Twist in Perception: Spiritual Needs and Technology in the Times of COVID-19. A Qualitative Research Study in the Czech Republic

Abstract

The covid-19 pandemic caused a significant change in how active members of Christian churches in the Czech Republic perceive and use technology to address their religious needs. Physical presence in worship, sacred spaces, and communities used to be almost the sole means of religious practice of Czech Christian believers before the pandemic. Technologically mediated services suddenly became the almost exclusive medium of content distribution (worships, readings, sermons, prayers), contact, and communication among believers. This study aims to understand the diversity of technology perception of Christian believers active in official Christian churches in the Czech Republic in their religious practice in respect of various technologically transmitted religious services before and during the covid-19 pandemic with potential impact on post-pandemic times. The qualitative research method of in-depth semi-structured interviews with 117 Czech Christian believers and 16 clergy representatives, all active in official Christian churches in the Czech Republic, and data gathering method (3 age cohorts in data collection team, 6 churches, and 8 regions) aim to map in complexity the evolution of their perceptions. The research took place from March–April 2021. Research outcomes show the breadth of the perception of the technologically mediated religious services during the pandemic. Unexpected exposure to technologies made many Christian believers re-evaluate how they perceive the role and contribution of new technologies to their spiritual lives. The findings help predict changes in the use of technology in Czech Christian faith communities. Understanding the diversity of perceptions may help churches establish communication strategies that reflect the current needs of their believers.

Introduction

It is like clapping at a flock of pigeons. Everything takes off, and you do not know how everything will be put back together when the situation settles down again.

—Research participant, pastor, Czechoslovak Hussite Church

Baker et al. (2020) describe the COVID-19 global pandemic as a historical moment that transforms the religious landscape (p. 357). The reverberations of the pandemic may have a long-term effect on the way believers practice their faith. The effects of anti-pandemic restrictions on active Christian believers in the Czech Republic (hereafter just ‘believers’) were utterly unprecedented.

Shortly before Easter 2020, for the first time in modern history, Christian churches were closed entirely and social distancing rules were put in place. The situation initially seemed temporary but then lasted for more than a year. The scope of anti-pandemic measures changed throughout 2020 and 2021. The churches were not completely closed all the time. Nevertheless, access to both sacred spaces and worship, spiritual services, and sacraments was significantly limited in the long term. This represented a massive challenge for both believers and church clergy. Information technology became the primary tool that both sides used to address the situation.

Before the pandemic, most Czech churches perceived communication with believers via technology as an additional but by no means critical information channel. An online presence was rather a public advertisement —a ‘front door to their church’ (Lewis, 2020, p. 64). COVID-19 caused a real revolution in terms of ‘supply and demand’ for spiritual topics in the Czech language in the virtual space and in terms of the perception and awareness of the benefits and limitations of technology for believers and the clergy.

We expect that the potential of technology, once discovered and experienced, will not disappear with the end of the pandemic. We assume that the way believers use technology to meet their spiritual needs will transform again after the pandemic. The return to the physical world with direct interpersonal contact and presence in sacred spaces will be accompanied by the lasting knowledge and experience transferred from the time of the pandemic regarding how technologies may assist and complement traditional offline practices. The newly discovered added value of technologically transmitted religious services may lead to new expectations and demands for such services by believers post-pandemic. The use of technologically mediated religious services may be less than it was during the pandemic. However, the expectations of believers related to the breadth and quality of virtually transmitted religious services provided by their churches may be much higher compared to pre-pandemic times. We expect a steady and long-term demand for virtual religious content on the part of specific groups of believers in various life situations (mothers with little children, the elderly, distant members of faith communities, the ill, and the disabled).

Churches worldwide should have an in-depth understanding of the impacts of the pandemic on the expectations and behaviour of their believers in relation to the role that technologies play in their religious lives. The expectations and perceptions of believers may vary among different communities, cultures, regions, or age groups. The Czech Republic represents a specific religious environment, both in Europe and on the global scale (Hamplová & Řeháková, 2010; Lužný & Navrátilová, 2001; Nešpor, 2018). In its research on atheism and agnosticism in Central Europe in 2017, the Pew Research Center listed the Czech Republic as the country with the fewest citizens declaring faith in God (Evans, 2017). The level of distrust toward traditional religious institutions, especially large Christian churches, is high and widespread among the Czech population (Hamplová & Řeháková, 2010; Váně, 2015). According to the state census, the largest Czech Christian churches have faced a significant decline in the number of believers who declare a church affiliation in recent decades (Czech Statistical Office, 2011). According to the first available information set of the last census completed by the Czech Statistical Office in 2021 (Czech Statistical Office, 2021), the number of believers voluntarily declaring their affiliation with an official denomination has declined further.

In this environment, every person of faith truly matters—not only from the theological perspective but also from the standpoint of the social significance of churches in Czech society. Czech churches need to understand thoroughly the communication patterns, needs, behaviours, and preferences of their believers in general and in relation to information technologies so that they may develop strategies that strengthen their ties with their members and meet their needs, thus enhancing their loyalty and sense of belonging. In the years to come, just like any other institution, churches will have to face the challenge of innovating, balancing, and complementing novel technological and traditional ways of addressing the religious needs of their believers. Thus, a new ‘standard’ will emerge that may have far-reaching implications for all individual believers, the communities of faith, and the churches themselves. This study seeks to be the first step in mapping the perceptions and preferences of Czech Christian believers in relation to technologically transmitted religious services.

Theoretical background

The research on the mutual interaction between the digital world and religion has been a focus of scholars for several decades (e.g. Campbell, 2005, 2010, 2013; Cheong, 2011; Helland, 2002, 2013; Hutchings, 2014; Lundby, 2013). The main research focus shifted in recent decades (Campbell, 2013; Grieve, 2013). Initially, the primary topic was the transfer of traditional religious practices into digital form (‘religion online’) (Helland, 2007). Later, an in-depth analysis of the fundamental transformation of underlying concepts in the context of online media became the primary research interest. This study builds on the body of knowledge gained in the research on religious authority online and its impact on online and offline communication (Cheong, 2011; Cheong et al., 2011; Turner, 2007), religious communities online and their construction and practice within a new media landscape (Blanchard & Markus, 2004; Campbell, 2005; Campbell & Vitullo, 2016; Helland, 2007; Lewis, 2020; Tan, 2020, 2021), online rituals (Heidbrink et al., 2011), and the perceived authenticity of online religious practice (Pace, 2004; Radde-Antweiler, 2013; Zsupan-Jerome, 2020).

Until the COVID-19 pandemic, there was a significant ‘disconnect’ between research and practice (Dyer, 2020). Churches did not have sufficient reason to question their existing practices until the unprecedented pandemic situation forced them to move online (Dyer, 2020). ‘… The new reality has brought the practices and traditions of the Christian church crashing into the digital world in both established and novel ways’ (Garner, 2020, p. 55). The research into the impacts of the sudden shift on churches, pastors and priests, and faith communities is underway (Campbell & Shepherd, 2021; Campbell, 2020, 2021a, 2021b). The newly discovered potential of technologically mediated religion is expected ‘to have a long-lasting effect’ (Thumma, 2020, p. 85) and is encouraging researchers to reflect on new psychological, social, theological, and ecclesiological aspects of the relationship between the churches and the digital environment (Sbardelotto, 2020). So far, no independent, in-depth empirical studies of this topic have been completed on the Czech population.

Purpose

This research is based on the approach of phenomenological sociology. It builds upon Schütz’s (1970) approach and interprets the observed phenomena from the point of view of respondents’ unique subjective meaning and significance. The study aims at gaining a comprehensive insight into the respondents’ perceptions of the use of information technology in their spiritual life during the COVID-19 pandemic and their potential attitude toward technologically mediated religious services in post-pandemic times. The study mainly focuses on the perceptions of online religious rituals, faith community activities, and the overall perceived authenticity of religious practice during the pandemic.

This study uses the qualitative research approach. The chosen data-gathering method was in-depth semistructured interviews. Emphasis is placed exclusively on capturing the broadest possible range of views and approaches of practising believers to the research topic. This goal is reflected by the number of respondents, the data collection method, and the scope, depth, and length of individual interviews. Respondents were selected for the study by convenience sampling and subsequent snowballing methods. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and analyzed with the two-cycle coding method (Miles et al., 2013; see also the Method section).

The chosen research method does not justify any conclusions that could be generalized to the entire population of practising Christians in the Czech Republic. This study does, however, represent a unique endeavour that offers Czech clergy a more complex perspective than random or individual feedback from their local believers. The aim of the study is in no way an evaluation of churches, parishes, or congregations concerning how they approached the use of technology during the pandemic. The study results are intended to contribute to a deeper understanding of technologically mediated religious innovation in religious practice (Baker et al., 2020; Campbell & Shepherd, 2021), with emphasis on the needs and perceptions of the final beneficiaries. The findings help us hypothesise regarding long-term changes in the perception of technology in the spiritual life of practising believers in the Czech Republic after the COVID-19 pandemic. They may also help clergy representatives prepare for their future online presence (Oliver et al., 2020). The study aims to contribute to the body of knowledge on the complex relationship between digital technology and contemporary religion (Campbell, 2013).

Method

For the study, a qualitative research method of in-depth semistructured interviews was chosen. The pilot verification took place on a sample of 20 respondents in November 2020. The final version of the semistructured interviews reflected feedback from the pilot research and the subsequent waves of the pandemic.

The research questions covered the following topics:

1. sociodemographic questions (age, gender, region, church affiliation plus respondent’s self-assessment as an active practising believer),

2. pre-pandemic situation: scope, use, and perception of technology in the respondent’s spiritual life before the pandemic;

3. the situation during the pandemic: the range of spiritual services and ceremonies followed by the respondent during the pandemic and their perception of technologically mediated forms of interaction from the perspective of personal spiritual life and community;

4. the respondent’s perception of the approach of their local religious community/church, including differences in the individual pandemic waves from spring 2020 to spring 2021; and

5. changes in the respondent’s perceptions of the benefits and limitations of technologically mediated religious services and the expected forms of their integration in the personal spiritual life of the respondent after the end of the pandemic.

The interviews took place in private on the Zoom platform from March through April 2021. The average length of the interviews was 32 min. Most of the questions were open; some proposed a selection of possible responses with the opportunity for the respondent to add their own variant. In their answers, respondents could also decide on the level of detail of their answers – thus providing space for in-depth sharing and privacy. The numeric outcomes of the research therefore vary in total numbers.

Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and then analyzed. The identification numbers of respondents, as used further in the text were randomly assigned. The two-cycle coding method (Miles et al., 2013) was applied for the qualitative analysis. In the first coding cycle of the analysis, the pre-defined interview structure represented the backbone for coding and summarizing content from all the participants. The second coding cycle created a more nuanced coding structure that expresses subtle qualities (approaches, evaluations, judgements) and/or scales (e.g. welcoming/neutral/refusing, advantages/limits/obstacles). The final representation of research outcomes, therefore, follows the same pattern. Throughout the analysis, some of the most interesting quotations were marked to provide authentic expressions of the research participants where possible. Due to the extensive data gathered throughout the research, a suitable software tool needed to be used. The f4analyse software for qualitative data analysis (available through our university) was used.

Research participants

Respondents were selected for the study by convenience sampling and subsequent snowballing methods. There were 117 research participants – active believers who represented the target group of the study. Additionally, interviews were held with 16 priests and pastors from respondents’ churches. The input from clergy was aimed at gaining additional insight from the ‘content providers’ with respect to the feedback of their beneficiaries. In the presentation of study outcomes, the insights of priests and pastors are presented where appropriate. Six persons from three age cohorts (interviewers in their early 20 s, 30 s, and late 40 s) participated in the data collection in order to establish close contact with the research participants. When addressing potential respondents, particular emphasis was put on diversity in terms of (a) respondents’ church affiliation, (b) region where they practiced their faith, (c) gender, and (d) age. Believers and clergy from the following churches took part in the research: (a) the Roman Catholic Church, (b) the Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren, (c) the Evangelical Brethren Church, (d) the Czech Apostolic Church, (e) the Evangelical Lutheran Church of the Augsburg Confession, and (f) the Czechoslovak Hussite Church.

Religiosity and the way in which it is experienced differs in each region of the Czech Republic (Havlíček & Klingorová, 2021; Havlíček et al., 2009). Particular emphasis was put on the representation of different regions among the research participants. Respondents practiced their faith in the following regions of the Czech Republic: (a) Prague, (b) the Central Bohemia region, (c) the Vysočina region, (d) the Moravia-Silesia region, (e) the South Moravia region, (f) the Plzeň region, (g) the South Bohemia region, and (h) the Ústí region. Thirty-seven respondents had been practising their faith simultaneously in two regions in the long term for work or study reasons. Among the respondents, 63% were women and 37% were men. All participants were at least 18 years of age. The total number of research participants (active believers) was 117. The number of participants in individual age groups was 4 in the age group 18–39, 41 in the age group 40–59, and 32 in the age group 60–75.

Ethical approval

The research participants were informed about the aim of the research and gave their explicit verbal consent to participate. Their consent was recorded prior to interview commencement. Respondents’ answers were transcribed, anonymized, and treated as confidential. Respondents had the opportunity to not answer any question, end the interview at any time, or withdraw from participating in the research altogether.

Limitations to the study

Despite the breadth of the respondents’ demographics in terms of age, sex, location, and denomination, the sample serves the purposes of a qualitative study. It is neither representative nor balanced. Thus, the research outcomes may not be generalized to the whole population of Czech Christian believers active in churches. The research also focused on those believers who (a) declared their affiliation with some of the official Christian churches registered in the Czech Republic, (b) perceived themselves as actively practicing, and (c) were between the ages of 18 and 75. The presented insights can, therefore, only be interpreted in relation to the target group.

Results

The research findings are categorized in line with the original interview design. The backbone structure is the chronological order (the pre-pandemic situation, perceptions during the pandemic, and assumed future post-pandemic development). In each of these blocks, findings are further organized based on the outcomes of the second-tier analysis (as described in the Method section). Results were therefore grouped by summarized similarity in terms of interviewees’ approach, judgment, or scale. Quotations represent the respondents’ most common or – in contrast – their unique statements. The multifaceted diversity of the research participants (church affiliation, age, region, gender) resulted in a large spectrum of responses on each topic. Some perceptions and evaluations were more common, whereas others were rather rare or even isolated. All are equally valuable to the research goal of mapping the breadth of perceptions. However, to reflect these proportions in presenting the research findings, numeric expressions provide an additional piece of information to the reader. In no way should these numbers be perceived as either the outcome of quantitative research or the representativeness of the research.

Pre-pandemic situation

In the pre-COVID period, most respondents (96 out of 117) limited their use of technology in relation to their religious life to searches for practical information (e.g. the time and place of worship during holidays, business trips, periods living away from home as a student). These respondents sought information from the central websites of individual churches, parishes, and congregations. Some respondents mentioned that the information was sometimes outdated or contradictory on various websites. In such cases, they preferred to check its timeliness by contacting the relevant clergyperson directly. One respondent claimed:

I know there is a database of available on the archdiocese web. I have used it several times. But once, during the Easter holidays, when we were out of Prague, the information was outdated. We had to wait and re-arrange everything on the run as the Masses did not take place as written on that website. But that was already several years ago. (respondent 27, Roman Catholic church)

One hundred and nine respondents mentioned that their parish or congregation already had a website in the pre-COVID period; fewer had a Facebook profile. However, respondents considered these platforms additional information sources. The presence on the Web or Facebook aimed to represent the parish externally. ‘We did have a website. Probably even Facebook. But it was mostly for people out of the community. Information to let them know that we are here’ (respondent 33, Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren).

In all communities, the main communication channels for the parishioners were oral announcements after worship services and community gatherings or a printed newsletter available in the church. Nevertheless, there were individual parishes and churches in which respondents reported a much broader use of information technology already in the pre-COVID period – not only as a means of communicating practicalities but also as a spiritually significant information source along with access to recorded worships or sermons (e.g. the Church of the Brethren). ‘I think we have had worship online already before COVID. Our church is very progressive about the use of technology. I don’t think it was just our community. I think all of the communities in our church had that’ (respondent 111, Evangelical Brethren Church).

Seventy-eight out of 117 respondents had already worked with spiritual texts in electronic form or had used various applications in the pre-COVID period. The primary resources were the Bible, the Missal, the Breviary, and a songbook or other specialized application such as Word of the Day or iZidoor.

The most appreciated attributes of these tools were their (a) ready availability at any time during respondents’ daily trips to or from work or school and (b) convenience during long trips away from home (not only business/study stays but also during spiritual retreats or seminars) without the need to transport the physical media. Users also appreciated (c) the ease of searching for information, (d) links between related parts of texts, (e) personalized study plans, and (f) listening to audio (with support of text-to-speech applications) at bedtime (eliminating the need to strain tired eyes by reading from a book or screen before sleep). Twenty-six respondents also used digital applications during community meetings (Bible studies, gatherings of mothers and children, meditations on Gospel readings) and even during worship. Particularly popular digital resources were songbooks. Other respondents preferred using the traditional printed songbooks available in churches. Some respondents found digital songbooks either intimate, hygienic, or socially appropriate. Several respondents declared their initial or even lasting sense of ‘inappropriateness when looking at the phone’ during worship, and two respondents eventually abandoned the use of cell phones on these occasions.

Among the research participants, 53 individuals were in some way actively organizing programs and events in their communities. Before the pandemic, 16 respondents used Internet resources for inspiration when working with groups entrusted to them (children, youth, catechists, fiancés). ‘I have been working with kids in the church for many years. Throughout this time, it has become quite difficult to keep the program appealing and innovative. On the web, I can easily find inspiration and material to use’ (respondent 62, Evangelical Brethren Church).

One widespread way of using information technology in pre-COVID times, especially among the youngest group of respondents, was for communication in the planning and preparing of community activities. Among youth, social networks were the most mentioned tool. ‘Yes, in recent years we have used mobiles, chats, and social media for mutual communication with other people in the community. Just like with everyone else. Just to get ourselves organized and stuff’ (respondent 95, Evangelical Lutheran Church of the Augsburg Confession). Respondents in the age groups 40–59 and 60–75 used to prefer email, SMS, or telephone to communicate with others. Rarely, respondents used the Internet to listen to lectures or sermons on various spiritual topics. Those interested in these topics considered the supply of available resources limited in terms of breadth and diversity in the pre-COVID period, particularly in the Czech language. Lack of adequate competency in foreign languages made it impossible for some to follow foreign priests or pastors. Some tried to overcome language obstacles with automatic translation, with varying levels of satisfaction.

Very few respondents actively searched the Internet for answers to questions about the creeds or life of their churches. ‘I didn’t seek information on faith as such. When I wanted to know something, I asked the priest directly’ (respondent 109, Roman Catholic Church). Twenty-six respondents mentioned that they receive such information passively, based on the settings of their accounts on social networks. Respondents proceeded further to the original information source if the initial information was sufficiently attractive. ‘I don’t seek for it, but it comes automatically to me as an offer on the social network. When the title catches my attention, I read it. But not always. And it’s not systematic’ (respondent 48, Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren).

However, spiritual music was already quite popular among respondents in pre-pandemic times. The preferred platform for both lectures and music was YouTube, with Spotify almost exclusively the preferred platform of the youngest generation.

In the pre-COVID period, only three respondents had experience with online worship. If it was necessary, they preferred to follow services on the Czech Television Noe or via Radio Proglas. ‘Now, we are used to technologically transmitted services because of COVID. But before... it would never occur to me to search for online worship. When I was sick or couldn’t attend the worship, I watched TV Noe or followed a mass on Proglas Radio’ (respondent 88, the Roman Catholic Church). None of the respondents participated in any online seminars or retreats. In general, the respondents characterized their pre-COVID relationship with technology as either purposefully limited to practical matters or a medium for communication with other members of their religious communities.

Changes during the COVID-19 pandemic

All 117 respondents agreed that the pandemic had caused a great upheaval; it had exposed believers to the need to transform their usual way of practicing the faith and forced parishes to seek alternative ways of communicating and working with their believers. ‘Everything has changed. It was unprecedented and unexpected’ (respondent 59, Czech Apostolic Church). Shortly before Easter – the most important Christian holiday – the unexpected closure of all the churches in the spring of 2020 provoked a fast reaction. The use of information technology suddenly became the dominant means of dealing with the situation. ‘In the beginning, it was so weird. Technology was the only tool left in the beginning of the pandemic’ (respondent 22, Roman Catholic Church).

Research respondents expressed a wide variety of views on the transfer to technologically transmitted religious services. We were able to identify three major attitudes: rejecting, accepting with hesitation, and welcoming. A special dynamic was the approach of the youngest generation of the respondents.

At one end of the spectrum were those (14 out of 117) who ruled out the use of technology as a tool for their spiritual practice. They diligently, and often successfully, sought other ways to fulfill their spiritual needs according to the current state of anti-pandemic measures (e.g. personal/family worship and prayer, participation in services in smaller groups to which they, as active members of their communities, had access, often receiving the Holy Communion at their parish or confessing in outdoors spaces or a car). ‘No, using technology was not an option for me. I ruled that out immediately’ (respondent 36, Roman Catholic Church). These respondents included opponents of technology as such and those who just could not imagine using technology in their spiritual life as well as respondents who perceived the pandemic as insignificant in comparison to the ‘importance of celebration of God in regular worship’ (e.g. respondent 93, Roman Catholic Church, declared, ‘Perhaps some are more afraid of a pandemic than of God’).

Among those accepting with hesitation were individuals who welcomed the alternative and tried to find their way around the explosively expanding offerings of spiritual programs on the Internet but struggled with technological or psychological difficulties (84 out of 117). They searched for programs that would be the most beneficial for their personal spiritual life, including a ‘pleasant experience’. Their perception of online religious services often changed over time during the pandemic. Programs or services that initially seemed ‘strange’ to some gradually became ‘natural’ or ‘common’ and even ‘appreciated’ and ‘authentic’ (e.g. online worship, online prayers and meditations, spiritual sharing within faith communities). Respondents that welcomed the new, technologically mediated religious services included those who identified themselves as introverts and individuals who perceived their presence in larger groups as unpleasant. Surprisingly, it also included older respondents who felt forced by the current situation to overcome their initial fear of using technology. ‘It forced me to learn how to use the technology. My kids initially had to set it up for me, but now I am independent’ (respondent 14, Czechoslovak Hussite Church). These respondents lost during the COVID pandemic their primary form of social contact with the parish community, which was their primary social group. They were suddenly unable to attend worship, help out inside the church, or participate in meetings of elderly parishioners. Their need to maintain social contact became for some elderly respondents the agent of change, leading them to experiment with technology beyond the use of email or news servers.

The welcoming attitude was held by respondents who, from the beginning, quickly entered the new reality and, without much difficulty, began to automatically use the subjectively optimal method of access to the spiritual services newly available on the internet (19 out of 117). ‘It was easy for me. I use technology for school and at work, so I just extended the use to my religious needs’ (respondent 51, Roman Catholic Church). Their ‘consumption’ of spiritual content varied in intensity and frequency and was often combined with offline, personal religious activities. One pastor of the Evangelical Brethren Church stated,

Some of our members consume now more spiritual content than before the pandemic. It’s not rare that they attend several worships a week, listen to lectures by different speakers, and so on. . . . But it’s true that our community is quite special. It’s full of highly educated, successful middle-aged people who have the interest, ability, and means to do so.

These respondents declared enthusiasm for new possibilities. The assumption that these respondents would include mainly the youngest respondents was not verified. The welcoming attitude resonated strongly among the middle generation, who commonly used technology in their work and personal lives. Their previous limited use of technology for spiritual purposes was due to limited offerings from churches or parishes. ‘The amount of content increased so much during the pandemic. I have suddenly such a choice of whom I want to follow and how’ (respondent 98, Evangelical Brethren Church).

The approach of the youngest generation of respondents reflected a unique dynamic. These respondents did not have to overcome psychological, skill-related, or technological barriers and often claimed they were initially enthusiastic about religious activities online. Their approach changed during the later waves of COVID-19 as they became more ‘technologically oversaturated’. The change was due to the sharp increase in their time spent online in distance learning (or working). Some expressed a sense of physical resistance to spending more time online, even if they would have otherwise welcomed online meetings with their spiritual community. These respondents did not completely reject these contact and communication forms; they only declared an intensity shift throughout the course of the pandemic.

In the beginning, it was quite fun. Of course, for us, the use of technology is not an obstacle. . . . But now, I am already fed up with sitting the whole day in front of a screen. After so many hours at the computer following the lectures, I really don’t feel like spending more time online with youth from my parish. I really need to switch off. (respondent 103, Roman Catholic Church)

The most frequently used spiritual services mentioned by the respondents were (a) online worship – streamed and recorded (89 out of 117), (b) sermons, lectures, and retreats (45 out of 117), (c) online community gatherings (54 out of 117), (d) spiritual music (61 out of 117), and (e) practical church work (53 out of 117).

Online worship

Behavior related to and perceptions of online worship among research participants varied in (a) the initial filtering and selection mechanisms, (b) the perception of benefits (particularly by parents with children, and (c) the perception of traps and limitations.

Eighty-nine respondents followed online worship services with varying intensity. Respondents appreciated the possibility of participation, albeit in a nontraditional form. The boom in online worship created a space for greater parish permeability. Fifty-six respondents followed online services from other parishes at least once, often highlighting the opportunity to ‘look back’ into parishes or churches they had moved away from, those of their relatives or friends, places of pilgrimage, or localities where their favorite or famous clergy preached. They described this as a benefit, not only because of the opportunity to hear a specific cleric but also to experience a specific, often distant sacral space and/or community (e.g. to see acquaintances and relatives). ‘I love that I can attend the worship in my hometown. It’s cool to see the place and people’ (respondent 20, Czechoslovak Hussite Church). Respondents who followed online worship in their parish or congregation appreciated the opportunity to ‘stay at home’. In some denominations, online ‘churchwide’ worship services were held, either on important holidays or regularly, for example, once a month, to replace the worship of individual communities. In these cases, the respondents perceived greater churchwide belonging and interconnectedness, which they had previously felt only very marginally. The web portals of churches played a crucial role in this. They made it possible to search for all online worships filtered by time, region, and congregation or parish. Most respondents highlighted these portals as their primary source of information, especially for initial orientation in the first phase of the pandemic. During the pandemic, their choice became fixed and they almost always followed the same circle of parishes and congregations. In some families, the choice alternated according to the preferences of individual family members.

Another selection factor was the recommendations of relatives and friends. An important finding of the research was the statement of 18 of the respondents that the sharp increase in the offer of online worship and sermons enabled them to find and monitor for a long time those religious leaders who ‘speak to them in a comprehensible language’ – in a way that resonated with their spiritual make-up and that they considered stimulating for their personal spiritual growth. ‘I have found new priests that are so interesting. I love the way they preach. It really speaks to me’ (respondent 100, Roman Catholic Church). Among the priests and pastors who were the most watched were well-known clerics (e.g. T. Halík, M. O. Vácha, L. Heryán, Pastoral Brothers). In addition, clergypersons appeared who newly gained the attention of believers during the pandemic through their online presence and personal recommendations among friends and acquaintances. Some respondents stated that the availability of online worship recordings/sermons led them to listen to more sermons or speeches per week than they had before the pandemic. Respondents generally showed a high degree of loyalty to the church of their affiliation (78 out of 89). Some also participated in the worship of other churches – mostly congregations or parishes attended by their friends and relatives (11 out of 89).

Mothers with several children expressed a considerable degree of enthusiasm for the possibility of participating in online worship. Four mothers described their participation in traditional worship as a partially stressful experience in which they primarily cared for their children. Sometimes the situation persisted for many years depending on the number of children in the family. Women expressed a long-term lack of ability to concentrate on their own ‘spiritual dive’. Mothers and fathers alike appreciated the opportunity to attend online worship at a time when their family responsibilities allowed it. ‘It’s so cool that I can participate in a Mass when the kids go to sleep. It really is my private, spiritual time when I can be immersed and focused.... And I don’t have to ask anyone for babysitting. It’s really refreshing’ (respondent 70, Roman Catholic Church). Mothers considered this ‘a refreshing boost in [their] personal spiritual life’. As one respondent stated, ‘I can finally really calm down, concentrate, and be fully present in the worship’.

Research participants were not consistent in their evaluation of the participation of children in online worship. While some respondents stated that children behaved with more discipline in the sacral space, others perceived children’s behaviour at home as more focused. The children were also less disturbed by other children (apart from their siblings). Some respondents stated that family participation in online worship created space for more discussion between kids and their parents – on readings, worship, or other spiritual topics –without disturbing anyone else.

[After attending online worship] . . . we have more discussion with the kids about what is going on [in the worship]. We also discuss the readings more. That is different when we are physically present in the worship. There, we get distracted by other stuff after the Mass and we don’t usually return to that again.’ (respondent 39, Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren)

In general, parents agreed that measures had to be taken in advance to prepare the kids for the online worship – to calm them down by dressing them up decently or starting with a short silence before the worship.

Eighteen respondents addressed the pitfalls of participation in online worship. The convenience of access to online worship allows followers to ‘get up at the last minute’, ‘watch worship in their pyjamas’, ‘run and do other things’ (cooking, cleaning), and ‘get distracted by their cell phone’. Respondents stated that during the pandemic’s early stages, they realized the need for higher self-discipline. Without self-discipline, these respondents considered a valuable, authentic worship experience impossible. Perceived limitations of online worship included the lack of physical presence at worship combined with the lack of the sensory experience of space and community. Some respondents described their experience with online worship as detached (‘it is like watching a banquet’). Some were disturbed by the behaviour of other family members with whom they followed the worship.

Some believers expressed astonishment at their church’s great emphasis on the technologically transmitted form of alternative practice. In their point of view, other possibilities – especially the support of domestic worship and inner spiritual life – were not as significantly supported. ‘It’s interesting that so much stress was put on the technological transmission and communication. And so much less on inner, individual, or family spirituality. I would have expected and appreciated that more’ (respondent 25, Roman Catholic Church). These views were predominantly expressed by believers who had emphasized personal silent prayer and meditation in their spiritual life before the pandemic. Fifty-eight respondents longed for the after-worship coffee meetings with other parishioners, which had given them a strong sense of community belonging. ‘We miss the coffee after the worship! And the sense of “togetherness” that comes with it’ (respondent 113, Czechoslovak Hussite Church).

Sermons, lectures, and retreats

The undeniable benefits of the COVID-19 pandemic include an increase in the offering of available sermons and lectures on spiritual topics in the Czech language in print, audio, and video forms on various platforms (YouTube, Spotify, websites, and spiritual blogs). Respondents across age categories and church affiliations valued highly online lectures, sermons, and spiritual retreats in the Czech language. Some expressed appreciation of this online content more than online worship.

There is so much more material available online now. So many possibilities. As if the churches due to COVID finally woke up fully into the technological era. (respondent no. 98, the Evangelical Brethren Church).

I find it really interesting. It’s a good outcome of COVID that more spiritual leaders became more active in the online world. (respondent 47, Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren)

Following foreign spiritual leaders was still relatively rare. Nevertheless, several respondents followed Pope Francis, the Archbishop of Cologne, or other clergy representatives from partner parishes or congregations in the US or UK during the pandemic. One respondent expressed joy over the possibility of being in touch with a pastor she had met during her studies abroad (respondent 5, Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren). Eighteen respondents declared that they had used such resources during the pandemic and found spiritual leaders who addressed them and ‘fed their hunger’ for spiritual topics in formats that they found subjectively enriching. This represents a vast qualitative shift compared to the pre-pandemic period, when respondents felt dependent on sermons and lectures by geographically available clergy. Again, the mothers expressed joy over the possibility of their spiritual development in a suitable time and format without any additional burden on their families.

In contrast to online worship, in the case of online sermons and lectures, respondents showed much less loyalty to the churches of their affiliation and, to a greater extent, followed clergy from other churches. Respondents saw a fundamental contribution to the variety, novelty, and depth of ideas presented by the diverse clergy representatives. During the pandemic, respondents also mentioned discovering the magic of briefer formats, such as the shorter spiritual reflections (5–10 min), which some priests and pastors published in audio or video formats (ir)regularly on YouTube or posted on their websites in a shorter text format. ‘I like the short formats that our priest started doing during the pandemic. It’s quite brief, 10 min or so, but it expands some thought. It’s a nice spiritual ‘reminder’ during the week’ (respondent 71, Roman Catholic Church). The Pastoral Brothers, the ‘Czech spiritual YouTubers’, have a specific position in spreading spiritual ideas to youths (teenagers) irrespective of church affiliation. Interestingly, several adult respondents mentioned the perceived need to check this source in advance (in their children’s presence or without their children’s participation) before allow their children to follow it.

Community communication and online gatherings

All research participants agreed that their spiritual life was significantly formed and influenced by the community of fellow believers. For some communities, the pandemic was the final incentive for the often long-postponed updating of contact information on individual members of the community.

It was a great incentive for our parish to update the contact list of our parishioners. We had wanted to do that for a long time, but with COVID, it had to be done quickly. We really tried to keep in touch with everyone. . . . My nightmare is that we might have forgotten someone. But we really did our best to extend the communication channels so that no one – irrespective of age – is left out. (respondent 82, Roman Catholic Church).

Intra-community communication was organized by either the clergy or the community members themselves. The communication could be either informal or topic-oriented (online gatherings like Bible studies or prayer groups). Informal groups were spontaneously created by believers as a form of rapid communication about individual members’ lives and events, as a source of encouragement and mutual support (including calls for prayer for those in need), and for the overall maintenance of the sense of interconnectedness. For these purposes, WhatsApp and Facebook groups were often mentioned as preferred platforms. Respondents mostly expressed a preference for using these applications only in groups with the narrowest circle of participants. They perceived instant communication in larger groups (e.g. all parish members) as disruptive and impersonal. In such cases, email was perceived as more appropriate.

There are more WhatsApp groups in our parish. Too large chat groups are annoying. For that purpose, email is better. But within the group (those singing in a choir), I think we became closer to each other during the pandemic. We shared our lives more instantly. We knew promptly for whom to pray. . . . And we shared jokes that kept the mood up. (respondent 83, Roman Catholic Church)

Most respondents appreciated the efforts of clergy who did their best to keep in touch with most of their believers. Most clergy, along with the most engaged members of churches and parishes, sought to maintain contact with those who, for whatever reason, did not have access to technology. They used telephone calls and the delivery of newsletters directly to households. Sometimes they even borrowed technological equipment and helped with its initial settings and use. Older members of communities especially appreciated such help. Surprisingly, some older believers declared that their devotion to pursuing their religious life was their primary incentive to find the courage to start using digital technologies. They stated that in the end it opened up for them brand-new horizons of how to be in contact with others from their local community. Some even got to know online new or previously unknown members of their church. A good example is the case of a woman who expressed joy over a common prayer to Infant Jesus with a Mexican Catholic who joined their session online. The laity contributed to the learning process of the elderly in the community immensely. In some cases, older types of technology perfectly served the purpose (e.g. one of the research participants organized a community of rosary prayers, which took place through a classic telephone conference call among five elderly members each evening – all of them expressing gratitude for the unique event in their restricted and otherwise lonely everyday lives under COVID).

Throughout the pandemic, many clergy representatives started to organize online community gatherings as a virtual form of traditional meetings such as Bible studies, common prayers, spiritual meditation, religious teaching, and marriage preparation. For topic-oriented online gatherings, Zoom and Skype were the most used. The choice of platform usually took place quite randomly in the early stages of the pandemic. Changes to the initial choice of platforms were rare, despite difficulties that subsequently appeared (e.g. Zoom is not offered in Czech, which posed problems to older believers who lack knowledge of the English language). In some cases, these gatherings took place in a hybrid way – an initial reflection of the clergyman/clergywoman and a prayer online followed by a joint but individually practiced prayer offline.

Responses to online community meetings ranged from utter rejection of the ‘unnatural form of contact’ to enthusiasm for sharing beyond previous forms of communication Some respondents noted that contact over social media or participation in Zoom meetings helped them overcome their lack of social contact. Several respondents stated that it led them to the development of deeper connections and a sense of belonging to the community than they had had in the pre-pandemic period. Most respondents were interested in joining exclusive communities they had already known personally in their offline pre-pandemic lives. Some respondents explicitly expressed concern and discomfort at the idea that they would join an online group with no previous personal ties. Interestingly, several respondents mentioned their willingness to overcome the discomfort of entering an unknown online community if their preferred type of meeting was no longer available in their home communities after the end of the pandemic. The decisive factor would be a recommendation or an invitation from relatives or friends.

I can’t imagine joining a group that I would not know from the offline world. But, if I get a recommendation from a friend on an online group with an interesting program and leadership, and my community does not provide that space, I would be willing to join.’ (respondent 42, Evangelical Brethren Church)

To summarize, the most frequently mentioned benefits of inter-community communication and gatherings were (a) maintaining contact during lockdown times, (b) mutual support in difficult times (sharing, prayer, humor), and (c) continuity and flexibility of contact (some respondents even mentioned that they were more aware of each other’s current life situation than ever before). The most significant perceived limitations were (a) the need to overcome the discomfort of ‘seeing yourself in the video’ and (b) limited privacy in small households with more family members. In such circumstances, talking openly about one’s problems was impossible; some respondents expressed concerns about ‘who is listening to their sharing on the other side of the screen’ (such issues were not found in groups with already established mutual trust), and (c) exclusion concern; respondents were often aware that communities were formed around established social ties. Regarding the latter, in mid-size to large communities of parishes and churches, the stratification of social ties according to mutual interests, age, gender, and degree of involvement in community activities is considerable. Integrating all individual community members is challenging in such an environment. Members at the outer boundaries of a group may easily be unintentionally excluded.

Sacred music

Sacred music represented for most respondents an important spiritual content, however difficult it is to precisely define its boundaries.

I love music. And I do listen to it a lot, mostly on Spotify. I like the songs of Taizé, for example. But how do you specify the boundaries of sacred music? Is Bach’s music sacred? It is certainly to me, but it might not be to others. What matters is the quality. How it resonates with your soul.’ (respondent 91, Roman Catholic Church)

Many research respondents were already listening to sacred music through technology in pre-pandemic times (see the Pre-pandemic section above). ‘Oh, sure, I use technology for sacred music. But that has not come with COVID. As I said before, I already followed my preferred performers on YouTube or Spotify before’ (respondent 113, Czechoslovak Hussite Church). Based on our respondents’ answers, we may conclude that a specific attribute of music is its permeability among denominations. While in other areas respondents expressed a relatively high degree of loyalty to their denomination, respondents listened to sacred music regardless of the denomination of the performer(s). For example, ‘Dejvice praises’ originated in a Roman Catholic parish but were also mentioned by non-Catholic respondents. It is fair to say that those who participate in Dejvice praises have become a broad ecumenical community in which the main task is joint praise of God via music. Another recurring example of popular sacred music among believers of all denominations was the songs of Taizé.

The respondents were unequivocal throughout the interviews in terms of the benefits that the use of technology brings them in relation to sacred music. At the same time, their statements were also relatively brief, leaving more space for further research. To summarize, research participants of all denominations expressed a strong interest in music. Music represented, for them, a popular and widespread means of affective expression and communication towards God. Technology enabled the believers to access content of superior quality. Quality, not the performers’ denomination, directed the respondents’ music-seeking behaviour.

Practical church work

The pandemic contributed to the widespread use of technology for the practical and operational activities of communities. Meetings of community councils moved to online platforms such as Zoom, Google Meet, and Skype. Respondents declared a profound interest in maintaining online communications on practical issues even after the pandemic. They found online contact more flexible in the context of their other duties and obligations.

For practical issues, it is just sooo helpful! People who are active in the community often have so much to do. When they have to spare extra time for personal attendance in meetings on practical issues in the community, it is sometimes exhausting. (respondent 82, Roman Catholic Church)

Some respondents expressed the desire to separate such meetings’ organizational and social sides. Social gatherings could occur face-to-face in different surroundings, time frames, and frequencies.

I would love to keep the online meetings on these issues after the pandemic. We can cover the social aspect of meeting on other, more suitable occasions, maybe during weekends, when there is more time. And we could enjoy the social more in such a way. (respondent 73, Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren)

The range of activities carried out online during the pandemic in parishes and churches was not limited to those mentioned above. The personal commitment, openness, and creativity of individuals were enormous. Less frequently mentioned but inspiring approaches included religious lectures for children in the form of videos with puppets, video greetings of parishioners, and video cuts incorporated into online worship (e.g. a priest with a herd of sheep in a rural mountain region of Beskydy), as well as broadcasts of christenings or funerals of key community members. In the spring of 2021, most parishes began to use remote registration for worship to secure their places of worship, adhering to the maximum number of participants under government regulations.

Overall evaluation by the respondents of the pandemic era

The speed of the adaptation and transition of churches generally pleasantly surprised 106 of the research respondents. ‘I was amazed by the speed with which the churches adjusted to the situation. They really adjusted so fast. I wouldn’t have expected that’ (respondent 117, Roman Catholic Church). They particularly appreciated the initiative, creativity, and help of the clergy. At the same time, they perceived profound differences among the individual parishes and clerics. The perceived differences may be split into two categories based on the perspective applied: (a) the human resources perspective (perceived agents of change, differences between the attitude of the church as such and an individual, local pastor or priest) and (b) the technological perspective related to the deployment of technologies.

In the human resources perspective, respondents from different denominations varied in what they perceived as the agent of change. Digital competency was not widespread among most of the clergy across denominations. Senior clergy members in particular were suddenly exposed to the need to adapt to unfamiliar technologies. New skills and broader, often more intergenerational, cooperation became crucial. Some respondents reflected on the new types of cooperation between clergy and laity. Respondents appreciated the more profound community diversity and cooperation towards a common goal.

I was surprised how well our pastor, who is not young anymore, fearlessly adapted to the technologies. He was the driving force, even though he had hardly had any experience with it before. Of course, he reached out for help to the younger generation, but that was good. It got them involved more than before, and I sensed they felt more appreciated and valuable to the community.’ (respondent 2, Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren)

However, Catholic respondents often attributed the main credit primarily to priests, whom they saw as the agents of change. Their answers suggest that priests had the final say on whether or how technology was implemented. In evangelical churches, respondents perceived the change primarily as a joint decision of the wider congregation and teamwork. We assume that this difference reflects that the way a community of faith negotiates technology is heavily influenced by their history, traditions, and authority structures (Campbell, 2010; Dyer, 2020).

Although the overall evaluation of respondents vis-à-vis the reaction of their churches was positive, eight respondents declared great disappointment in how local priests or pastors approached the situation. Research outcomes show that the main reason was a difference in the approach of the individual cleric to the pandemic. In these cases, the respondents’ assessment of the situation did not correspond with that of the clergy. Believers who considered the reactions to the pandemic ‘too frightened’ appreciated the clergy who proceeded to the very limit of anti-pandemic measures, perceiving such an approach as a sign of determination and devotion to God. ‘Our priest was amazing. He just “adjusted” the restrictions so that people could be in the church. There were more of us in church than was allowed. I think he is right. I think we should be more devoted to God than afraid of COVID’ (respondent 72, Roman Catholic Church).

Respondents with this opinion represented a significant minority among the research participants. One hundred and two respondents praised the clergy for showing ‘Christian empathy and responsibility towards neighbours’. Five respondents complained about their priest or pastor who ‘fell silent’ during the pandemic. In such parishes or congregations, all programs were canceled without substitutions, and the clergy hardly communicated with most of their parishioners or congregants. In these rare cases, dissatisfaction led the respondents to relocate to a different parish or church, where they planned to stay after the pandemic. Similarly, believers reacted to the clergy’s attitude towards using digital technologies. Those who agreed with their approach, and were thus satisfied, remained. The others tended to use other available online active parishes or congregations and clergy. ‘Our priest is not in favor of technologies. We have been following another priest who we know from one retreat’ (respondent 21, Roman Catholic Church). Sometimes, the change of parish or congregation was due to long-term dissatisfaction with the local cleric and the pandemic was the final incentive for the change.

In the technology perspective, fourteen out of sixteen clergy representatives participating in this research confirmed that the technological equipment of parishes and congregations had to be significantly upgraded at a fast pace (cameras, better internet connection, microphones, software). Individual communities mostly covered investments in technology from their local budgets. Horizontal cooperation (experiences, lessons learned) of parishes and congregations and of clergy was commonplace. The majority of research participants confirmed having perceived a significant increase in the quality of the outputs in terms of transmission, sound, and image during the individual waves of the pandemic.

You could see how the quality of the transmissions, video editing, and sound capture was improving throughout the pandemic. At the beginning of COVID, nobody really knew how to do it. The outcomes were somehow clumsy, although they were obviously doing all they could to help. . . . But in the latter phases of COVID, the quality improved a lot. (respondent 96, Evangelical Lutheran Church of the Augsburg Confession)

Post-pandemic prospects

The interviews took place between March and April 2021. Therefore, the final questions focused on the respondents’ ideas about using technology in their spiritual life after the end of the pandemic. All research participants agreed they missed physical experiences in worship, the community, and the sacred space. At the same time, they expressed concern that returning to the pre-pandemic state would no longer be possible. ‘I can’t wait to have the chance to return to the church after COVID is over. I am technologically oversaturated now. But there are things that I would like to keep even then if the churches continue to maintain and develop these services’ (respondent 1, Roman Catholic Church).

One hundred and eleven respondents claimed that the ‘COVID year’ transformed their spiritual life in many ways, some of which go beyond the scope of this research. At the same time, most of the respondents felt they were currently technologically oversaturated. After the pandemic subsided, they planned to resume the maximum use of all possibilities for physical participation in worship and personal meetings. Thirty-three respondents expressed fear that some members of their communities would not return to their pre-pandemic spiritual practices at all. Eighty-five respondents confirmed a shift in their perception of the use of technology in their religious lives. ‘My perception of the benefits of technology to my spiritual life has shifted. I realized that there is so much more available for me, which would have not crossed my mind before. But I hope I will not have to use it to such an extent as now’ (respondent 13, Evangelical Brethren Church).

Primarily, the breadth of possibilities that technology opened up has changed due to the availability and diversity of resources, access to distant spiritual authorities, and access to communities with which the respondents were not able to be in contact before – access to the ‘wider church’. Respondents expressed the hope that the clergy also gained a better understanding of the potential that technology was opening up for contemporary spirituality. They believed that the investments made by parishes and churches in technological equipment would continue to be used to provide technologically transmitted spiritual services in the future.

Ninety-seven respondents would appreciate further use of digital technologies for (a) personal spiritual development in terms of access to information resources, (b) the presentation of sermons and lectures on spiritual topics, (c) participation in courses so that distant individuals could participate, (d) the practical organization of work in parishes and churches, or (e) the presentation of parish and church activities to the public (overcoming the possible initial shyness of people outside of their communities).

Discussion

The research findings help us understand the palette of perceptions concerning technologically mediated religious services among active Czech Christian believers who declare an affiliation with one of the official Czech churches. We summarize that the COVID-19 pandemic caused an earthquake in the perception of the potential benefits and limitations that digital technologies may play in the religious lives of believers. Our research did not discover any new spiritual needs that emerged due to the pandemic. What changed was how people perceived technologies as a means to address their spiritual needs. Believers’ lived experience during the pandemic brought the following changes in the perception of technologically mediated religious services: (a) the scope of potential use, (b) benefits, (c) limitations, and (d) future challenges.

Scope of potential use

The scope of use of technologies for religious purposes expanded immensely throughout the pandemic as ‘the internet has become the go-to alternative for replacing traditional face-to-face worship’ (Campbell, 2020, p. 49). Before the pandemic, such technologies were mostly limited to a subset of activities like searching for practical information on worship, using applications like electronic Bible apps, listening to spiritual music, or communicating with fellow community members over social networks on organizational issues. Any activities beyond this list were rare and were limited to a subset of ‘early adopters’ among believers who could envisage the benefits, had a strong inner motivation, and possessed the technological equipment and digital or (due to the limited offering of content in the Czech language) even foreign language competencies.

The change took place in mutual interactions and synchronicity between the demand on the part of the believers and the supply on the part of the churches. Because technologically transmitted services were the only way to mutually relate, communicate, and celebrate in some phases of the pandemic, a critical mass of believers stepped out of their usual patterns of behaviour and entered the online world. The scope of religious services that were offered and sought online exploded and expanded. Offline worship, teaching, lectures, and community meetings moved online. As the COVID-19 pandemic continued, innovators among the clergy started experimenting with new formats. Good examples are shorter video or audio recordings with thoughts of the day, video greetings from community members, online prayer and meditation groups, and online retreats.

Perceptions of the newly emerging content varied among individual believers and specific types of religious services. Some believers immediately rejected technologically transmitted religious information. The perceptions of the online world by the majority started to evolve. Initial perceptions and feelings that ranged from ‘odd’, ‘weird’, ‘passive ‘, and ‘inauthentic’ changed over time for some believers to ‘familiar’ and ‘commonplace’ and then to ‘comfortable’, ‘focused’, ‘revealing’, and ‘enriching’. The lived experience naturally led to the discovery of the benefits and limitations that technologies could bring to the religious lives of believers.

Benefits

Research outcomes confirm the potential of ‘broader inclusivity’ (Lewis, 2020) of various subgroups as digital technologies may help reach out to those who, for any reason, struggle to pursue their spiritual paths. Some groups are evident at first glance: those who are ill, disabled, living in remote places, or working or studying far from their home communities. Research findings also present other, less apparent groups. Mothers with children (Lewis, 2020) desire to immerse themselves and enjoy their own spiritual life without distractions and at times and places that are suitable without the need to find babysitting. The most active community members welcome the flexibility and time savings as technology helps them in their struggle to manage their church, work, and family commitments. Moving practical parish meetings to hybrid or online meetings may offer significant relief and prevent burnout and loss of precious co-workers.

Another less obvious group of beneficiaries of technological innovation in churches may be community members who have difficulty finding common ground with their local clergy representatives. The lack of alignment may be caused by a different approach to digital technologies but also by differences in personality traits or communication styles. Their motivation to seek God in peace and understanding may flourish more when they can better relate to their spiritual leader. Online technology provides space for finding a clergy representative who ‘speaks the language of their soul’. They may find in the digital space new communities, connections, and support (Hutchings, 2020; Sbardelotto, 2020). Considering the Czech ‘individualized and privatized approach to religiosity’, we assume that digital communication channels may ‘expand the reach of a preacher’s message and reach new audiences’ (Hutchings, 2020, p. 61).

The abovementioned benefits directly address the needs of specific groups of believers. Research outcomes also show that believers perceive the potential benefits of technologically transmitted services to their broader sense of community. In line with previous research, as many community gatherings moved online, they realized new opportunities to connect and engage in the digital space (Lewis, 2020). The creation of new channels of communication may increase the intensity and frequency of contact among community members. Many research participants claimed that online communication made them more aware of the events and life courses of others in the community. Instantly shared fears, joys, and humour made their communities more intimate and supportive. Messaging and virtual meeting rooms became an add-on tool (and in total lockdown times, a replacement) to popular coffee times after the worship. Another benefit lies in the potential to strengthen ties by interconnecting church members and communities regardless of location, thus creating a stronger churchwide sense of sharing and unity.

To summarize, the main benefit brought by technologically transmitted religious services is twofold. On the one hand, the responsiveness to the specific needs and limitations of individual believers for whom the traditional, offline modus operandi represents a limitation is hard to overcome in today’s demanding world. On the other hand, digital technologies offer the potential to create a stronger sense of togetherness and oneness in the church by supporting stronger networking bonds.

Limitations

The limitations of digital technologies are often visible: the lack of a physical sense of the sacred space, the lack of direct physical contact with other community members, and the lack of touch and smell, plus detachment and viewing online worship as a pure spectacle on the screen. Research participants confirm that the online world may never replace the physical experience. We are made of flesh and blood. Believers value and cherish their physical presence in sacred spaces, interactions with other community members and clergy, and participation in sacraments. Technologically transmitted religious services may thus add to the traditional approaches, addressing the needs of believers in situations where circumstances may not allow otherwise. For churches, the limitation might be the human capacity to extend their services beyond the traditional domain when the situation returns to normal. The main challenges may be balancing and synchronizing the traditional and technological domain, spreading the workload, defining the priorities, building upon and profiting from the diverse qualities of their personnel in terms of skills and experience, and leveraging financial resources.

Future challenges

The research outcomes confirm our initial assumption that the future will be a hybrid environment enabling all believers to float between offline and online religious spaces, profiting from the advantages of both realms (Garner, 2021). It will be up to the churches to find ways to reflect this shift. During the pandemic, churches demonstrated the capacity to innovate and integrate technologies to serve their believers. This process has, however, only started. In the future, it will be necessary for churches to evaluate the lessons learned from the pandemic, analyze the impacts, and prepare strategies for how to innovate, balance, and complement novel technologies with traditional ways of addressing the religious needs of their believers. Reflection on and evaluation of the COVID-19 era may give a strong incentive to consider the ‘moral, spiritual, and communal challenges posed by the digital world’ (Williams-Duncan & Oliver, 2020, p. 89). This paper contributes to the pursuit of a thorough understanding of believers’ perceptions, needs, and behaviour patterns. We expect that believers’ perceptions will continue to develop and change as digital technologies are further integrated into our lives and as the younger generations – those most familiar with the technologies – grow older.

Our major recommendation to churches is to embrace the challenge and build upon what was achieved during the pandemic. The needs of believers who reject the online domain can be met in traditional ways. In the future, it is crucial to find suitable ways to approach the needs of those others who perceive technologically transmitted religious services as beneficial, enriching, or authentic. Technologically transmitted religious services may thus help churches to relate to all their members, strengthen their mutual relationships, and increase loyalty. The solution to the aforementioned limitations is a robust, thoroughly prepared communication strategy for people in the twenty-first century.

The integration of technologies into the religious domain has only started to evolve. The COVID-19 pandemic was a big incentive for this transformation. It made us realize that, just like any other domain of our lives, the religious sphere will be equally touched by technological innovations in the times to come. In the future, systematic, long-term monitoring and analysis of behavioural trends among believers of all faiths and cultures will be needed so that churches will be able to understand and wisely reflect the changing needs of their believers. An exciting domain for follow-up research would be perceptions of authenticity, authority, and community building in the online world. The impact of individual religiously transmitted services on diverse communities should be further tested and analyzed as the digital native generations become the majority among believers. Another research area would be the impact of technological innovations on the curricula of theological faculties and the education of lay people in churches. Case studies and experiences should be shared and capitalized on in the form of lessons learned and best practices.

Conclusion

The research outcomes show that the COVID-19 pandemic represented a significant incentive to the ‘metamorphosis of faith... in which new modalities of perception and expression of religious beliefs and practices begin to arise in the digital environment’ (Sbardelotto, 2016, p. 250). This revolutionary transformation has touched both the demand and supply sides. In the Czech context, it increased the offering of services in the Czech language and made them available to those lacking adequate foreign language skills. It also contributed to creating geographically broader and more individualized networks between clergy and their beneficiaries, partially loosening traditional local ties. Technology is now far less considered a supplementary, utilitarian, and reference means of communication and practice. It instead has become an additional platform with a comprehensive, relevant, and personalized range of programs and services that can reflect individual spiritual needs in specific life situations.

Research participants considered the churches’ reaction swift but also evolving throughout the waves of the pandemic. In the early phase of the pandemic, most expected the closure of sacred spaces to be brief and only temporary. Technologically transmitted religious services replaced traditional methods of worship. Most communities and spiritual leaders focused in the first pandemic wave on online worship (recorded or broadcasted). They often ‘began this pandemic technologically challenged’ (Thumma, 2020, p. 84) but were quick to acquire new equipment and technological skills for the transformation. Research participants confirmed having perceived technologically transmitted religious services as a helpful and valuable alternative to offline worship, particularly during the Easter period. Although some believers were aware of the ‘risk of transforming the rites into mere spectacles’, they also inadvertently started to perceive unexpected benefits of the technological transformation: accessibility to a wide range of resources, permeability of communities, a broader sense of church belonging, an increased need for self-discipline, and convenience.

In the latter waves of the pandemic, early-adopter communities started with online communication experiments to mediate a sense of community belonging (video greetings, online prayers, online gatherings). These activities became more widespread in the second pandemic wave starting in the autumn when it became clear that restrictive measures related to COVID-19 would stay in place much longer than initially expected. Many communities grasped new opportunities to connect and engage via digital means. Lay and clerics tried to face the danger of digital exclusion of elderly, technologically hesitant, or unequipped community members. The research outcomes show that the newly discovered digital environment also has provided space for more inclusivity of diverse groups of believers within respondents’ churches and parishes.

‘Acceptance in crisis is not the same as willing adoption in settled times’ (Thumma, 2020, p. 85). Nevertheless, once gained, awareness will not disappear once the pandemic has ended. All research participants expressed their longing for face-to-face meetings and worship. At the same time, most respondents predicted they would keep using technologically mediated religious services in the post-pandemic era (Zoom, Facebook, Instagram, Spotify, YouTube). Some technologically transmitted services (e.g. online worship) may decrease in significance (fewer followers and views), the number of providers, or frequency of production.

COVID-19 brought most Czech religious communities technologically into the twenty-first century. We are only now realizing how religion will look in the post-pandemic era (Campbell & Shepherd, 2021; Campbell, 2021b). Humans inhabit the digital world. Like elsewhere in the world, churches in the Czech Republic should ‘go and proclaim’ – take full advantage of digital media and establish a long-term strategy for their online presence while considering the long-term limits (theological, financial, human). This will require new skills of priests and pastors in terms of online communication, spiritual leadership, and community building (Oliver et al., 2020). A thorough understanding of the perception of the humans on the other side of the screen is a must. This paper represents one of the first steps in the constructive participation of Czech Christian churches in the online territory to their fullest potential.

Funding

This work was supported by the European Regional Development Fund project “Creativity and Adaptability as Conditions of the Success of Europe in an Interrelated World” (reg. no.: CZ.02.1.01/0.0/0.0/16_019/0000734).

Data availability

The data that support the findings of this study are available on request from the corresponding author. The data are not publicly available to protect the privacy of research participants.

Declarations

Competing interest

The author has no competing interests to declare that are relevant to the content of this article. The research programs within which the research was completed are listed in the acknowledgements section below.