TABLE 5.
How much do conspiracy theory beliefs predict COVID‐19 screening tests, COVID‐19 vaccination intentions and COVID misinformation sharing tendencies (n = 378)
| Model 1 | Model 2 | |
|---|---|---|
| Outcome: Intention to get tested | ||
| COVID conspiracy belief | −.39*** (.08) [−.55, −.24] | −.34*** (.08) [−.50, −.18] |
| Analytical thinking | −.01 (.03) [−.07, .04] | −.02 (.03) [−.08, .04] |
| Trust in government | .23** (.08) [.08, .38] | .26** (.08) [.10, .42] |
| Ethnic minority | −.16 (.14) [−.44, .13] | |
| BBC news | .13 (.15) [−.17, .42] | |
| Conservative | .22 (.14) [−.50, .06] | |
| Model summary | ||
| F change (df) | (3, 367) = 15.15, p < .001 | (3, 364) = 1.28, p = .280 |
| R2, R2 change | .13, .13 | .15, .01 |
| Outcome: Intention to get vaccinated | ||
| COVID‐19 conspiracy belief | −.49*** (.10) [−.68, −.30] | −.41*** (.10) [−.62, −.22] |
| Analytical thinking | .00 (.04) [−.07, .08] | −.00 (.04) [−.07, .07] |
| Trust in government | .37*** (.10) [.18, .56] | .33** (.10) [.13, .53] |
| Ethnic minority | −.53** (.18) [−.88, −.18] | |
| BBC news | .13 (.18) [−.23, .49] | |
| Conservative | .05 (.18) [−.40, .29] | |
| Model summary | ||
| F change (df) | (3, 367) = 18.35, p < .001 | (3, 364) = 1.28, p = .024 |
| R2, R2 change | .12, .03 | .14, .02 |
| Outcome: Spreading COVID misinformation | ||
| COVID‐19 conspiracy belief | .52*** (.06) [.41, .62] | .48*** (.06) [.36, .59] |
| Analytical thinking | −.04 (.02) [−.08, .01] | −.03 (.02) [−.07, .01] |
| Trust in government | .02 (.05) [−.09, .13] | .03 (.06) [−.09, .14] |
| Ethnic minority | .11 (.10) [−.09, .31] | |
| BBC news | −.29 (.10)** [−.49, −.08] | |
| Conservative | .04 (.10) [−.16, .23] | |
| Model summary | ||
| F change (df) | (3, 367) = 2.11, p < .001 | (4, 364) = 3.92, p = .027 |
| R2, R2 change | .25, .25 | .27, .02 |
* p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001. Sociodemographic variables that had statistically significant correlations with conspiracy theory beliefs (p < .05) were included in the model.