Table 1.

Characteristics and key findings of the 15 included studies

Citation	Methodology	Location	Study Population	Data Sources	Analytical Methods	Greening Intervention	Health, Pathways, or Well Being	Key Findings
Pearsall (2012) [43]	Qualitative	New York City, NY (USA)	42 residents of three neighborhoods undergoing environmental gentrification in New York City	Semi-structured interviews: Questions about residents’ perceptions of neighborhood change, such as adaptation to cost of living	Content analysis	Environmental remediation (i.e., brownfield development) in three neighborhoods of New York City	Sense of community	Residents felt that environmental gentrification threatened the neighborhood’s sense of community and character. With some long-time residents and businesses being displaced, residents felt that the newcomers were more transient and less committed to the neighborhood.
Twigge-Molecey (2014) [46]	Qualitative	Montreal, Canada: Saint Henri area	34 residents, particularly renters who have resided in the neighborhood for at least five years	Semi-structured interviews	Descriptive statistics and summary of observations through a four-fold typology	No intervention; gentrification occurring regardless of green space; The study explored gentrification and noted observations with its parks.	Sense of belonging; Access to new community groups and retail options	Affordable housing was absent and social networks were fractured; The restraints (or lack thereof) of dogs owned by affluent gentrifiers became a source of tension and cultural displacement in the neighborhood. While the tension added to the displacement pressure of some long-term residents, others welcomed the social contact and chance to meet affluent neighbors. Diverse perceptions of the park were reported. They were considered to improve the neighborhood yet seem to appear to accommodate affluent newcomers. Low-income residents noted fewer retail options with changes to the retail landscape.
Dulin-Keita et al. (2016) [39]	Mixed Methods	Birmingham, AL (USA): Tuxedo area	59 residents of HOPE VI projects; all African American and older than 18	Concept mapping: Five-step process to generate ideas, structure them, and analyze statements made by participants	First, statement analysis; then, “cluster formation, bridging values, cluster ratings, t-tests, and pattern match”	The HOPE VI development includes green space and parks	Physical activity	The creation of new parks removed some barriers to physical activity in the area (for children and adults). New parks were perceived to be safer than pre-existing play areas before the HOPE VI redevelopment (no syringes or broken glass). The new parks and walking paths had better lighting and were more aesthetically pleasing. Participants said that more Black males were running in the area and the police should know that it’s just an increase in physical activity (and should not harass them). Perceptions of drawbacks of this development were limited.
Derkzen et al. (2017) [27]	Mixed Methods	Bangalore (India): Seven urban lake communities	214 slum residents living in the study location	Household surveys administered through door-to-door interviews; Seven group mapping sessions with 3–6 long-term residents per session	Qualitative data analysis (mapping data) and descriptive statistics (survey data) are both assumed but not explicitly referenced in the article.	Environmental remediation through restoration of previously polluted artificial lakes; Creation of parks	Well-being through self-reported accounts of use of ecosystem services from urban lakes and ability to adapt to ecosystem changes	The very poor, who rely on the lakes for provisioning ecosystem services that promote human well-being have few options to adapt to the new circumstances associated with ecosystem changes (urbanization followed by restoration and subsequently gentrification). Changes in the ecosystem deprive the urban poor of both cultural and provisioning ecosystem services derived from the natural resources on which they depend. When stable housing and adequate financial resources to meet daily needs are coupled with green amenities, more low-income residents feel that green space has benefits for them.
Anguelovski et al. (2018) [41]	Mixed Methods	Barcelona (Spain), Medellin (Colombia), New Orleans, LA (USA)	Unspecified; the study did not enroll participants in all locations and focused on environmental characteristics	Secondary data from municipal records (Barcelona), interviews and participant observations (Medellin), and planning documents (New Orleans)	Regression and spatial analysis (Barcelona), qualitative analysis of semi-structured interviews and participant observation (Medellin), and planning document and project analysis (New Orleans)	New parks and gardens (Barcelona), new greenbelt created and informal green spaces removed (Medellin), and climate adaptation strategies (New Orleans)	Accessibility to land used for food production and other local needs and practices (social cohesion, nature-based recreation) affecting community well-being	In Barcelona, working-class ‘greened’ areas increased in the proportion of socially vulnerable residents who lived closer to green space, but in areas next to highways and areas with worse housing conditions. In Medellin, low-income residents were identified as losing access to vernacular green spaces and losing access to land used for fresh food production, on which their livelihoods often depend. In New Orleans, climate resilience planning efforts made the needs of BIPOC people invisible--ignoring the racialized and inequitable history of planning in the city and the disproportionate effects of flooding on these communities.
Keith et al. (2018) [37]	Quantitative	Atlanta, GA (USA) and San Antonio, TX (USA)	934 greenway users	Intercept surveys with greenway users	Descriptive statistics and ordinary least squares regression	New greenways: Atlanta BeltLine and Leon Creek Greenway in San Antonio	Greenway use, motivations for using the greenway, constraints to greenway use, and perceived benefits of the greenways	Whites were over-represented as users in both greenways compared to surrounding areas; Blacks and Latinos/as were underrepresented. Differences are particularly big in Atlanta for Black people, and the areas around the BeltLine were undergoing gentrification (in 2015). In both sites, Black visitors were more likely than White visitors to use the greenways to discover and experience nature; Latinos/as were more likely than White visitors to use the greenway to spend time with family and friends and to use the greenway for transportation purposes. Lack of free time was less a barrier for visitation among Black people (compared to Whites). Fear of crime was a stronger constraint for Asians/Others than for Whites. Blacks perceived that the trail was less difficult to access than Whites. “Cultural benefits were likely to be cited by Hispanic and Asian/Other visitors. Hispanics were also more likely to cite environmental benefits than any other visitor group”
Kraft et al. (2018) [25]	Mixed Methods	Chicago, IL (USA)	Includes a total of 602 study participants	Surveys were collected throughout the trail for multiple years	Descriptive statistics and multivariable regression models	New greenway developed (The 606)	Perceptions of trail use, sense of safety, motivations for use, and impact on physical activity	Many Latino/a trail users noted the frequent use of the trail, however, concerns around safety and possible exclusion were mentioned. Nearly half of respondents noted an increase in physical activity. Authors note patterns of trail use that are racially segregated.
Palardy et al. (2018) [38]	Quantitative	Atlanta, GA (USA)	418 residents living near two segments of the Atlanta BeltLine: Northside (affluent and White), and Southwest (gentrifying and majority-Black)	Survey of residents with systematic random sampling	Confirmatory factor analysis, independent samples t-tests, and structural equation modeling	New greenway developed (Atlanta BeltLine)	Greenway use, sense of connection to one’s neighborhood, sense of community	A larger share of residents in the wealthy White area supported the BeltLine, used the trail, and had higher psychosocial empowerment compared to the majority-Black gentrifying area. The BeltLine makes residents of the wealthier White area feel more connected to their neighborhood than the residents of the Black, gentrifying area. No differences in how the BeltLine fosters a sense of community. Residents of the White, affluent area feel that the BeltLine’s benefits outweigh its negative impacts more often than those in the Black gentrifying area.
Cole et al. (2019) [44]	Quantitative	New York City, NY (USA)	44,167 New York City residents (age 18 and older)	Individual-level health and demographic data (New York City); green spatial data from (New York City); and gentrification measures from (U.S. Census Bureau)	Logistic regression modeling	No intervention; Gentrification occurring regardless of green space Green spaces mentioned were parks in the neighborhood.	Self-reported general health	Greater exposure to active green space was significantly associated with lower odds of self-reporting of fair or poor health, for those living in gentrifying neighborhoods. Only those with high education or high incomes, within these neighborhoods, benefited from neighborhood active green space. A positive effect of active green space on general health was also found for non-Hispanic Whites and for those with higher levels of education independent of neighborhood gentrification status, but not for any other racial/ethnic groups or for those with lower levels of education.
Harris et al. (2019) [35]	Mixed Methods	Chicago, IL (USA)	Observed greenway users and 54 interviewees in Logan Square and Humboldt Park	Systematic observations (SOPARC); Interviews	Regression models; Thematic interviews	New greenway developed (The 606)	Sense of community; quality of social interactions; greenway use	Latino/a users expressed concerns about gentrification, discrimination, and exclusion, and they tend to stay on the western side of the trail. Five areas from the thematic analysis: community benefits, trail conflicts, social exclusion, environmental gentrification, and Latino/a resistance.
Patterson & Harley (2019) [42]	Quantitative	Oakland, CA (USA): West Oakland area	Unspecified; the study did not enroll participants and focused on environmental characteristics	Demographic data from the U.S. Census Bureau; traffic count data from the City of Oakland	Spatial analysis	Freeway rerouting (environmental remediation) and building a street-level boulevard (with trees and other greenery)	Vehicle emissions and near roadway pollutant concentration (NOx and black carbon)	Evidence of environmentally driven neighborhood change was identified based on larger decreases in the long-time Black population (−28%) and increases in property values (184%) in study areas compared to the neighborhood as a whole.
Schroeder et al. (2019) [45]	Qualitative	Philadelphia, PA (USA): West Philadelphia area	19 residents of a gentrifying neighborhood	Intercept interviews (on streets) and visual documentation of neighborhoods. Interview questions about physical activity and health promotion	Qualitative analysis: transcription of interviews, coding, creation of themes based on the codes (until data saturation was achieved)	No intervention; Gentrification occurring regardless of green space; Green spaces mentioned were parks in the neighborhood. A new park and running trail was built before the area started to gentrify	Physical activity, sense of safety	White residents (mostly newcomers) feel that the neighborhood supports physical activity. These people mentioned resources that were created when the neighborhood started to gentrify. Those included a new park and a new running trail (located in a nearby area). Black residents perceived barriers to physical activity, such as poorly maintained parks and lack of or unaffordability of recreation facilities (e.g., gyms). Black residents reported concerns about illicit substance use, poor relations with the police, gun violence and other violent crimes, which limited park use and physical activity. Blacks did not see the area as health-promoting.
Goossens et al. (2020) [15]	Qualitative	Ghent, (Belgium)	Study participants were recruited from Facebook group on green initiatives; n = 37 respondents	Semi-structured interviews of both gentrifying and longtime residents	Qualitative analysis: interviews were analyzed in Nvivo 10	Living Street Project (integration of street trees)	Sense of community; social interactions	Interviews showed concerns about residents’ ability to stay in the neighborhood. Gentrifying residents valued greening projects linked to urban renewal efforts. Gentrifiers also participate in place-making activities attached to the Living Street Project. Longtime residents express the project changed the essence and inclusive atmosphere of the area. Respondents note behaviors reflecting segregation or self-segregation; project resentment by some longtime residents
Harris et al. (2020) [36]	Qualitative	Chicago, IL (USA)	Users of the 606 trails and nearby residents; total of 86 study participants	Open-ended interviews and informal observations	Qualitative/thematic analysis to analyze observations and interviews	New greenway developed (The 606)	Sense of safety on the trail, greenway use	Overarching themes related to stigmas attached to Humboldt Park, trail aesthetics, and stereotyping of Latino/a youth. Efforts to overcome stigma through gentrification and resistance depending on location.
Oscilowicz et al. (2020) [40]	Mixed Methods	Barcelona (Spain)	173 parents and caretakers of primary school children living in two gentrifying neighborhoods	Observation of green spaces, survey with parents and caretakers of primary school children, and interviews with parents and caretakers	Descriptive statistics (observations), mixed-effects logistic regression (survey), and thematic analysis using both deductive and inductive codes (interviews)	Parks, squares with vegetation, and playgrounds. All green spaces can be used as play spaces by children. Some green spaces were recently built.	Use and perceptions of green spaces (for families and children, with a focus on play), sense of safety	In the area at a later gentrification stage, families and children use green spaces less and are less satisfied with them. In this area, there are more crime issues (related to tourism) and a lower sense of security. Green spaces were seen as serving tourists (as opposed to residents) to some extent. This might lead families and children to stay home (sense of insecurity). Families also feel the pressure of residential displacement. In the area at the early stages of gentrification, there is a higher use of green space and more place attachment. But residents are concerned that they might be displaced by increased housing prices: “short-term green benefits but possible long-term losses”