Alcohol advertising studies |
Calfee & Scheraga [140]; annual time-series data for FR, DE, NL & SE; per capita alcohol use; linear & log regressions for each country. |
For Sweden, alcohol advertising has been prohibited since 1979. Models include country prices, income & advertising expenditures. |
Advertising coefficients are not significant for any country. The results for Sweden are not different than the other 3 countries, despite the advertising ban. Price is significant for Sweden. |
Lariviere et al. [141]; monthly time-series data for Ontario, CN, for 1979–1987 for beer, wine, spirits & soft drinks; demand system model. |
Monthly advertising expenditures for four beverages that capture “pulsing” effects across markets; advertising for four beverages, prices, income & demographics. |
Advertising for beer & spirits are not significant. Negative sign for wine advertising & positive sign for soft drinks. Study concludes that “advertising is not effective in enlarging markets,” but rather promotes brand-switching. |
Markowitz & Grossman [97]; 1976 Physical Violence in American Families survey; overall & severe domestic violence; probit model. |
State alcohol tax, availability, illegal drug prices, restrictions on billboard advertising, restrictions on window displays & price advertising. |
Restrictions on advertising are ineffective in reducing violence. Violence toward children reduced by higher alcohol taxes. |
Markowitz & Grossman [142]; 1976 & 1985 Physical Violence in American Families surveys; physical child abuse by gender; probit model. |
State alcohol tax, availability, illegal drug prices, restrictions on billboard advertising, restrictions on window displays & price advertising. State binary variables in some models. |
Restrictions on advertising are ineffective for both genders. For females, violence toward children reduced by higher alcohol taxes in 1976 & 1985. |
Nelson [143]; state panel data for 1982–1997; per capita pure alcohol use by beverage; panel data model with regional fixed effects & simulations. |
Bans of billboard advertising, bans of price advertising & state monopoly control of retail stores. Study considers substitution among beverages due to regulations. |
Bans of advertising do not reduce total alcohol consumption, reflecting in part substitution among beverages. Income is always significant and price is generally significant. |
Nelson [66]; international panel of 17 OECD countries for 1975–2000; per capita consumption of pure alcohol; panel data model for log levels & growth rates, IV model. |
Spirits broadcast advertising bans & bans of broadcast advertising for all beverages, alcohol-control policy index & drinking sentiment. Study adjusts for non-stationary data & endogeneity of the alcohol policy index. |
Bans of advertising do not reduce alcohol consumption, regardless of severity. Other alcohol policies and prices have a negative effect on consumption. |
Nelson [51]; meta-analysis of 21 longitudinal and panel data studies of alcohol advertising & youth drinking; meta-regression analysis. |
Paper examines 23 effect-size estimates for drinking onset & 40 estimates for other drinking behaviors. Meta-regressions account for primary study heterogeneity, heteroskedasticity, omitted variables, publication quality & truncated samples. |
Meta-regression results are consistent with publication bias, omitted variable bias in some studies & lack of a genuine effect for advertising, especially mass media. The paper also discusses “dissemination bias” in the use of research results by investigators & health policy interest groups. |
Paschall et al. [144]; 2003 ESPAD Alcohol Survey for 26 countries, youth 15–17 years; current drinking & binge drinking; separate trivariate regressions. |
Overall alcohol-policy index score, alcohol availability, advertising control rating & country per capita consumption. No other controls for prices, income, drinking sentiment, etc.
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Alcohol advertising control rating is not statistically significant at standard 95% confidence level, after controlling for per capita consumption. Policy index is insignificant, but availability rating is significant for current drinking & binge drinking. |
Saffer and Dave [145]; 75 media markets, US, 1996–1998 & 1997–1998, youth ages 12–17 & 12–16; past year drinking, past month, binge drinking; probit & OLS regressions. |
Composite measure of local advertising expenditures. Significant in 10 of 15 cases for MTF data. Significant in 5 of 6 cases for NLSY data. Log of advertising is significant in 1 of 2 cases for NLSY. T-statistics are 2.3 or less in 14 of 23 cases. |
Null effect of advertising on three MTF drinking measures for blacks. Null results for males for MTF for past month & binge drinking. Null results for NLYS for two log models. Concludes that “reduction of advertising can produce a modest decline in adolescent alcohol consumption.” |
Tobacco advertising studies |
Bardsley & Olekalns [146]; 1962–1996 time-series data for AU; per capita tobacco consumption; rational addiction model & dynamic simulations. |
Aggregate consumption in Australia peaked in the late 1960s. Real ad expenditures per capita declined after a peak in late-1960s. Most tobacco advertising banned in 1992. |
Effect of pro-smoking advertising & policy interventions are small relative to economic variables for taxes, income & demographics. Evidence of forward-looking behavior; virtually all reductions in smoking due to tax increases. |
Czart et al. [98]; 1997 Harvard Alcohol Study survey, students at 140 US colleges; current smoking & ave. daily number; probit & logistic models. |
State, local and school variables for smoking policies, availability & school-level advertising bans (newspapers, bulletin boards). |
Bans of cigarette advertising on campus and bans of sales of cigarettes on campus have no significant effect on smoking behavior. Price is significant for smoking participation & level of smoking. |
Hammar & Martinsson [147]; 2000 county-based survey in northern SE; smoking initiation age (9–25 years); duration analysis. |
Anti-smoking policies enacted in Sweden from 1955 to 1986, including 1979 laws on marketing. |
Public policies do not show a significant effect on the age of smoking initiation. Age of initiation depends on gender, parental smoking & time trend. |
Hublet et al. [148]; 2006 Health Behaviour (HBSC) survey for 29 European countries, youth 11–15 years; regular smoking by gender; multilevel model. |
Country-level variables for price, public bans, advertising bans, sales to minors, vending machines, adult smoking, affluence, etc.
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Bans of advertising & public smoking bans are insignificant. For regular smoking, price is significant for boys, but not for girls. |
Lewit et al. [149]; 1990 & 1992 surveys of 9th grade students in 21 CN & US cities; current smoking & smoking intentions by gender; logistic model. |
Site-specific smoking control variables. Includes prices, minimum age, access to vending machines, and anti- & pro-smoking media exposure. Media exposure is self-reported index for 5 media for pro-smoking & 10 media for anti-smoking. |
For current smoking, pro-tobacco media significant for boys, but not for girls. For smoking intentions, pro-tobacco not significant for either gender. Concludes that “only very modest support to the notion that media-focused policy interventions will be effective.” Price significant for boys’ current smoking & girls’ intentions. |
McLeod [150]; 1953–1983 time-series data for AU; tobacco & cigarette consumption; double-log model with intervention binaries. |
Australia banned cigarette & tobacco broadcast advertising in 1976. |
Ban of broadcast advertising has a short-run effect on tobacco use, but no effect on cigarette use. Price is significant, but income is insignificant. |
Nelson [151]; international panel model for 20 OECD countries for 1970–1995; per capita cigarette & tobacco use for levels & growth rates; OLS panel model with time & country fixed-effects, IV model. |
Strong bans (print + all broadcast), moderate bans (3–4 media), weak bans (TV-radio only), no. of banned media & warning labels. Study adjusts for endogeneity of advertising bans, non-stationary data & structural change. |
Bans of advertising have no effect on cigarette consumption, regardless of the time period considered or the severity of the bans. Price & income are significant, but evidence of structural change beginning around 1985. |
Nelson [152]; Global Youth Tobacco Survey for 42 developing countries for 1999–2001, youth 13–15 years; current smoking & ever smoked prevalence; linear probability models by gender & combined with interaction terms. |
Countries with complete bans (all major media), moderate (TV or other media) bans & no media banned; warning labels & minor sales prohibited. Other covariates for availability, education, peer smoking, income, Muslin faith, former Soviet-bloc countries, etc.
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Bans of advertising have no effect on youth smoking prevalence in developing countries for either gender or combined. Higher income levels reduce smoking in developing countries & smoking by peers is important. Youth in Muslin countries have lower predicted prevalence & Soviet-block countries have higher prevalence. |
Nelson [153]; meta-analysis of 33 advertising elasticities for US and 16 elasticities for other countries; 19 studies of four major regulatory effects; meta-regressions. |
Study adjusts for heterogeneity of estimates, heteroskedasticity & non-independence of observations. The study also reviews 50 years of advertising regulation by the FTC. |
Advertising elasticities are very small and not statistically significant regardless of the time period. The 1971 ban of broadcast advertising did not affect cigarette consumption. |