Considering the target theory as a threat (e.g., evolution theory is considered a threat to traditional religion) |
Primarily prominent in science denial |
Finding the target theory complex and difficult to understand (pedagogical difficulty in understanding of evidence built on interdisciplinary data—e.g., climate science) |
Engaging in personal attacks on legitimate scientists (e.g., the anti-relativists of the 1920s and 1930s who prevented Einstein from visiting Germany) |
Lacking competence in conducting scientific research or teaching science (among the opponents of climate science and evolution theory, the participation of competent scientists has been small) |
Prominent in both science denial and pseudo-theory promotion |
Failing to publish in peer-reviewed scientific journals |
Blaming conspiracy theories for failing to publish in scientific journals and gain a recognition (e.g., seeing relativity theory as part of a larger Jewish conspiracy and believing that the prestigious physics journals are under Jewish control) |
Targeting the public (denialists tend to disseminate their views through outlets intended for the public) |
Giving a false impression of having support in the scientific community (denialists create institutes, conferences, and journals to impress the public such as The Academy of Nations and The Creation Research Society) |
Having a denialist literature dominated by males (women are less likely to take part in the activities of evolution and climate change denial) |
More prominent in science denial, less prominent in pseudo-theory promotion |
Strong political connections (e.g., Nazi newspapers attack against the relativity theory, evolution denial dominated by a Christian right-wing, and climate change denial dominated by a more business-oriented right-wing politics) |