabilitation efforts have often been more punitive than restorative, overlooking underlying psychological wounds, focusing more on vocational or behavioral reformation. Thus, integrating trauma-informed care in current programs could transform rehabilitation.

This framework works in recognizing the pervasive effects of trauma, therefore understanding the path of recovery, reducing their aversive consequences (such as substance abuse, emotional disregard), promoting safety, trust, and empowerment. ⁷ Trauma-informed care principles tend to reduce recidivism rates and enhance emotional regulation and societal reintegration. ³⁷ Introducing attachment-based interventions and training in emotional regulation skills reduces the likelihood of recidivism and improves psychological well-being. ³⁸ Embedding these practices in culturally sensitive frameworks (respecting family, community, and religious norms) may enhance effectiveness. The Good Lives Model and strengths-based approaches have also been highlighted recently in narrative reviews as effective for Indian offenders, with a focus on internal transformation rather than just behavioral control. ³⁹

Additionally, socio-demographic determinants highlighted that offenders were mainly young adults (especially those who committed violent offenses) belonging to the lower socioeconomic class with lower monthly income, therefore, supporting previous findings indicating that prisoners were mainly from socially disadvantaged backgrounds with elementary occupations. ²⁸ However, assessing the influence of trauma experiences between those committing petty offenses and heinous offenses was beyond the scope of this study. The results are consistent with previous studies that have attempted to identify the association between economic difficulties, such as poverty and unemployment. ⁴⁰

Being victims of trauma combined with observing dysfunctional parental and/or family dynamics during childhood years can influence the ability of a child to form healthy relationships as an adult successfully; thus, making them more prone to developing unhealthy relationship patterns and indulging in deviant behavior, sometimes leading to adult criminality. Future work should employ mixed-methods designs and culturally adapted tools to deepen understanding and inform policy.

Limitations

Several limitations of the study should also be noted. Considering the difficulties in recruiting data from prison settings, the sample size was considerably small, limiting the findings’ generalizability. The data collection method involved self-report measures, potentially leading to social desirability bias, especially since prisoners often present themselves in a favorable light to align with societal expectations. Depending on individual perceptions or associated stigma, this may lead to underreporting or overreporting of experiences. The study was geographically confined (two prisons, each from the northern and western regions) and dominated by male prisoners, with only a small proportion of female participants (n = 16), thus restricting the generalization to gender-based implications or a broader population. The study did not incorporate formal screening assessments to measure other psychiatric illnesses, especially depression, which is highly prevalent in prison settings. This may have influenced recall accuracy and possibly could have introduced some response bias. We did not examine whether income or socioeconomic status is linked to experiencing traumatic experiences and attachment styles. Therefore, to address these limitations, future studies should replicate the findings using a larger, more representative sample and incorporate standard assessments to better account for potential confounding effects of psychiatric comorbidities and key socio-demographic factors, such as socioeconomic background and education. Assessing the associations between socioeconomic conditions (such as monthly income), childhood trauma, and attachment was beyond the scope of the present study; future research should include these analyses, as these factors may provide valuable insights into how economic disadvantage shapes early experiences and relationships. In addition, mixed-method designs could further provide a deeper understanding of how trauma influences the prisoner’s well-being and how such adverse experiences may relate to recidivism.

Implications

This study aimed to understand the prevalence and association between early traumatic experiences and perceived patterns of attachment in adult prisoners. The study gives empirical strength to mental health professionals working with prisons in India to develop individualized, tailored trauma-informed care intervention programs combined with family-based intervention strategies for prisoners to address their unresolved traumas and facilitate better family relationships. This further ensures their healthy and secure reintegration into society. It offers valuable insights and directions for future researchers to address the variables in depth. Though the study did not report significant associations, a positive correlation between sexual abuse and attachment anxiety indicates the need for future researchers to focus on this area. Although a preliminary study, the study still holds its strengths as it is among the limited studies to explore the link between early trauma and adult attachment styles among Indian prisoners.

Conclusions

The study contributes to a limited body of research on prisoners focusing on psychological parameters, particularly early childhood trauma and perceived patterns of attachment. The current findings revealed that individuals with higher exposure to trauma during early ages exhibited greater anxiety and reduced closeness and dependability in relationships. Emotional abuse further emerged as a significant predictor of anxiety, suggesting its contribution toward insecurity in probable emotional dysregulation in adulthood. Since the study was conducted on prisoners, the findings are especially essential for professionals associated with prisons, catering to the rehabilitation and reformation within the correctional setting, particularly in India, where individuals are prone to social stigmatization. Despite a higher prevalence of secure attachment, the influential effect of social desirability should not be ignored. Additionally, developing individualized interventions, particularly trauma-informed by mental health professionals, could facilitate better reintegration of prisoners in society, encouraging trust, empathy, healthy bonds, etc., reducing the likelihood of further involvement in criminal behavior due to familial pressure or disintegration. The present study is one of the few published studies conducted in this area among prisoners. Future studies should extend these findings into diverse samples, especially exploring sexual abusive experiences among chronic offenders.