Table 1.
descent (n)b |
total |
|||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
ambilineal | double | matrilineal | no rule | patrilineal | n | % | ||
residence (n)c | ambilocal | 0 | 0 | 0 | 11 | 1 | 12 | 6 |
avunculocal | 0 | 1 | 7 | 0 | 0 | 8 | 4 | |
neolocal | 0 | 0 | 0 | 7 | 2 | 9 | 5 | |
uxorilocal | 0 | 0 | 18 | 18 | 2 | 38 | 21 | |
virilocal | 6 | 9 | 1 | 32 | 70 | 118 | 64 | |
n.a. | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 1 | — | |
total | n | 6 | 10 | 26 | 69 | 75 | 186 | |
% | 3 | 5 | 14 | 37 | 40 |
aModified from table 2 in [22]. Minor discrepancies between the percentages reported here and in [22] arise from inconsistency in the rounding of figures in the latter.
bThe corresponding variable is data column 10 in [22]. I changed ‘bilateral descent’ in the original to ‘no rule’; see §4a for details.
cThe corresponding variable is data column 9 in [22], focusing here on ‘the prevailing practice of residence after marriage’ (i.e. excluding information on ‘an alternative but less frequent residential pattern or one confined to a particular phase of the developmental cycle’) [22, p. 261]. I changed ‘matrilocal’ in the original to ‘uxorilocal’, and ‘patrilocal’ to ‘virilocal’; see §4a for details. One society (Botocudo, #178) lacks data for this variable; percentages in the right-most column relate to the remaining 185 societies.