Table 4. Socio-economic and political predictors of the gender difference in attitudes justifying domestic violence: Multiple linear regression.
| Model 5 | Model 6 | |
|---|---|---|
| Multi-dimensional deprivation score | 5.735** (1.99 9.478) |
1.330 (-3.446 6.105) |
| Inequality index (Gini) | -.061 (-.388 .266) |
.014 (-.292 .321) |
| Women’s economic rights | -3.239 (-9.462 2.984) |
-2.965 (-8.701 2.770) |
| Existence of DV law | 9.288** (.051 18.524) |
11.436** (3.250 19.622) |
| Quality of DV law | .178 (-1.498 1.854) |
-.234 (-1.808 1.341) |
| Unified Democracy Score | 3.168 (-6.112 12.452) |
1.122 (-7.566 9.810) |
| Women’s political rights | -10.306 (-25.503 4.890) |
-6.468 (-20.758 7.823) |
| Seats held by women in national parliament | .494* (.760 .913) |
.454* (.068 .841) |
| Political conflict | -.178 (-2.369 2.014) |
-.130 (01.902 2.162) |
| Female Literacy rates | - | -.283** (-49.465–7.065) |
| BIC used by Stata | 364.605 | 359.786 |
| Adj R squared | .256 | .362 |
NOTE: The difference between the proportion of women and proportion of men justifying DV in at least one circumstance is the outcome variable; The unstandardised beta coefficients and the 95% CI are presented.
***p < .001
** p < .01
*p < .05;
Based on significance and model fit female primary, secondary and tertiary education, and female labour force participation were not included in final model.