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. 2017 May 15;8:746. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2017.00746

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Copyright © 2017 Schluter, Politzer-Ahles, Al Kaabi and Almeida.

This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) or licensor are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

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Predictions. When two sounds differ in markedness, a marked standard’s feature is compatible with the unmarked deviant’s lack of a feature (a) but the reverse is not true. An unmarked deviant (b) has some phonetic surface marking, which conflicts with the standard’s phonologically marked feature. This conflict causes a larger MMN. When [VOICE] is assumed to be the marked feature (c,d) we expect to see a different asymmetry than when [SPREAD GLOTTIS] is marked (e,f). This logic can be used to determine which feature is active in a fricative contrast (e.g., [s] vs. [z]) as well as different stop contrasts (e.g., [t] vs. [d] or [t^h] vs. []).

Inline graphic — Predictions. When two sounds differ in markedness, a marked standard’s feature is compatible with the unmarked deviant’s lack of a feature (a) but the reverse is not true. An unmarked deviant (b) has some phonetic surface marking, which conflicts with the standard’s phonologically marked feature. This conflict causes a larger MMN. When [VOICE] is assumed to be the marked feature (c,d) we expect to see a different asymmetry than when [SPREAD GLOTTIS] is marked (e,f). This logic can be used to determine which feature is active in a fricative contrast (e.g., [s] vs. [z]) as well as different stop contrasts (e.g., [t] vs. [d] or [t^h] vs. []).