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. Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2023 Jul 27.
Published in final edited form as: J Black Psychol. 2017 Dec 18;44(1):74–100. doi: 10.1177/0095798417746265

Examining Africentric Cultural Values, Ethnic Identity, and Substance Use Abstinence in Low-Income, Early Adolescent, African American Girls

Delida Sanchez 1, Emma R Hamilton 1, Dorie J Gilbert 1, Elizabeth A Vandewater 1
PMCID: PMC10372843  NIHMSID: NIHMS1908636  PMID: 37503449

Abstract

An examination of cultural protective factors that foster substance use abstinence among low-income, early adolescent, African American girls may be helpful in understanding how to promote resilience and reduce negative health outcomes. This study examined the relations between Africentric cultural values, ethnic identity, and substance use abstinence among 196 low-income African American early adolescent girls (age 11–14 years). Results of logistic regressions revealed that Africentric values were negatively linked to cigarette and alcohol abstinence. Results also showed a significant positive interaction between Africentric cultural values and ethnic identity exploration that contributed to increased cigarette and alcohol abstinence. Implications for research and practice with African American early adolescent girls are discussed.

Keywords: Africentric cultural values, ethnic identity, substance use abstinence, African American, adolescent girls

Early adolescence, defined as spanning ages 11 to 14 years, beginning with the average onset of puberty at 11 years of age and ending at 14 years with transition to high school (Curtis, 2015), is a particularly sensitive period in adolescent development. Early adolescence is a period when youth begin to spend more time with their peers and when experimentation with substance use often begins (Chen & Jacobson, 2012). Youth drug use initiation generally starts around the age of 13 years (Faden, 2003). However, research has found that youth as young as 10 years have already initiated substance use (Johnston, O’Malley, Bachman, & Schulenberg, 2013). Younger adolescents may be more vulnerable to engaging in substance use compared with older adolescents, due to factors such as underdeveloped planning and problem-solving abilities and greater influence by peer processes (Pedlow & Carey, 2004). Research has also shown that girls tend to report greater levels of substance use than boys during early adolescence (Biehl, Natsuaki, & Ge, 2007; Duncan, Duncan, & Strycker, 2006).

The trend in substance use patterns among early adolescent African American girls has changed significantly in recent years (Faden, 2003; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2011). For example, in the past decade, marijuana use among African American girls prior to age 13 years has increased (from 5.5% to 7.4%; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2016). While rates of early initiation of alcohol and cigarette use (before 13 years) among African American early adolescents have remained similar or decreased within the past decade, these rates have increased exponentially from early to late adolescence. For instance, in 2016, 16.9% of African American girls under the age of 13 years reported alcohol use, and these numbers increased to 45% among girls of ages 14 to 15 years, and 68.8% among girls aged 16 to 17 years (CDC, 2016). Similarly, rates of marijuana and cigarette use among African American girls have also increased significantly from early to late adolescence (marijuana use: 7.4% among girls younger than 13 years, to 26.6% among girls of ages 14 to 15 years, to 52.2% among girls of ages 16 to 17 years, and cigarette use: 3.8% among girls aged13 years and younger, to 27.6% among girls of ages 14 to 15 years, to 32.9% among girls of ages 16 to 17 years; CDC, 2016).

Although African American girls are generally less likely than girls from other ethnic groups (e.g., Native American, Latina) to engage in substance use (Wallace et al., 2003), African American early adolescent girls living in low-income, urban environments are at an increased risk for early initiation of substance use. In particular, adverse neighborhood conditions, including limited financial resources, high violence and criminality (Fagan, Wright, & Pinchevsky, 2014), structural racism (Gaylord-Harden, & Cunningham, 2009; Roberts et al., 2012), and increased access to drugs and other substances (Corneille & Belgrave, 2007; Lopez-Viets, Aarons, Ellingstad, & Brown, 2004) have been identified as risk factors for substance use among low-income African American girls (Chen & Jacobson, 2012; Elkington, Bauermeister, & Zimmerman, 2010). Limited community resources are purported to contribute to youths’ lowered motivation to avoid risk behaviors that have severe consequences (Corneille & Belgrave, 2007; Lambert, Brown, Phillips, & Ialongo, 2004), as well as significant disparities in receiving appropriate services to address substance use problems (Hatzenbuehler, Keyes, Narrow, Grant, & Hasin, 2008). For example, evidence shows that African American youth living in low-income areas engaged in higher rates of substance use and other pleasure-seeking risk behaviors (e.g., sexual risk behaviors), which was related to higher exposure and accessibility to cigarettes, marijuana, and alcohol (Cheong, Tucker, Simpson, & Chandler, 2014).

Early involvement in substance use is significantly correlated with negative educational and health outcomes among low-income African American girls, including dropout from high school (Wilson & Widom, 2009), poor mental health (Woods-Jaeger, Jaeger, Donenberg, & Wilson, 2013), sexual-risk behaviors, unintended pregnancy, and sexually transmitted infections/HIV/AIDS; Helfrich & McWey, 2014; Stueve & O’Donnell, 2005). Low-income African American girls are purported to face a “gender paradox,” whereby they are less likely to use substances than boys, but face stronger negative health consequences of drug and alcohol use (Wilson & Widom, 2009). For example, studies have shown that cigarette and marijuana smoke contain carcinogens that can have significantly worse reproductive consequences (e.g., infertility, child development delays, and infant mortality; Mathews & MacDorman, 2006; Nasim, Corona, Belgrave, Utsey, & Fallah, 2007; Windham, Hopkins, Fenster, & Swan, 2000) for African American girls compared with other ethnic groups (i.e., Asian, Latina, and Caucasian girls).

A key aim of this study is to gain a better understanding of the cultural processes that are linked with substance use abstinence among low-income early adolescent African American girls. Substance use abstinence—defined as the refrainment from experimentation with substances during adolescence (Shelder & Block, 1990)—has been linked with more adaptive outcomes among adolescents compared with those who experimented with substances (Tucker, Ellickson, Collins, & Klein, 2006). For example, in a study by Clinton-Sherrod, Sobeck, Abbey, Agius, and Terry (2005), low-income African American youth (age 11–12 years) who abstained from both cigarette and alcohol use from the beginning to the end of sixth grade were more likely to have better decision-making skills, higher self-esteem, lower peer pressure susceptibility, and more positive attitudes about school compared with those who experimented with substance use. Similarly, in a cross-sectional analysis of health risk behaviors (tobacco use, alcohol use, illicit drug use, and high-risk sexual behavior), among 7th- through 12th-grade students by Topolski et al. (2001), findings showed that African American low-income youth who abstained from substance use scored higher on quality-of-life scores than experimenters and those who often engaged in substance use.

An examination of cultural factors linked with substance use abstinence among low-income African American girls can provide a potential wealth of information for enhancing substance use prevention and intervention efforts and promoting resilience in light of their heightened risk factors related to living in high-risk communities (Rodgers, Nichols, & Botvin, 2011). Thus far, the literature has overwhelmingly focused on substance use etiology and risk factors (e.g., low–socioeconomic status [SES], parental substance use) among low-income, African American girls (Chen & Jacobson, 2012; Gil, Wagner, & Tubman, 2004; Kaplan, Nápoles-Springer, Stewart, & Pérez-Stable, 2001). However, by concentrating solely on the etiology of use, researchers may be missing an opportunity to learn from youths who abstain from substance use during the transitional developmental stage of adolescence (Rodgers et al., 2011). Thus, an examination of cultural processes linked with substance use abstinence may lead to increased opportunities, strategies, and policies to enhance potential supports (Swanson, Edwards, & Spencer, 2010).

In the current study, we focus on Africentric cultural values and ethnic identity, two factors theorized to protect African American youth from the recognized environmental stressors associated with the adverse conditions of the low-income, urban environments that may precipitate drug use (Nasim, Corona, et al., 2007). A focus on the experiences of low-income, African American girls allows us to understand their unique, yet diverse experiences with substance use abstinence and minimizes the potential for describing their experiences in biased and stereotyped ways (Guthrie & Low, 2000). Below, we examine Africentric cultural values and ethnic identity in more detail and their direct and indirect impact on substance use abstinence for low-income, African American girls.

Africentric Cultural Values

The cultural values and behaviors of many African Americans today represent a hybrid of traditional African philosophies and the historical experiences of African Americans living in the United States (Constantine, Alleyne, Wallace, & Franklin-Jackson, 2006). Africentric cultural values consist of a set of beliefs, values, and assumptions founded on African cultural traditions that relate to definitions of the self, others, and the relationship of the self with the environment (Utsey, Adams, & Bolden, 2000). These values or codes of conduct for daily life that define and sustain an Africentric culture are based on the seven core principles of Nguzo Saba. The first principle, unity, refers to maintaining unity in the family, community, nation, and race. The second principle, self-determination, consists of defining, naming, creating, and speaking for oneself. The third principle, collective work and responsibility, entails building and maintaining a collective community. The fourth principle, cooperative economics, involves building and maintaining mutual financial profit. The fifth principle, purpose, entails developing a community with the goal of restoring tradition. The sixth principle, creativity, refers to steadfastly and innovatively working toward improving one’s community. Finally, the seventh principle, faith, entails belief in the righteousness and victory of one’s struggle (Karenga, 1988; Thomas, Townsend, & Belgrave, 2003). Additional Africentric values of spirituality, harmony with others, balance, orientation to time, and authenticity have also been identified as significant to Africentrism (Mattis & Jagers, 2001).

Belgrave, Townsend, Cherry, and Cunningham (1997) operationalized Africentric cultural values along three factors: (a) collective work and responsibility, (b) cooperative economics, and (c) self-determination. The collective work and responsibility factor refers to the belief that African Americans are responsible for one another and should work together to improve their family and community. The cooperative economics factor is based on the belief that resources should be shared and maintained within the African American community (i.e., “African Americans should spend their money in Black-owned stores and shops”; Belgrave et al., 1994, p. 148). Last, the self-determination factor indicates a belief that African Americans should decide what is best for themselves, their families, and their communities. An Africentric cultural values orientation is hypothesized to provide a reservoir from which protective factors and coping strategies are drawn, including perceived social support, self-esteem, and life satisfaction (Constantine & Blackmon, 2002; Constantine et al., 2006). Prosocial resiliency factors, such as social support, self-esteem, and life satisfaction, have been linked to a reduction in depression, anxiety, and anger, and a greater sense of well-being, self-esteem, and resilience in African American adolescent girls (Constantine et al., 2006).

The endorsement of Africentric cultural values has been identified as a significant promotive factor for positive social and behavioral outcomes in early adolescent African American youth (Constantine et al., 2006; Gordon, 2002; Grills, 2002; Jagers & Mock, 1993; Neblett, Rivas-Drake, & Umaña-Taylor, 2012). For example, in a study conducted with African American, low-income youth (boys and girls aged 13–20 years), Nasim, Belgrave, Jagers, Wilson, and Owens (2007) found that Africentric beliefs were linked with delayed alcohol initiation and lifetime alcohol use. Similarly, a study conducted by Burlew et al. (2000) found that Africentric cultural values were inversely linked to prosubstance use attitudes and later onset of alcohol use among “at-risk” African American early adolescent youth (boys and girls aged 11–12 years). However, despite the aforementioned findings, within-group differences in cultural protective factors among low-income, African American girls have been understudied.

African American girls may face distinct cultural expectations, by virtue of their gender, that may serve as risk or protective factors against substance use (Nasim, Corona, et al., 2007). Hughes, Hagelskamp, Way, and Foust (2009) purport that within many African American families, cultural socialization is viewed as more relevant to the future roles of girls as compared with boys. In particular, girls are often socialized to be the carriers of the culture and to consider the needs of others over their own (Belgrave, 2009; Phinney, 1996). Not only might parents differentially socialize boys versus girls about aspects of ethnicity and race, boys and girls may be differentially attuned to the cultural messages from their family. Hughes et al. (2009) found that African American girls were not only more attuned to cultural socialization messages, but more readily incorporated this information into their sense of identity when compared with African American boys.

Although evidence has shown that Africentric cultural values may protect against maladaptive decision making among African American early adolescent girls, some scholars (Nasim, Belgrave, et al., 2007) purport that certain aspects of Africentric cultural values, such as collectivism, may be a risk factor for youth. During early adolescence, collective group norms are often provided more weight than individual attitudes in determining behavior (Belgrave et al., 1997). Early adolescents may be more vulnerable to greater influence by peer processes compared with older adolescents, due to factors such as underdeveloped planning and problem-solving abilities (Pedlow & Carey, 2004). They may endorse significantly more negative peer associations (i.e., friends participating in a variety of deviant behaviors), and may be more likely to believe that refusing peer pressure to engage in deviant behavior would have negative consequences (Padilla-Walker & Bean, 2009). Thus, if the collective norm among one’s peer group is to use substances, then African American adolescent girls may be less motivated to avoid these risk behaviors. Moreover, African American girls living in low-income neighborhoods may be at a particularly increased risk for substance use, given their heightened exposure and access to drugs and other substances (Corneille & Belgrave, 2007; Lopez-Viets et al., 2004).

Ethnic Identity

Ethnic identity—an individual’s self-identification and sense of belonging, attachment, and involvement in the cultural and social practices of a specific ethnic group—may play an important role in the link between Africentric cultural values and substance use abstinence in African American early adolescent girls (Phinney, 1989). In particular, the protective effects of Africentric values may be stronger for those low-income, African Americans who also have a strong ethnic identity as African American. Phinney (1989) conceptualized ethnic identity as consisting of two central components: exploration and commitment. Ethnic identity exploration represents the process by which an individual actively questions and examines what it means to be a member of their ethnic group. Ethnic identity commitment consists of an individual’s strong attachment or sense of belonging to their ethnic group (Phinney & Ong, 2007).

During early adolescence, the process of ethnic identity begins to emerge through maturation of cognitive skills (e.g., abstract thinking and introspection), and different social experiences outside of the home (e.g., peer relationships, dating, sports teams; Berry, Phinney, Sam, & Vedder, 2006; Phinney & Ong, 2007). There is often a shift in adolescents from familial to peer influence on cultural values, particularly with regard to social behaviors (e.g., dating, drinking; Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009). According to Belgrave, Brome, and Hampton (2000), positive ethnic identification may lead to a self-protective sense of belongingness that could guard against alienation, and in turn, maladaptive thoughts and decisions. However, if a positive ethnic identity is lacking, adolescents may be at risk for a number of poor psychological outcomes (Street, Harris-Britt, & Walker-Barnes, 2009).

Studies have shown that positive ethnic identity has been linked to psychological well-being and a sense of belonging (Roberts et al., 1999), self-esteem (Gaylord-Harden, Ragsdale, Mandara, Richards, & Petersen, 2007), and prosocial attitudes (Smith, Walker, Fields, Brookins, & Seay, 1999) in early adolescent African American girls (i.e., age 10–14 years). Moreover, studies examining the link between ethnic identity and substance use among low-income, early adolescent, African American girls have shown an inverse relationship between high ethnic identity and substance use behaviors (Corneille & Belgrave, 2007; Marsiglia, Kulis, & Hecht, 2001). Corneille and Belgrave (2007) found that higher ethnic identity was inversely linked with prodrug attitudes and substance use among low-income, early adolescent (age 10–14 years) African American girls. Similarly, Marsiglia et al. (2001) reported that African American and Mexican American middle school adolescents (age 12–13 years) who had affirmed a positive ethnic identity reported less drug use compared with those students who viewed their race in stereotypical ways (e.g., people in my ethnic group do not know how to act). Overall, the link between ethnic identity and positive psychosocial outcomes is well documented and appears to play a crucial protective role against the onset of substance use among African American girls.

The Current Study

Given the changing trend in substance use patterns among African American adolescent girls, and the fact that low-income, African American girls represent a group at particular risk for a variety of negative mental and behavioral health outcomes (e.g., homelessness, delinquency, school problems; Wilson & Widom, 2009) associated with early substance use, the need for research that identifies culturally relevant protective factors in early adolescence is essential for tailoring interventions (Fergus & Zimmerman, 2005). Both Africentric cultural values and ethnic identity constructs are important to examine because they have been associated with positive psychological outcomes among low-income, early adolescent African American girls (e.g., Constantine et al., 2006; Neblett et al., 2012), and have also demonstrated protective properties for their well-being (e.g., Street et al., 2009; Thomas et al., 2003). Yet we know little about the links between these cultural contextual variables and substance use abstinence during early adolescence. A focus on the direct and combined effects of Africentric cultural values and ethnic identity among low-income, African American, early adolescent girls may allow for a better understanding of the nuanced aspects of culture that may foster resilience against substance use. An understanding of the link between cultural values and substance use behaviors may help inform the development of culturally relative and gender-specific interventions for the prevention of substance use among low-income, African American girls.

Based on prior theory and empirical research on Africentric cultural values and ethnic identity with African American girls (Belgrave et al., 1997; Nasim, Corona, et al., 2007), it is anticipated that low-income, African American, early adolescent girls who endorse higher levels of Africentric values may be less likely to engage in risk behaviors girls (Belgrave et al., 1997). First, we hypothesized that Africentric cultural values would be positively linked to cigarette, marijuana, and alcohol use abstinence, respectively. Second, we examined whether ethnic identity was directly related to cigarette, marijuana, and alcohol use abstinence. Thus, we hypothesized that (a) ethnic identity exploration would be negatively linked to cigarette, marijuana, and alcohol use abstinence, and (b) ethnic identity commitment would be predictive of cigarette, marijuana, and alcohol use abstinence. We also examined the interaction of Africentric cultural values and ethnic identity. We hypothesized that ethnic identity exploration would interact positively with Africentric cultural values to predict cigarette, marijuana, and alcohol use abstinence. Last, we hypothesized that ethnic identity commitment would also interact positively with Africentric cultural values to predict cigarette, marijuana, and alcohol use abstinence. That is, low-income, African American girls who endorsed both higher levels of Africentric values and an ethnic identity (exploration or commitment) would more likely report abstaining from cigarette, marijuana, and alcohol use, respectively, than not.

Method

Participants

Participants were 196 African American girls, who ranged in age from 11 to 14 years (M = 12.34 years, SD = 0.94). Twenty-nine percent of the sample (n = 57) were in the sixth grade, 43.9% (n = 86) in the seventh grade, and 27% (n = 53) in the eighth grade. Twenty percent of participants (n = 40) lived with both parents, 53% (n = 104) lived with their mother, 3% (n = 6) lived with their father, and 24% (n = 46) lived with other family members (e.g., grandmother, aunts, uncles, siblings). A summary of the demographic information is presented in Table 1.

Table I.

Descriptive Statistics of Study Variables (N = 196).

Demographic statistics N % Scale statistics M SD Range α Skewness Kurtosis
Age (years) Predictor variables
 11 34 17.3 Africentric cultural values 2.26 0.47 1–3 .89 −0.36 −0.20
 12 92 46.9 Ethnic identity exploration 2.85 0.65 1–4 .72 −0.21 −0.17
 13 39 19.9 Ethnic identity commitment 3.18 0.61 1–4 .87 −0.77 1.09
 14 31 15.8
Grade Outcome variables
 6th 57 29.1 Cigarette use abstinence 0.71 0.43 0–1
 7th 86 43.9 Marijuana use abstinence 0.34 0.47 0–1
 8th 53 27.0 Alcohol use abstinence 0.55 0.49 0–1
Household structure
 Lives with both parents 40 20.4
 Lives with mother only 110 56.2
 Lives with other relatives 46 23.5
School
 Site A 110 56.1
 Site B 86 43.9
Substance use
 Lifetime cigarette use 56 28.6
 Lifetime marijuana use 129 65.8
Lifetime alcohol use 88 44.9
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Procedure

After obtaining university institutional review board approval as well as approval from the school district, participants were recruited from two middle schools serving sixth through eighth grades in primarily low-income, urban, ethnic, minority neighborhoods in Central Texas. Specifically, 56% (n = 110) of participants were recruited from Site A, which had an African American student body of approximately 30% and 44% of participants (n = 86) were recruited from Site B, which had an African American student body of roughly 15%.

SES was determined based on participant enrollment addresses and eligibility for the free lunch program. Approximately 98% to 99% were considered socioeconomically disadvantaged based on their enrollment addresses, and more than 95% were eligible for the free lunch program. Participants were visited by the researchers during their advisory period to explain the study and distribute parental consent forms. Students who provided written parental consent and gave written assent to participate completed the survey during a designated class period. The students were reminded that their participation was voluntary and that the results from their questionnaire would remain confidential. The survey was given in the same sequence for each participant. Time to completion ranged from 35 to 40 minutes, and on completion, participants were given a $5 gift card.

Measures

Demographic Questionnaire.

The demographic questionnaire contained questions for participants to indicate their age, gender, ethnicity, household structure, and grade level.

Children’s Africentric Values Scale (CAVS; Belgrave et al., 1997).

The CAVS is a 14-item measure developed to assess Africentric values and behaviors among African American children and youth, as articulated through the seven principles of Nguzo Saba. Higher scores on the CAVS reflect a stronger adherence to Africentric values. Examples of items are, “It is important that Blacks/African Americans decide for themselves what to be called and what their needs are,” and “Blacks/African Americans should build and maintain their own communities.” The Children’s Africentric Scale uses a 3-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (disagree) to 3 (agree). A total Africentric Values scale score is obtained by summing up the responses to the 14 questions; the higher the score, the higher the Africentric values.

The structure and construct validity of CAVS scores was examined with youth of ages 8 through 13 years (average age, 10 years), and exploratory factor analysis supported three of the seven principles of Nguza Saba (Belgrave et al., 1997): collective work and responsibility, cooperative economics, and self-determination; Belgrave et al., 1997). Prior studies using the CAVS total scale score have yielded coefficient alphas ranging from .64 (Belgrave et al., 1997) to .89 (Townsend & Belgrave, 2000). Moreover, evidence of convergent validity was established via further analyses, which indicated high correlations of the CAVS with existing measures of Black racial identity among Jamaican children (Akbar, Chambers, & Thompson, 2001), and ethnic identity among African American children (Thomas et al., 2003).

Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure–Revised (MEIM; Roberts et al., 1999).

This 12-item revised MEIM scale is used to assess different aspects of ethnic identity: (a) ethnic exploration (five items; extent to which one has considered the subjective meaning of one’s ethnicity) and (b) ethnic identity commitment/affirmation (seven items; extent to which one feels positively about one’s ethnic group) among diverse young adolescents. Participants rate their agreement/disagreement with each statement on a 4-point Likert-type scale, ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). Higher scores are indicative of a higher level of ethnic identity. Sample items are, “I think a lot about how my life will be affected by my ethnic group membership” (exploration), and “I am happy that I am a member of the ethnic group I belong to” (commitment).

The structure and construct validity of the MEIM scores was conducted with young adolescents from diverse ethnic groups using exploratory factor analysis (i.e., principal component analysis with an oblimin rotation) and confirmatory factor analysis. Results of the exploratory factor analysis yielded a two-factor structure that corresponded to Phinney’s (1992) theoretical approach to ethnic identity. Results of the confirmatory factor analysis showed that the ethnic identity scale yielded a good fit across various adolescent ethnic groups, European Americans, Mexican American, and African Americans (root mean square error of approximation = .037). Evidence of convergent validity was established via further studies that showed high correlation between ethnic identity and ethnic self-concept (Phinney, Chavira, & Tate, 1993), and racial identity (Goodstein & Ponterotto, 1997).

Substance Use.

We adapted three items from the alcohol and other drug portions of the Youth Risk Behavior Survey (Eaton et al., 2012) to assess lifetime substance use behaviors. Specifically, we measured lifetime alcohol use, lifetime marijuana use, and lifetime cigarette use. Students responded yes or no to the following three questions: “Have you ever drank alcohol (not including at church)?” “Have you ever smoked cigarettes?” and “Have you ever used marijuana?” We measured lifetime use rather than past 30-day usage of the original measure to capture low as well as high-frequency behaviors.

Data Analytic Design and Strategy

Research questions were tested using three hierarchical logistic regression analyses. Cigarette abstinence, marijuana abstinence, and alcohol abstinence were each entered as outcome variables (0 = no and 1 = yes). The total Africentric cultural values score and the ethnic identity exploration and commitment subscales were entered as predictor variables. Interaction terms were created for the total Africentric cultural values score and each of the ethnic identity subscales (exploration and commitment) by centering each variable on its mean and using the product of the centered variables (Aiken, West, & Reno, 1991). Additionally, any demographic variables that were found to be statistically significantly linked with substance use abstinence in the preliminary analyses were also included as control variables in the first step of the analysis. In the second step, the total Africentric cultural values score and the ethnic identity exploration and commitment scores were entered. In the third step, the interaction terms of the total Africentric cultural values score by the two ethnic identity scores (exploration and commitment) was entered. We did not control for SES in our analyses because of the homogeneity of the sample; the vast majority of students enrolled in the participating schools were considered socioeconomically disadvantaged based on their enrollment addresses (98% to 99%) and their eligibility for the free-lunch program (>95%).

To determine whether there is sufficient power to run logistic regressions, it is generally recommended that there be a minimum of 7 to 10 outcome events per predictor variable (Vittinghoff & McCulloch, 2006). In these data, there were six predictors per analysis. Given that the lowest percentage of adolescent abstinence was for marijuana, with 34.2% (n = 67) of adolescents reporting marijuana abstinence, there were roughly on average 11 outcome events (i.e., adolescents who abstained) per predictor, over the threshold noted above. In the analysis for cigarettes, 140 adolescents abstained (an average of 23 outcome events per predictor), and for alcohol, 108 adolescents abstained (an average of 18 outcome events per predictor). Finally, based on the number of analyses (i.e., three) conducted, a Bonferroni correction was used to account for possible Type I error and the p value was set to .02. Finally, based on the existing evidence of the small to moderate effect size of the relationship between cultural variables (e.g., Africentric cultural values and ethnic identity) and substance use among African American adolescents in prior studies (f2 = .08 to f2 = .35; Belgrave et al., 2010; Corneille & Belgrave, 2007; Nasim, Corona, et al., 2007), we also interpreted the effect size as measure of significance (Cohen, 1988).

Results

Preliminary Analyses

Descriptive analyses (i.e., skewness, kurtosis, mean, standard deviations, correlations, and reliability estimates) of the continuous predictors (i.e., Africentric values and ethnic identity exploration and commitment subscales) were used to check the data for normality, input errors, and outliers, which are presented in Table 1. We utilized the total Africentric Values score, which had a Cronbach’s alpha of .89. Given that substance use behaviors are indicative of nonnormally distributed data (Onwuegbuzie & Daniel, 2002), a nonparametric procedure, Spearman’s correlation coefficient (i.e., Spearman’s rho) was performed instead of Pearson’s correlation. These findings are presented in Table 2. Findings from Spearman’s correlations showed that African American girls in higher grade levels reported higher ethnic identity commitment scores (r = .15, p < .05), and lower rates of cigarette abstinence (r = −.35, p < .01) and marijuana abstinence (r = −.25, p < .01). Additionally, African American girls in higher grades were also significantly older than girls in younger grades (r = .72, p < .01).

Table 2.

Spearman Correlations for Africentric Values, Ethnic Identity, and Substance Use Abstinence of Cigarettes, Marijuna, and Alcohol for African American Girls (N = 196).

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
1. Age —
2. Grade level 72** —
3. Africentric values −.05 −.02 —
4. Ethnic identity exploration .04 .11 .04 —
5. Ethnic identity commitment .10 .15* .09 .69** —
6. Cigarette abstinence −.14 −.35** −.14* .05 −.04 —
7. Marijuana abstinence −.04 −.25** −.08 −.22** −.23** .31** —
8. Alcohol abstinence −.09 −.10 −.19** −.11 −.15* 41** 41** —
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*

p < .05.

**

p < .01.

***

p < .001.

Two chi-square analyses were conducted to test for proportional balance between the following variables: (a) grade-level and household structure and (b) grade-level and recruitment site. Findings revealed that there were no statistically significant differences for grade level and household structure, and grade level and recruitment site. Thus, these variables were not entered as control variables in the regression analyses. A one-way analysis of variance was conducted to test for differences between grade level and age. There were significant differences for grade level and age, F(2, 193) = 91.60, whereby younger girls reported being in younger grades (sixth-grade age, M = 11.57 years, SD = 0.73, seventh-grade age, M = 12.24 years, SD = 0.57, eighth-grade age, M = 13.32 years, SD = 0.77), which was expected given that grade level is primarily age-based. However, given the significantly high correlation between grade level and age (more than .70), which presented a potential threat of multicollinearity, we only included grade level as a control variable in subsequent analyses. This decision was based on the fact that grade level was significantly correlated with ethnic identity commitment, cigarette abstinence, and marijuana abstinence.

Main Findings

The findings from the hierarchical multiple logistic regressions were presented below based on the outcome variables of cigarette abstinence, marijuana abstinence, and alcohol abstinence. For all analyses, grade level was entered as a control variable in the first step, the predictors (the total Africentric cultural values score, ethnic exploration, and ethnic commitment) were entered in the second step, and the interaction effects of the total Africentric cultural values score and ethnic exploration and commitment were entered into the third step.

Cigarette Use Abstinence.

The results indicated that for cigarette use abstinence, the chi-square statistic was statistically significant for the first (χ2 = 24.79, p < .001), second (χ2 = 33.93, p < .001), and third steps (χ2 = 38.49, p < .001). Furthermore, the change from Step 1 to Step 2 (Δχ2 = 9.13, p = .02) was statistically significant. The change from Step 2 to Step 3 (Δχ2 = 4.56, p = .10) was not statistically significant, indicating that the interaction between the total Africentric cultural values score and each of the ethnic identity subscales (exploration and commitment) were not significant. A summary of these regression findings is presented in Table 3. In the first step, grade level was negatively linked with cigarette abstinence (Wald statistic = 21.27, p < .001, psuedo R2 = .17). In the second step, grade level was negatively linked with cigarette abstinence (Wald statistic = 22.01, p < .001, psuedo R2 = .09). Africentric cultural values were also negatively linked with cigarette abstinence (Wald statistic = 5.05, p = .02, psuedo R2 = .23). In the third step, grade level remained negatively linked to cigarette abstinence (Wald statistic = 22.31, p < .001, psuedo R2 = .26).

Table 3.

Hierarchical Logistic Regression Analyses of Africentric Values, Ethnic Identity Dimensions, and Their Interaction on Substance Use Abstinence of Cigarettes, Marijuana, and Alcohol Among African American Adolescent Girls (N = 196).

Cigarettes
 Marijuana
 Alcohol
Variable B SE OR 95% Cl B SE OR 95% Cl B SE OR 95% Cl
Step 1
 Grade −1.15 .25 0.31 [0.19, 0.51]* −0.78 .22 0.45 [0.29, 0.70]* −0.25 .19 0.77 [0.53, 1.14]
Step 2
 Grad −1.25 .26 0.28 [0.16, 0.48]* −0.76 .22 0.46 [0.29, 0.72]* −0.23 .20 0.79 [0.53,1.17]
 Africentric values −0.06 .03 0.94 [0.98, 0.99]* −0.03 .02 0.96 [0.92, 1.01] −0.06 .02 0.94 [0.90, 0.99]*
 Ethnic identity exploration −0.07 .05 0.92 [0.82, 1.03] −0.1 1 .07 0.89 [0.77, 1.02] −0.02 .06 0.98 [0.86, 1.12]
 Ethnic identity commitment 0.15 .07 1.16 [1.00, 1.34] −0.04 .05 0.95 [0.86, 1.06] −0.05 .05 0.94 [0.85, 1.05]
Step 3
 Grade −0.41 .18 0.67 [0.46, 0.95]* −0.75 .22 0.47 [0.30, 0.73]* 0.19 .16 0.83 [0.59, 1.14]
 Africentric values 0.13 .15 1.14 [0.85, 1.52] −0.13 .14 0.87 [0.66, 1.14] −0.21 .14 0.81 [0.61, 1.06]
 Ethnic identity exploration −0.79 .44 0.45 [0.19, 1.07] −0.23 .39 0.78 [0.36, 1.69] −0.94 .42 0.39 [0.16, 0.90]
 Ethnic identity commitment 0.42 .35 1.52 [0.76, 3.02] −0.1 1 .32 0.89 [0.47, 1.68] 0.34 .32 1.41 [0.74, 2.69]
 Africentric × Exploration 0.03 .01 1.03 [1.00, 1.06] 0.01 .01 1.00 [0.97, 1.01] 0.02 .01 1.03 [1.00, 1.05]*
 Africentric × Commitment 0.02 .01 1.01 [0.99, 1.03] 0.00 .01 1.00 [0.98, 1.02] −0.01 .01 0.98 [0.96, 1.00]
Step 1a pseudo R2 .17, p = <.01, p < .01 .09, p < .01 .01, p = ns
Step 2a pseudo R2 .23, p < .01, ΔR2 = .06, p = .01 .17, p < .02, ΔR2 = .08, p = .01 .07, p < .02, ΔR2 = .06, p = .02
Step 3a pseudo R2 .26, p < .01, ΔR2 = .03, p ≤ .01 .18, p < .01, ΔR2 = .01, p < .01 .12, p = .01, ΔR2 = .05, p = .02
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Note: SE = standard error; Cl = confidence interval; OR = odds ratio; ns = nonsignificant.

a

Nagelkerke R2.

*

p < .02.

Marijuana Use Abstinence.

The results showed that for marijuana use abstinence, the chi-square statistic was statistically significant for the first (χ2 = 13.65, p < .001), second (χ2 = 25.97, p < .001), and third steps (χ2 = 26.58, p < .001). Furthermore, the change from Step 1 to Step 2 was also statistically significant (Δχ2 = 12.31, p < .01). However, the change from Step 2 to Step 3 (Δχ2 = 0.67, p = .73) was not statistically significant, indicating that the interaction between the total Africentric cultural values score and each of the ethnic identity subscales (exploration and commitment) were not significant. A summary of the findings is also reported in Table 3. In the first step, grade level was negatively linked to marijuana use abstinence (Wald statistic = 12.62, p < .001, psuedo R2 = .09). In the second step, grade level remained statistically significantly negatively linked to marijuana use abstinence (Wald statistic = 11.45, p = .001, psuedo R2 = .17). In the third step, grade level remained statistically significantly negatively linked to marijuana use abstinence (Wald statistic = 10.92, p = .001, psuedo R2 = .18).

Alcohol Use Abstinence.

The results showed that for alcohol use abstinence, the chi-square statistic was not statistically significant for the first step, but was statistically significant for the second (χ2 = 11.17, p = .02), and third steps (χ2 = 17.30, p < .01). Furthermore, the change from Step 1 to Step 2 (Δχ2 = 9.51, p = .02), and from Step 2 to Step 3 (Δχ2 = .9.13, p = .02) were also statistically significant. A summary of these findings is also presented in Table 3. In the first step, grade level was not statistically significantly related to alcohol use abstinence. In the second step, Africentric values factor was negatively related to alcohol use abstinence (Wald statistic = 5.78, p = .01, psuedo R2 = .07). Finally, there was a positive interaction effect between the total Africentric values score and ethnic identity exploration on alcohol use abstinence (Wald statistic = 4.82, p = .02, psuedo R2 = .12). This pattern is depicted in Figure 1. African American girls who endorsed both higher levels of Africentric cultural values and ethnic identity exploration were more likely to report abstaining from alcohol use versus not.

Figure 1.

Figure 1.

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Average marginal effects of Africentric values with 95% confidence intervals.

Discussion

Utilizing the Africentric cultural values framework, and the ethnic identity model as a guiding framework, we examined the direct and combined links between Africentric cultural values, ethnic identity, and substance use abstinence among low-income, African American adolescent girls. Specifically, we hypothesized Africentric cultural values would be positively linked to cigarette, marijuana, and alcohol use abstinence. Our results did not support this hypothesis. In terms of ethnic identity, we hypothesized that ethnic identity exploration would be negatively linked to cigarette, marijuana, and alcohol use abstinence, and ethnic identity commitment would be predictive of cigarette, marijuana, and alcohol use abstinence. Our results did not support these hypotheses. In terms of interaction effects, we hypothesized that ethnic identity exploration would interact positively with Africentric cultural values to predict cigarette, marijuana, and alcohol use abstinence. Our results provided support for this hypothesis. Last, we hypothesized that ethnic identity commitment would interact positively with Africentric cultural values to predict cigarette, marijuana, and alcohol use abstinence. Our results did not support this hypothesis. Overall, the findings provided partial support for our hypotheses.

First, the findings revealed that African American girls who endorsed Africentric values reported lower levels of cigarette and alcohol abstinence. These findings are in contrast to prior studies that found Africentric cultural values to be linked to antidrug attitudes and lower rates of cigarette, alcohol, and marijuana use among African American children (Belgrave et al., 1997) and lower rates of alcohol use among older adolescents (Nasim, Corona, et al., 2007). According to Kernahan, Bettencourt, and Dorr (2000), the mechanisms underlying the positive effects of Africentric values are connection, integration, reliance on others, and the emotional and social support from others. However, in communities where youth are exposed to more environmental stressors (e.g., poverty, less access to quality schools), communalistic focused support and coping resources may be less accessible to youth and may not be protective against negative behavioral health outcomes (Gaylord-Harden & Cunningham, 2009). Additionally, family and community members are also facing high levels of stress exposure, and thus, are less likely to be able to provide adequate coping support to adolescents (Landis et al., 2007). Given that the majority of participants who live in low-income neighborhoods and attend schools with high rates of violence, their access to communalistic support may be limited despite their endorsement of cooperative economics values, thus leaving them more vulnerable to substance use behaviors.

Another possible reason for the negative link between Africentric cultural values and substance use abstinence may be that the collectivistic emphasis associated with Africentric cultural values leads early adolescent African American girls to place the needs of others (e.g., their peers) before themselves (Belgrave et al., 2000). In particular, some scholars purport that the cultural value of collectivism may be a risk factor for youth given that group norms provide more weight than individual attitudes in determining behavior (Belgrave et al., 1997). Specifically, early adolescents, particularly girls (Wilson & Widom, 2009), may be particularly vulnerable to peer pressure during this period in adolescent development due to underdeveloped planning and problem-solving abilities (Pedlow & Carey, 2004). Given that more than 60% of the girls in the sample reported lifetime marijuana use and more than 40% reported lifetime alcohol use, there may be a “norm” of acceptance of substance use among the girls, who may find it more challenging to abstain from peer pressure to use substances.

Second, there was a significant positive interaction between Africentric cultural values and ethnic identity exploration on alcohol abstinence among participants. That is, girls who endorsed high rates of Africentric cultural values and were more inquisitive and interested in increasing their knowledge of their ethnic heritage and culture (high ethnic identity exploration), also reported higher alcohol use abstinence. Ethnic identity exploration has been identified as the initial component of the ethnic identity process and is theorized to be a time when an individual actively questions and examines what it means to be a member of their ethnic group (Phinney & Ong, 2007; Whitehead, Ainsworth, Wittig, & Gadino, 2009). Prior research has linked ethnic identity exploration to antidrug attitudes and lower rates of cigarette, alcohol, and marijuana use among African American girls (Marsiglia et al., 2001). The theoretical premise is that a positive ethnic identity serves as a protective resource that enables individuals to be resilient when encountering environmental stressors (Phinney & Ong, 2007).

Our findings suggest that ethnic identity exploration may be a particularly salient protective aspect of ethnic identity for low-income, early adolescent, African American girls. The process through which they explore, learn about, and become involved in their ethnic identity, particularly in conjunction with increased Africentric cultural values (e.g., self-determination, collective responsibility, cooperative economics), may be linked with positive social behaviors such as substance use abstinence. This pattern suggests that the incorporation of ethnic identity exploration and Africentric cultural values into prevention and intervention programs may have a protective effect against early alcohol use in low-income, African American adolescent girls. Fostering positive ethnic identity may empower low-income, early adolescent, African American girls to redefine for themselves what it means to be a member of their ethnic group, despite societal limitations (French, Seidman, Allen, & Aber, 2006; Miller & MacIntosh, 1999). In addition, the incorporation of Africentric values (e.g., self-determination, collective work, and responsibility) might involve the enhancement of self-esteem, ethnic identity, and health and wellness via positive role models, relationship skills, and group activities that strengthen peer relationships among low-income, African American early adolescent girls. There have been efforts to incorporate culture-specific values and positive ethnic identity development into African American behavioral health prevention and intervention programs, such as Sisters of Nia (Belgrave, Cherry, Butler, & Townsend, 2008). Continued substance abstinence intervention efforts may consider incorporating a more nuanced curriculum in which Africentric values within the context of ethnic identity exploration are emphasized. Culturally tailored programs (e.g., Sisters of Nia) are particularly important for African American early adolescent girls living in low-income communities, where they may have limited access to community resources.

Limitations and Future Directions

The results of the current study must be interpreted in the context of a few limitations. First, this study was correlational, and statistical analyses used to explore the relations between Africentric cultural values, ethnic identity, and substance use abstinence do not establish causation. Second, the effect sizes for the total Africentric cultural values scores psuedo R2 ranged from .05 to .26) were small to moderate. Caution must be used when interpreting the findings given that Africentric cultural values contribute so little to the overall prediction of substance use abstinence. Third, how lifetime substance use was measured could have limited our understanding of this behavior. In the current study, a dichotomous measure (yes/no) was used to assess lifetime substance use. Future researchers may want to use multidimensional measures of substance use, including frequency of substance use and most recent substance use to capture a more complex pattern of students’ substance use. Additionally, measuring adolescents’ attitudes toward substance use may provide more information about their potential to engage in substance use behaviors. Including measures of self-efficacy and peer influence to examine specific pathways may help illuminate the link between specific cultural values, ethnic identity, and substance use abstinence. Fourth, the surveys were presented in the same sequence, which may have biased the findings and threatened internal validity. Future studies should randomly arrange the measures in the survey (e.g., ask about substance use first in some surveys, and ethnic identity first in other surveys) to remove this effect from the findings. Future studies should also include longitudinal data to help support temporal relationships among variables as well as provide a more comprehensive link between cultural values and substance use abstinence in African American adolescents across time. Finally, the sample for the current study consisted of African American adolescent girls living in low-income communities. Their experiences may differ from African American adolescent girls from middle-class or higher SES backgrounds. Future studies should investigate how social class as a contextual factor influences substance use abstinence.

Conclusion

Despite its limitations, this study provides preliminary insight into the relationships between Africentric cultural values and ethnic identity to substance use abstinence in low-income, early adolescent, African American girls. In particular, Africentric cultural values were linked with lower cigarette, marijuana, and alcohol use abstinence, suggesting that the endorsement of communalistic support of early adolescent African American girls living in low-income communities and the related environmental stressors of those communities may be associated with cigarette, marijuana, and alcohol use risk. However, findings also indicated that ethnic identity exploration positively interacted with Africentric cultural values to predict alcohol abstinence among participants.

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was supported by Grant No. R24HD042849, Population Research Center, awarded to the Population Research Center at The University of Texas at Austin by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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