‘I like to protect my protector’: How US-born Latinos safeguard the livelihood of their immigrant communities from immigration enforcement encounters

Abstract

Using a qualitative phenomenological design, the objective of this study was to explore in-depth how US-born Latinos provide social support to their immigrant counterparts during a time of heightened anti-immigrant rhetoric. A sample of 22 US-born Latino adult was recruited in 2019 for qualitative interviews, following a period of intense immigration raids. Eligible participants were adults who reported experiencing an immigration-related stressor and screened positive for a mental health concern or substance misuse. Open-ended questions focused on topics of immigration and health. Using a thematic analysis approach, interview transcripts were coded to identify common themes within the domains of social support: instrumental; informational; emotional; and appraisal. We found that US-born Latinos provide diverse forms of social support to immigrants with the intention of protecting them from immigration enforcement encounters (e.g. deportation), thereby safeguarding the livelihoods of their communities. US-born Latinos are integral pillars of support and resiliency for immigrant communities, and the domains identified within this study suggest important implications for immigrant health.

1 ∣. INTRODUCTION

Immigration enforcement policies have been linked to poor physical and mental health outcomes among immigrant communities in the United States (US) (Bruzelius & Baum, 2019; Hatzenbuehler et al., 2017; Lopez, 2019; Martinez et al., 2015; Raymond-Flesch, 2018; Viruell-Fuentes et al., 2012). This is concerning given that in recent years, and especially during the Trump administration, there has been an exponential increase in punitive immigration policies, anti-immigration rhetoric, immigration raids, detentions and deportations (Gonzalez, 2019; Lopez, 2022; Papakyriakopoulos & Zuckerman, 2021; Pinedo & Valdez, 2020; Raymond-Flesch, 2018). For example, the Trump administration expanded the focus from deporting immigrants with criminal convictions to all immigrants regardless of prior criminal history, increased the number of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers, doubled the number of worksite immigration raids and sought to penalise immigrants receiving public benefits by making them in-eligible for lawful permanent residency (Department of Homeland Security, 2018; Lopez et al., 2022; Pinedo & Valdez, 2020; Raymond-Flesch, 2018). These policies helped to create a hostile anti-immigrant climate by perpetuating, facilitating and exacerbating feelings of xenophobia, stigma, discrimination, harassment and violence towards immigrants (Armenta, 2017; Misra et al., 2021; Papakyriakopoulos & Zuckerman, 2021; Szkupinski Quiroga et al., 2014). Such circumstances also contribute to social isolation among immigrant communities who alter their daily routines to avoid public spaces and limit their visibility for fear of coming into contact with a law or immigration official, which would increase their vulnerability to being detained or deported (Benavides et al., 2021). For instance, immigrants who fear being deported commonly evade health and social welfare services (e.g. primary care, food pantries), do not report crimes (e.g. domestic abuse), avoid daily errands (e.g. going to the grocery store) and limit social activities (e.g. going to the park, going on neighbourhood walks, visiting family and friends; Benavides et al., 2021; Raymond-Flesch, 2018; Vargas, 2015; Vargas & Pirog, 2016). Ultimately, these conditions produce intense fear and stress in the everyday lives of immigrants.

Although immigration enforcement policies affect all immigrants regardless of race/ethnicity, it is imperative to recognise that immigration enforcement policies are highly racialised, and Latino immigrants bear a disproportionate burden. Latinos are the largest immigrant group and make up the largest portion of the undocumented population in the US (Budiman, 2020). As such, their collective risk for being detained and deported is greater than immigrants from other countries. ICE immigration raids also aggressively target Latino communities and workplaces known to have a high concentration of Latino workers (Benavides et al., 2021). Not surprisingly, the majority (>90%) of all immigrants who are deported from the US are of Latino-origin (Pinedo, 2020). Relatedly, anti-immigration rhetoric and attitudes have been closely linked with anti-Latino sentiments. In other words, negative political and public sentiments against immigrant communities are primarily fueled by negative perceptions against Latinos as a whole, irrespective of immigration status (Pinedo et al., 2021). These sentiments add to the increasing hostility towards Latino immigrants, which then trickle down to their health. A substantial body of research has underscored the role that immigration enforcement policies and immigration-related stressors play in shaping the health and health behaviours of Latino immigrants, including poor physical health, mental health status and substance misuse (Benavides et al., 2021; Lopez, 2019; Misra et al., 2021; Raymond-Flesch, 2018; Viruell-Fuentes et al., 2012).

Notably, social support is an important source of resiliency among Latino immigrants that helps to buffer the negative impacts of immigration-related stressors (Benavides et al., 2021; Bulut & Gayman, 2020; Lee et al., 2020; Lopez, 2019; Sanchez et al., 2019). In general, social support has been strongly associated with improved health outcomes across diverse populations, including immigrants. Social support can be characterised into four different types: (1) instrumental (e.g. providing tangible help and services); (2) informational (e.g. advice, suggestions); (3) emotional (e.g. expressions of empathy, love, affection) and (4) appraisal (e.g. information that is useful for self-evaluation; Veiel, 1985). Research studies among Latino immigrants have reported on multiple ways in which immigrants provide social support to protect their communities from immigration enforcement activities. Sources of social support include, but are not limited to, providing transportation and linguistic services (instrumental support); disseminating information regarding ICE activities and raids, especially via social media (informational support) and providing words of encouragement (emotional support), among other activities (Benavides et al., 2021; Bulut & Gayman, 2020; Lopez, 2019; Pinedo et al., 2021; Sanchez et al., 2019). Social support is used as a means to cope with or buffer stressors stemming from immigration enforcement policies. Though much work has investigated social support in Latino immigrant communities, little research has specifically focused on the role that US-born (i.e. non-immigrant), adult, Latinos play in providing social support to their immigrant counterparts, especially during a time of heightened anti-immigrant social and political climate. Our study aims to extend the existing literature by addressing this scientific gap using qualitative methods.

2 ∣. MATERIALS AND METHODS

2.1 ∣. Study design

We chose a qualitative study design, drawing on phenomenology, to gain a deeper insight into the experiences of US-born Latinos within the context of social support and their immigrant communities (Creswell et al., 2007). The study protocol was reviewed and approved by the Institutional Review Board (IRB) of the University of Texas at Austin.

2.2 ∣. Study population

In 2019, a community sample of 39 Latinos was recruited for in-depth qualitative interviews to better understand how immigration-related issues inlfuence to health. Eligible participants were (1) adults; (2) Latino; (3) reported at least one immigration-related stressor and (4) screened positive for poor mental status or substance misuse (screening procedures are detailed below). The present study report on findings from the US-born sample (n = 22) and excludes immigrants (n = 17).

2.3 ∣. Study context

Participants were recruited from communities in Central Texas with high representation of Latinos. Importantly, data collection for the present study took place shortly after multiple unannounced ICE operations in Central Texas took place, resulting in one of the largest immigration raids in the past decade (Dia, 2018). The majority of those detained were Latino immigrants. As such, pronounced fear and distress permeated Latino immigrant communities during this time.

2.4 ∣. Participant recruitment

We used both convenience and purposive sampling in recruiting our study participants. First, we used convenience sampling to identify a pool of eligible and interested study participants. Flyers advertising the study were posted or passed out in community settings (e.g. grocery stores, laundromats, restaurants); non-profit organisations that cater to Latino populations; and at community events (e.g. farmer's markets, local community festivals). Ads were also placed in local newspapers. Additionally, when data collection began, interviewed participants were also provided with flyers that they could pass along to potentially interested persons within their social networks. All recruitment materials (i.e. flyers, ads) were provided in Spanish and English and contained a general description of the study and a link to the study's website, which included more information on the study.

To determine study eligibility all interested potential participants first completed a screener survey that took about 10 min to complete in their preferred language (i.e. Spanish or English). The screener survey was either self-administered online or administered by a research assistant (RA) over the phone or in person. Screener questions included socio-demographic characteristics (e.g. biological sex, race/ethnicity, age, nativity, educational attainment, annual household income), immigration-related stressors, mental health status and substance misuse. Immigration-related stressors included three questions that asked potential participants if they believed if attitudes and sentiments towards immigrants in their community were unfavourable or hostile; if they had ever witnessed or experienced an immigration raid; or if they personally knew someone who had been detained or deported. To screen for mental health status, we used the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-4) to assess psychological distress. Substance misuse was evaluated using the Alcohol Use Disorder Identification Test-Concise (AUDIT-C), which screens for alcohol misuse, and the Substance Use Brief Screen (SUBS) scale, which screen for substance use and misuse. All screening instruments have been previously been validated with Latinos, translated in Spanish, and/or validated with Spanish-speaking populations (Cherpitel & Borges, 2000; Han et al., 2017; Mills et al., 2015). Upon completing the screener questionnaire, only those who met eligibility criteria were asked to provide their first name and email if they were interested in participating in an in-depth qualitative interview and consented to being re-contacted by the study team. A total of 243 potentially interested participants completed the screener questionnaire, and 129 were eligible for the study.

After identifying a pool of eligible participants (n = 129), we then used purposive sampling to recruit our study participants. Efforts were made to have equitable distribution across nativity (i.e. US-born, immigrant) and biological sex. Potential participants were first contacted by email to schedule a time and date to be interviewed. A total of 57 potential participants were contacted from the pool of eligible participants, and 39 agreed to participate in the study. Participant recruitment ended once data saturation was reached within each group (i.e. US-born, immigrant), which typically occurs after about 20 interviews (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007).

2.5 ∣. Data collection

An interview guide was developed by the Principal Investigator (first author), which consisted of 11 core open-ended questions and probes that centered on topics of immigration and health. Example questions included: (1) Can you tell me about any anti-immigration sentiments you have experienced? (2) What are your thoughts and opinions on deportations? (3) How do deportations make you feel? (4) How would you describe your mental health? (5) What are your experiences with alcohol and drugs? All participants were asked the 11 core-open-ended questions but RAs were free to deviate from the guide and probe further depending on participants' responses. All interviews were conducted by two bilingual, graduate-level, Latino RAs. RAs received extensive training on the study protocol and had ample experience conducting qualitative interviews, particularly those dealing with sensitive topics (e.g. immigration, deportation). All interviews were conducted in person in a private setting in the participants' preferred language, lasted an average of 45 minutes, were audio-recorded, and transcribed verbatim following the interview. Only one participant from our sample preferred to be interviewed in Spanish; all others were interviewed in English. Participants who completed the interview received 40 dollars as compensation for their time.

2.6 ∣. Analyses

Given the study's objective, analyses were restricted to US-born participants (n = 22). Using social support as our theoretical analytic lens, we used a thematic, deductive, approach to identify common themes in participants' narratives within the domains of: instrumental; informational; emotional; and appraisal support. The first- and second-author first read the same three transcripts independently, created memos to capture initial reactions and overall thoughts, and manually coded types of social support identified within each transcript using Microsoft Word. A frequency count of how many times each source of social support was coded was also documented for each transcript. Next, the first and second author met to discuss each transcript and the codes applied. This process resulted in a preliminary codebook that included definitions for each source of social support and example quotes from the three transcripts. All transcripts were double-coded (i.e. each transcript was coded once by each author) and authors regularly met to discuss the written memos, overall sentiments of each transcript, and the coding scheme—discrepancies in codes were resolved through consensus. Both authors are US-born Latinos with training in public health. In coding the interviews, the authors engaged in a process of reflexivity—critically reflecting and being attentive of their cultural, social and political perspectives when analysing participants' narratives to ensure that interpretations were based on data and by preconceptions. All these procedures ensured inter-coder reliability in applying the coding scheme and safeguarded the validity of the results. Once all transcripts were coded, total frequency counts for each type of social support across all interviews were generated. Frequency counts were used as a guide to identify prominent themes within each domain of social support. Lastly, using data from the screener questionnaire, we calculated descriptive statistics to characterise our study population using stata software.

3 ∣. FINDINGS

3.1 ∣. Study sample characteristics

Overall, participants reported a mean age of 43 years (Standard Deviation [SD]: 14.5 years), half were male (50%) and the majority had at least a high school education (77%) with an annual household income of less than $20,000 (79%). Within the context of Latino subgroups, the majority reported being of Mexican-descent (46%), one participant reported being of Puerto Rican descent and one of Central American descent; 10 participants (46%) did not self-report their Latino subgroup but self-identified as Latino. The majority reported perceiving anti-immigration sentiments in their community (77%) and personally knew an immigrant who had been detained or deported (82%). Within the context of mental health and substance misuse, 72% (n = 16) of participants screened positive for psychological distress, 40% (n = 9) screened positive for alcohol misuse and 64% (n = 14) screened positive for symptoms of a drug use disorder.

3.2 ∣. Overview qualitative findings

We found that US-born Latinos frequently described providing instrumental, informational and emotional support to their immigrant family and community members in diverse forms. These types of social support offered were commonly described as means to reduce immigration-related stressors among immigrant community members. No instances of appraisal support were documented. Following, we provide greater detail of the types of social support that were identified and provide quotes from participants to illustrate the overall theme.

3.3 ∣. Instrumental support

US-born Latinos often described instances of providing instrumental support to their immigrant counterparts. Instrumental support was primarily described as a strategy to shield immigrant loved ones from law or immigration enforcement officials, thereby reducing their visibility and vulnerability to being detained or deported, and reducing stress associated with immigration issues. Participants recognised that the mere act of running errands (e.g. grocery shopping, going to a store) may result in a potential detention and deportation for an immigrant. US-born Latinos acknowledged a sense of responsibility for protecting the well-being of their immigrant counterparts, especially given that their citizenship status granted them legal protection against deportation. As such, many US-born Latinos described running errands for their immigrant counterparts to avoid any potential immigration-related encounters.

As one participant described:

I would go to the stores to get supplies and stuff like that twice a week, I would go for them [immigrant co-workers]. I would bring them their food, cigarettes, and beer so they would not have to leave their apartment complex or the motel they were at. So, I do what I can for them, you know what I'm saying.

—Participant 1.

Additionally, this participant described offering his home to his immigrant co-workers and others as a play to stay to avoid immigration officials, if anyone was in need of shelter:

I would go so far as to have a house. I guess you call it a safe house. I would have a safe house for whenever those guys would come over from over there [their home country]. I would have somewhere for them to stay when they were, I guess, migrating from point A to point B. So, I would help them out.

—Participant 1

Other participants also described offering their homes to immigrant family members, friends and co-workers in order to have a safe space to stay and avoid immigration officials.

Transportation services (e.g. rides) were another type of instrumental support that US-born Latinos provided to immigrant community members. Participants described driving as a source of great vulnerability for immigrants given their lack of legal driver's licence and vehicle insurance. US-born Latinos described traffic violations as common occurrences in their community that could lead to detentions and deportations. As such, many offered to drive their immigrant loved ones when needed. US-born Latinos recognise that if they were stopped for a traffic violation, they would be protected from immigration-related issues, thereby shielding immigrants from the threat of deportation. As one participant described:

I know a lot of people that I tell do not drive. If I can take you, let me take you. I mean, I have a driver's licence, insurance. I tell people to always have their insurance and plates and also their car … Just anything. A broken light is enough for you to get arrested and then put on an ICE hold on.

—Participant 2

US-born Latinos also described providing financially for their immigrant family members. Being financial providers were closely linked to feelings of responsibility for having greater access to resources (e.g. education, employment) and lack of upward mobility for their immigrant family members (e.g. inability to get a job or high-paying job because of their undocumented status). In the following passage, a participant describes:

That [immigration issues] totally affects all of us, ‘cause we are all a family now. That's definitely a thing, ‘cause when your parents cannot work then you kind of have to support your parent. It's definitely like a theme in our life […] Me and my boyfriend are starting our own family. I'm six months pregnant. So, we are trying to work out the logistics of how our life is gonna run. A lot of that has to deal with money […] Definitely a portion of our planning is planning to support his family because of how the system is, they literally cannot support themselves [because they are undocumented]. […] But because like, we are so linked now, you know, we are kind of like all in it together. We have to like make ends meet every corner.

–Participant 3.

Participants also described acting as ‘brokers’ for their immigrant family and community members—helping them navigate resources such as applying to social welfare services, finding employment opportunities and helping with everyday tasks (e.g. going to the mechanic). Participants often described these experiences as being burdensome, time-consuming, or inconvenient at times but underscored that their presence (and ability to speak English) were needed to facilitate the experiences of their immigrant loved ones. For example, in the following passage one participant describes accompanying her sister, who is an immigrant, when applying for social welfare services to protect her from experiences of discrimination:

She [her sister] goes to, what's it called, like the refugees services and tries to get help through there. I go with her and I accompany her to try to help her in the best way that I can because I feel if, you know, these people have talked to someone and this an American citizen they will not treat ‘em as unfairly. I've been to the Mexican consulate with her and she was yelled at. She was treated like nothing. I have to be like, you know, I'm an American citizen, ‘Tell me something!’ You know? It's sad. You know it's sad that you gotta be an American citizen in order to get a little bit of respect. […] Why does my sister have to be treated differently from me? ‘Cause I got papers? We're all human at the end of the day.

—Participant 4.

Finally, in instances when a close friend or family member was detained, US-born Latinos described providing support by ensuring the welfare of the family unit being impacted. For example, in the following passage a participant described how she safeguarded the well-being of a female immigrant friend's children when her friend was detained:

In the moment [when she found out her immigrant friend was detained], it really affected me because I had… I was angry, but I also had to take on her role, picking up her kids, taking care of kids till she showed up because she does not have any family here. I could not see those kids just sitting there crying because they ain't got no momma. You know, their dad is not in their lives, so… you know, somebody had to cover […] I did not stop, you know, I kept on going and going for those 2 days straight [to check on the children]. Keep going, you know, make sure the kids had everything, like food, make sure everything was taken care of. I would not stop to think about me because I wanted to make sure everything was taken care of.

—Participant 5.

3.4 ∣. Informational support

Informational support was a prominent theme in the narratives of participants. US-born Latinos frequently described providing advice, including warnings on how to avoid or reduce risk to encountering immigration officials to their immigrant community members. For example, one US-born Latino participant described informing immigrant community members to avoid going to cities that were known to be hostile towards immigrants. This participant described:

I would describe this county [where the participant resides] as a very immigrant-friendly county because I do work, or I did work, in the immigration field for at least six years. Here, ICE holds are not as respected as, like in Williamson County or Bastrop. I always tell people that do not have any legal status, “Do not go there.”

–Participant 2

Similarly, participants described alerting immigrant community members of rumours of potential future immigration raids so they could avoid those spaces. For example, one US-born Latino recanted alerting his undocumented immigrant co-workers of a potential future raid at their worksite:

[I heard] that the immigration was going to come the next day [at my worksite]. Workers were saying, “Immigration raid will be here tomorrow. They're going to come tomorrow.” […] and nobody came to work, you know […] just a couple, four people that, that did not have [green] cards and they did not come into work the next day.

—Participant 6.

Relatedly, US-born Latinos described using social media to disseminate information about current immigration traffic stops, immigration raids and rumours of potential future raids to inform and protect their immigrant family and community members from immigration raids.

Lastly, US-born Latinos described informing immigrant community members of their rights, especially documented immigrants, when encountering law and immigration officials. For example, in the following passage a participant describes intervening and providing advice to an immigrant community member when being questioned by law enforcement:

This woman got asked for her, she got asked, “Are you a resident, or are you a citizen?” She was like, “Resident.” She barely spoke any English. Then he's [law enforcement] like, “Let me see your social [security card]. You have your social [security card] with you?” […] I was like, “You tell them you have no need to show him your social [security card]. All they need to see is your goddamn driver's license… And ask them [law enforcement] why they're stopping you!”

—Participant 2

Another participant described advising her documented immigrant friend to memorise her driver's licence identification number and social security number in case she was ever questioned by enforcement officers and did not have any legal identification documents on her. She described:

I've had a friend of mine that was detained. She was detained because she is from Mexico. She could not find her paperwork. […] So, when she got caught, she called me and told me what was up, and I told her, “Hey, all you got to do is have them run your ID.” She was frantic because her kids were in school. She was frantic, and I told her “Just give them your ID number, girl, don't you remember it?” Because I always- I remember my ID number, social security number, all my numbers are in my head. And when I first met her I said, “You better remember your ID number and social security number.”

—Participant 7.

3.5 ∣. Emotional support

Instances of US-born Latinos providing emotional support to their immigrant family and community members were common. Emotional support was often manifested as words of encouragement, reassurance that everything would be okay (especially in anticipation of a potential future deportation), and ‘checking up’ on the well-being of their immigrant community members. US-born Latinos frequently described themselves as being part of their immigrant communities, given close social and familial ties, regardless of not being immigrants by definition. US-born Latinos commonly recanted stories of uplifting each other, especially in times of need. For instance, one participant described providing words of encouragement (i.e. pep talks) to his immigrant community members and not to cope with immigration-related stressors with substance use:

I talk to other Hispanic people when I see them. I'll tell them “You know what? You guys can't be doing this either anymore man, don't let whatever is going through your head get you down, ‘cause you're never gonna make it.” I tell them, “[It's] not just only you, but me too, you know? We gotta help each other out.”

— Participant 8.

US-born Latinos also described providing emotional support by assuring their immigrant parents that they would take responsibility for the well-being of the family unit if they were ever deported. In some instances, this came in the form of having difficult conversations with an immigrant parent about having a plan in anticipation of a future potential deportation. For instance, US-born Latinos would take on financial and caregiving roles as well as protect the emotional welfare of the family unit. Reassurance that the family unit would be okay in case a parent was deported was described as a means to reduce the fears, worries and anxieties of immigrant parents. US-born Latino participants with immigrant parents described regularly checking in (e.g. calling via telephone) with their parents to make sure they were okay (i.e. assuring that they had not been detained). One participant described how she constantly calls her mother and mother-in-law who are both undocumented on a daily basis to make sure they are safe and have not encountered immigration officials. As she succinctly put it: ““I like to protect my protector.”—Participant 2

A minority of participants also described getting involved with volunteering opportunities to provide social support, especially emotional support, to their immigrant community members. One participant described volunteering at an immigration detention center to keep detainees company and provide emotional support. She explained:

I would go on some weekends to visit the women in detention at the [detention] center through a [local non-profit] program and I did not do that ‘cause I knew anybody personally. I just did it because it seemed like a relevant thing to do for a lot of reasons. I definitely met many women with many stories and now a lot of them were actually granted asylum and they live in different parts of the US. We follow each other on Instagram and stuff […] but I did not have close like personal relationships with any of them, it was more like I'm here from a program, I'm here to keep you company.

—Participant 3.

4 ∣. DISCUSSION

This qualitative study illustrates how US-born Latinos serve as pillars of social support for their immigrant communities during the Trump administration—a time period of intensified anti-immigration sentiments and rhetoric, coupled with increased immigration raids, detentions and deportations (Raymond-Flesch, 2018). We found that US-born adult Latinos provide multiple sources of social support to their immigrant counterparts. Diverse forms of social support are provided by US-born Latinos with the intention of protecting immigrants from immigration encounters thereby reducing immigration-related stressors and safeguarding the livelihoods of their communities. Findings build on prior studies that have documented the role of social support among immigrant populations within the context of health outcomes (Benavides et al., 2021; Lee et al., 2020; Sanchez et al., 2019). However, this study is unique in its focus on US-born adult Latinos and how they interact and support their immigrant communities in times of heightened immigration-related stress. We identified multiple forms of instrumental, informational and emotional support that US-born adult Latinos provide to their immigrant counterparts. Our study did not identify any sources of appraisal support within the narratives of participants. Appraisal support entails feedback regarding performance or personal qualities, such as congratulating a friend for doing well on an exam. This type of support by US-born Latinos to immigrants may be less relevant or unimportant within the context of immigration enforcement encounters.

Instrumental support was a noteworthy theme in the narratives of US-born Latinos. Commonly, US-born Latinos described a sense of responsibility for taking care of their immigrant families and communities and seeing themselves in other immigrants. Many participants acknowledge their privilege in being US citizens, which legally protected them from immigration-related issues, and thus expressed having a moral obligation to protect their immigrant community members—a finding that is aligned with previous research with US-citizen Latino youth (Abrego, 2019). Instrumental support was often manifested in tangible tasks (e.g. running errands, grocery shopping, providing transportation, providing safe housing) with the purpose of limiting the visibility and mobility of immigrants in order to reduce the risk of a potential deportation (Benavides et al., 2021). US-born Latinos also reported providing services to secure the well-being of the family unit, including providing financially and serving as ‘brokers’ to help their immigrant counterparts navigate resources and social institutions (e.g. social services). This is aligned with a vast body of literature that has elucidated how US-born Latino children often serve as brokers for immigrant parents, especially in the form of translators, in diverse settings (e.g. healthcare settings, parent-teacher meetings, etc.; Martinez Jr et al., 2009; Morales & Hanson, 2005; Pina et al., 2018). Our study extends this work by highlighting that US-born Latinos may continue to function as brokers for immigrant family and community members well into adulthood. Lastly, in cases where an immigrant was detained, US-born Latinos reported providing support by taking care of the detained immigrant's children and other household needs.

We also found that US-born Latinos provided information as a form of support to their immigrant communities. US-born Latinos explained disseminating information to their immigrant counterparts on potential future immigration encounters (e.g. avoiding specific cities known to be hostile towards immigrants), ICE raids and law enforcement activities (including rumours of any planned future immigration raids), and on their rights if law or immigration officials stopped to question them. Some participants described using social media as a tool to broadcast important information regarding current and future ICE and law enforcement activities to their immigrant communities. Other studies with Latino immigrants have found that disseminating information on ICE and law enforcement activities, including via social media, is a significant source of information support for immigrant communities (Benavides et al., 2021; Costanza-Chock, 2011).

Lastly, US-born Latinos described providing words of encouragement and reassurance to immigrant and community members. Participants commonly described solidarity with their immigrant counterparts during a time of increased anti-immigrant sentiments. Often times, US-born Latinos described being part of their immigrant community, despite not being an immigrant by definition. As such, providing emotional support to their immigrant communities was important to participants. Emotional support is critical to the well-being of immigrant communities, as has been well documented (Benavides et al., 2021; Lee et al., 2020; Pinedo et al., 2021; Sanchez et al., 2019). This study is aligned with research among mixed-citizenship status families. Our study adds to this significant evidence base by highlighting that US-born Latinos also provide emotional support to non-family immigrants within their social networks.

Our findings must be interpreted within the context of the study's limitations. Self-selection sampling bias may be present in our results. Given the sensitive nature of immigration-related issues, some participants may have chosen not to participate and study participants may have underreported their experiences. However, Latino RAs were highly trained on qualitative interviewing techniques, building rapport and creating a safe environment that allowed participants to speak openly and freely about their experiences without judgement. Lastly, immigration enforcement activities differ by communities and states. As such, findings from this study are specific to US-born Latinos in Texas and may not be transferable to all US-born Latinos, especially those residing in different states. Despite these limitations, this study reports on novel findings that extend the current knowledge base regarding social support and immigrant communities.

5 ∣. CONCLUSION

Immigration enforcement activities (e.g. work- and home-site raids) have always been a pronounced source of fear and stress among immigrant communities in the United States. Alarmingly, immigration enforcement activities significantly increased under the Trump Administration (Raymond-Flesch, 2018). These circumstances contribute to feelings of being terrorised, distress and extreme fear that impact immigrant communities significantly and have long-lasting health effects on immigrants (Benavides et al., 2021; Lopez, 2019; Pinedo, 2020; Pinedo et al., 2021). Overall, we found that US-born Latinos provide diverse sources of social support in an attempt to buffer immigration-related stressors for their communities, which likely contributed to improved health for immigrants. However, it is also important to note that in providing social support, US-born Latinos take on additional responsibilities that may contribute additional stress and worry. Stress associated with immigration enforcement counters may also have negative health implications for US-born Latinos. A previous study from our research team using the same sample of US-born Latinos reports on how immigration policies have ‘spillover’ impacts on the health of US-born Latinos (Pinedo et al., 2020, 2022). In sum, there is a critical need for policy makers to consider the public health impacts that immigration enforcement activities have on both immigrant and non-immigrant populations.

What is known about the topic

• Immigration enforcement practices (e.g. immigration raids, detentions, deportations) have been linked to poor mental and physical health among immigrants.

• Latino immigrants make up more than 90% of all detained and deported immigrants annually.

• Latino immigrants provide diverse forms of social support to other immigrant counterparts.

What this paper adds

• US-born Latinos protect immigrants from immigration encounters via diverse forms of social support.

• US-born Latinos provide instrumental, informational and emotional support to safeguard the livelihood of immigrants.

• Social support is commonly used as a strategy to reduce immigration-related stressors (e.g. fear of deportation).

DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT

Data are available upon request.