Skip to main content
NCBI home page
NIHPA Author Manuscripts logoLink to NIHPA Author Manuscripts
. Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2023 Aug 8.
Published in final edited form as: Soc Sci Med. 2021 Jul 24;316:114266. doi: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2021.114266

Forms and frequency of vicarious racial discrimination and African American parents’ health

Kathleen Holloway 1,*, Fatima Varner 1
PMCID: PMC10409599  NIHMSID: NIHMS1908649  PMID: 34340866

Abstract

Background:

African Americans often witness or learn about others’ racial discrimination experiences (i.e., vicarious racial discrimination). Vicarious racial discrimination may contribute to adverse physical and psychological health outcomes for African Americans. We examined relations between four types of vicarious racial discrimination and depressive symptoms and self-rated health among African American parents.

Methods:

Path analyses were conducted to examine the linkage between each type of vicarious racial discrimination and both depressive symptoms and self-rated health. Chi-square difference tests were conducted to determine if the four forms of vicarious racial discrimination significantly differed in their relations to both depressive symptoms and self-rated health.

Results:

Witnessing or learning about their children’s racial discrimination experiences was significantly related to higher parental depressive symptoms. Witnessing or learning about a racial discrimination experience of a stranger through the news or social media was significantly related to lower self-rated health.

Conclusions:

The findings highlight the importance of examining the health implications of vicarious racial discrimination. Different types of vicarious racial discrimination experiences matter concerning depressive symptoms and self-rated health.

Keywords: adolescents, African americans, Parents, Vicarious discrimination, Mental health, Physical health

1. Introduction

Vicarious racial discrimination is an indirect form of race-related stress that occurs when an individual learns about or observes racial discrimination that happened to someone else (Harrell, 2000; Heard--Garris et al., 2018). These events can happen to family members, friends, acquaintances, or strangers and also occur in different contexts (e.g., viewed on the news or social media platforms). These experiences are prevalent for African American individuals and are sometimes more common than personal racial discrimination. In one study, roughly 70 % of African Americans reported experiencing vicarious racial discrimination online while only 29 % reported experiencing online personal racial discrimination (Tynes et al., 2008). In another study, 67 % of African American women reported personal experiences of racial discrimination, while 86 % reported they had experienced vicarious racial discrimination in the past year (Brody et al., 2008).

Previous research on the effects of race-related stressors has mainly focused on the role of personal racial discrimination experiences in health, psychological, and family functioning outcomes (Jelsma and Varner, 2020; Pieterse and Powell, 2016; Varner et al., 2020). However, vicarious racial discrimination experiences also may have implications for mental and physical health. Researchers have found links between vicarious discrimination and higher anger, frustration, anxiety, depression, loneliness, and problem behaviors, and lower childbirth weight (Dominguez et al., 2008; Holloway and Varner, 2021; Jochman et al., 2019; Mendoza-Denton et al., 2002; Truong et al., 2016). Furthermore, reading about police brutality was significantly associated with increased blood pressure reactivity, heart rate reactivity, and negative affect (Kort, 2017). It is possible that experiencing vicarious racial discrimination incidents over time may increasingly tax the body which then may have implications for physical and mental health (Kort, 2017).

There have also been studies that did not find links between vicarious racial discrimination and health (see Heard-Garris et al., 2018; Priest et al., 2012). For example, in one study vicarious racial discrimination was not related to psychological adjustment measures (Tynes et al., 2008). These mixed findings may be because the links between vicarious discrimination and health differ based on the relationship the respondent has with the target of discrimination. Most measures of vicarious racial discrimination do not identify the relationship the respondent has with the target of racial discrimination, even though people may feel different levels of stress based on the nature of these social relationships (Gee et al., 2012). Thus, unidimensional measures of vicarious racial discrimination may obscure the relations between this construct and health and well-being.

In addition, many studies are ambiguous in their definition of vicarious discrimination in terms of whether the target of racial discrimination is same-race or cross-race, and whether a respondent is aware of their secondhand exposure to racial discrimination (Heard--Garris et al., 2018). Therefore, there is need in the field to examine distinct sources of vicarious racial discrimination to better understand how vicarious racial discrimination are related to outcomes such as depressive symptoms and self-rated health. In this study, we specify the social relationships African American respondents have with same-race targets of racial discrimination and we focus on secondhand experiences of racial discrimination of which our participants were cognizant.

Conceptual work by Gee and colleagues (2012) underscores that Life Course Theory’s principle of linked lives highlights the interconnectedness of social networks and suggests that the racial discrimination experiences of one person can influence interactions with proximal others such as family members and friends and influence their outcomes. In particular, they highlighted that the experiences children have with racial discrimination may have stronger relations to parents’ mental and physical health than the experiences of others in parents’ networks or even parents’ own racial discrimination experiences. The discriminatory experiences of others may resonate more with individuals who are more proximal to the targets of discrimination such as family members (e.g., linked lives; Gee et al., 2012) and be more linked to their mental and physical health. Witnessing racial discrimination that happens to one’s child, family, or friend may influence depressive symptoms and physical health differently compared to learning about a stranger’s racial discrimination experience through a media outlet. Conversely, even though the experiences of strangers are less proximal, often people learn about the experiences of strangers through media which can mean more frequent or prevalent exposure to the same incident (Hitlin and Vogt, 2014). Incidents that get media exposure also may have greater severity (e.g., vigilante shootings, police brutality). Thus, these experiences may also be related to mental and physical health outcomes.

1.1. Current study

The goal of this study was to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the role of vicarious racial discrimination in the lives of African Americans by examining whether the relationships participants had with targets of racial discrimination experiences had implications for their physical and psychological health. Guided by Life Course Theory (Gee et al., 2012), the current study used a sample of African American parents to examine relations among four types of vicarious racial discrimination and parental depressive symptoms and self-rated health (Fig. 1). We hypothesized that each type of vicarious racial discrimination would be related to higher depressive symptoms and lower self-rated health. It was further hypothesized that parents’ experiences of vicarious racial discrimination experienced by their child, friend, or family member would be more strongly related to higher depressive symptoms and lower self-rated health compared to learning about a racial discrimination experience of an acquaintance or of a stranger through a media outlet.

Fig. 1.

Fig. 1.

Open in a new tab

Conceptual model of the relations between vicarious racial discrimination and parent depressive symptoms and self-rated health.

2. Methods

2.1. Participants and procedure

Survey Sampling International was used to recruit participants for an online survey on adolescent development, race-related stressors, and parenting practices. The participants had to correctly answer eligibility questions (i.e., over the age of 18, identified their race and ethnicity as African American or Black, and have at least one child between the ages 11–18) to participate. Study participants consisted of 567 African American or Black mothers and fathers (M age = 45; 56.1 % female) with adolescent children (M age = 14; 50.4 % female). Only one parent from each family was sampled. Median education level was an associates or trade degree. Range of family income was from under $10,000 to $150,000 and up. Median family income was 60,000 to 69,999. The majority of participants were married (58.9 %).

2.2. Measures

2.2.1. Vicarious racial discrimination

Vicarious racial discrimination was measured using four items created for the purposes of the survey. The items asked parents about the frequency in the last year that they witnessed or heard about racial discrimination experienced by 1) their target adolescent, 2) their family members or friends, 3) another Black person they knew, and 4) a Black person in the news or social media. Response options were on a 6-point Likert type scale, 1 (never) to 6 (almost every day). In previous research, this measure was associated with higher racial socialization messages, involved-vigilant parenting, and adolescent internalizing problem behaviors among African Americans (Holloway and Varner, 2021).

2.2.2. Depressive symptoms

Parental depressive symptoms were assessed using a shortened 11-item version of the Center for Epidemiologic Studies-Depression Scale (CES-D; Radloff, 1977; Andresen et al., 1994). Example items included, “I had trouble keeping my mind on what I was doing” and “I did not feel like eating; my appetite was poor.” Response choices were rarely or none of the time (1) to most or all of the time (4). For the purposes of analyses, a summed variable of depressive symptoms was created (α = 0.83).

2.2.3. Self-rated health

The current study utilized one item to measure parents’ self-rated health. The participants were prompted with the following instructions, “In general, your physical health is” and response choices included poor (1), fair (2), good (3), very good (4), and excellent (5). This item has commonly been used across populations to assess self-rated health ((Benjamins et al., 2012); Chandola and Jenkinson, 2000).

2.2.4. Demographic information

The participants responded to demographic items to gain a better understanding of the collected sample as well as the ability to control for variables during the analyses. The current study used family income, educational attainment, marital status, parent age, and parent gender (0 = male and 1 = female) as covariates. Family income was assessed in $10,000 increments from under 10,000 to $150,000 and over, and there were 10 options from junior high school or less to Ph.D., J.D., or M.D for educational attainment, and marital status was coded as 1 = married and 0 = not married (i.e., never married, divorced, separated, and widowed).

3. Results

3.1. Analysis plan

Analyses were conducted in Mplus 8.2 (Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2017). We conducted path analyses to examine the relation between each type of vicarious racial discrimination and both depressive symptoms and self-rated health in one model. Chi square difference tests were also conducted to determine if pathways significantly differed between each type of vicarious racial discrimination and each health outcome. Full information maximum likelihood was used to address missing data in the analyses (Arbuckle et al., 1996). Family income, educational attainment, marital status, parent age, and parent gender were also controlled for in the analyses. Goodness of fit statistics were evaluated on the following criteria, χ2 >0.05, RMSEA <0.08, CFI >0.90, TLI > 0.90, and SRMR < 0.08 (Kline, 2015). Missing data analyses revealed that 5.11 % of the data were missing for depressive symptoms and for all other variables less than 2.12 % were missing. In addition, Little’s MCAR test in SPSS indicated the data were missing completely at random (χ2 = 63.063, df = 74, p = .814).

3.2. Descriptive statistics

Correlation analyses were conducted between study variables (Table 1). The four types of vicarious racial discrimination were significantly and positively correlated with each other and depressive symptoms. Fathers reported more vicarious racial discrimination via their children. Further, witnessing racial discrimination on the news or social media was significantly negatively correlated with self-rated health and marital status. Younger parents reported more witnessing of their child’s racial discrimination. Further, depressive symptoms were significantly negatively correlated with self-rated health. Witnessing or hearing about a Black acquaintance being treated unfairly because of their race and hearing about a Black person’s racial discrimination experiences in the news or on social media were more common than vicarious racial discrimination via one’s child or another family member or friend. Correlational and descriptive results can be found in Table 1.

Table 1.

Zero order correlations.

Variable 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 10. 11. 12. 13 14.
1. Child discrimination -
2. Family or friend discrimination .60*** -
3. Other person discrimination 51*** .64*** -
4. Media discrimination 24*** .42*** .55*** -
5. Depressive symptoms .30*** .23*** .23*** .17*** -
6. Self-rated health −.04 −.04 −.06 −.13** −.32*** -
10. Education .04 .06 .06 .10* −.11* .17*** -
11. Income .02 .05 .04 .03 −.22*** .23*** .45*** -
12. Gendera −.10* −.06 −.07 .08 .12** −.15*** −.09* −.25*** -
13. Age −.08 −.08 −.09* −.02 −.27*** .05 .00 .15*** −.22*** -
14. Marriedb −.06 −.03 −.01 −.10* −.12** .14** .18*** .43*** −.28*** .12*** -
M 2.28 2.74 3.06 3.99 18.98 3.26 5.11 7.40 .56 27.68 .59
SD 1.38 1.47 1.51 1.60 6.24 .97 1.92 4.31 .50 8.89 .49
N 559 560 558 557 538 555 567 558 567 567 567
Open in a new tab

Note.

a

Dummy variable of parent gender, male as reference group

b

Dummy variable of marital status, not married as reference group.

*

p < .05

**

p < .01

***

p < .001.

3.3. Path analyses

Path analyses were conducted in Mplus 8.2 (Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2017) to examine the relation between vicarious racial discrimination and depressive symptoms and self-rated health (Table 2). The fit statistics indicated the model was saturated, χ2 (0) = 0, p < .001, CFI = 1.00, TLI = 1.00, RMSEA = 0.00, 90 % CI [0.00, 0.00], SRMR = 0.00. Fit statistics are less interpretable when the model is saturated or just-identified. The model explained 19.6 % of the variance in depressive symptoms and 8.6 % of the variance in self-rated health. Witnessing the racial discrimination of their adolescent was significantly related to higher parents’ depressive symptoms (β = 0.24, p < .001). In contrast, vicarious racial discrimination via a friend, family member, acquaintance, or the news or social media was not significantly related to parents’ depressive symptoms. Income and age were also negatively related to depressive symptoms. Vicarious racial discrimination via the news or social media was significantly related to lower self-rated health (β = −0.13, p = .007). In contrast, other forms of vicarious racial discrimination were not significantly related to self-rated health. In addition, parent education and income were positively related to self-rated health.

Table 2.

Regression coefficients.

Variable Depressive symptoms
 Self-rated health
B SE β B SE β
Child discrimination 1.07 .23 .24*** −.02 .04 −.03
Family or friend discrimination .12 .24 .03 .01 .04 .01
Other person discrimination .14 .24 .04 .00 .04 .00
Media discrimination .34 .19 .09 −.08** .03 −.13**
Open in a new tab
*

p < .05

**

p < .01

***

p < .001.

3.4. Chi-square test

To test differences in pathways of vicarious racial discrimination type and depressive symptoms and self-rated health we conducted chi-square difference tests on pathways in Model 1. We constrained all pathways from vicarious racial discrimination and depressive symptoms to be equal to each other and compared this model to an unconstrained model. This test was significant (χ2 (3) = 10.02, p = .01) indicating that individual difference tests of pathways should be conducted. These results indicated that the pathway between witnessing one’s child’s experience of racial discrimination and depressive symptoms was significantly different from witnessing a friend or family member’s racial discrimination (χ2 (1) = 6.05, p = .01), an acquaintance’s racial discrimination (χ2 (1) = 6.55, p = .01), or witnessing racial discrimination on the news or social media (χ2 (1) = 6.87, p = .01) and depressive symptoms. The relation between witnessing the racial discrimination experience of your child was significantly related to depressive symptoms, whereas the relationship between other variables of vicarious racial discrimination and depressive symptoms were not significant.

Further, a chi square difference test was conducted for the pathways between vicarious racial discrimination type and self-rated health. Results indicated that the constrained model did not fit the data worse than the unconstrained model (χ2 (3) = 4.46, p = .22); thus, pathways between vicarious racial discrimination and self-rated health are not significantly different from one another.

4. Discussion

The current study used a sample of African American parents to examine relations among four types of vicarious racial discrimination and depressive symptoms and self-rated health. Higher reports of witnessing or learning about the racial discrimination experiences of one’s child were related to higher reports of depressive symptoms. However, other forms of vicarious racial discrimination were not significantly related to depressive symptoms. As conceptualized by linked lives theory, individuals are interconnected with those in their social networks and the nature of these social relationships have implications for one’s health outcomes (Gee et al., 2012). Children are more proximal to parents compared to many other family members, acquaintances, or individuals on the news or social media. Thus, it is not surprising that their racial discrimination experiences were related to their parents’ depressive symptoms. In addition, parents may feel responsible for protecting their children from experiencing similar racial discrimination (Truong et al., 2016), whereas they may not feel as though they have control over other forms of vicarious racial discrimination. Previous research has also found that African American parents worried about their children after learning about the death of Trayvon Martin and subsequently engaged in discussions about race and racism with their child (Thomas and Blackmon, 2015).

Next, higher reports of witnessing racial discrimination on the news or social media were related to lower self-rated health, whereas other types of vicarious racial discrimination were not significantly related to self-rated health. Although vicarious racial discrimination experiences on the news or social media are less proximal, the frequency of racial discrimination witnessed may be different compared to the other forms of vicarious racial discrimination. For instance, the Pew Research Center conducted an analysis of primetime news coverage and 122 of the 180 min observed were covering unrest in Ferguson after the killing of Michael Brown (Hitlin and Vogt, 2014). An individual may read about or listen to the same racist incident on multiple social media platforms and the news; whereas, an individual may be less likely to be exposed to repeated accounts and images of a discriminatory event of a friend, family member, or acquaintance. Indeed, parents in our sample reported experiencing vicarious racial discrimination on the news or social media at a more frequent rate compared to other forms of vicarious racial discrimination (see Table 1). Repeated exposure to images and accounts of the same incident of racial discrimination may elevate stress levels which could lead to poorer health (Hitlin and Vogt, 2014). Previous research found that reading about police brutality was significantly associated with health outcomes including increased blood pressure and heart rate reactivity (Kort, 2017). Notably, the pathway between vicarious racial discrimination via the news or social media and self-rated health was not significantly different from the other pathways. This finding in conjunction with the lower variance explained in the model for self-rated health compared to depressive symptoms suggests that vicarious racial discrimination is more strongly related to psychological health than physical health although future studies with diverse samples and more information about the characteristics of the target of racial discrimination could help elucidate these relations.

4.1. Limitations and future directions

There were several limitations of this study. First, the current study utilized cross-sectional data which limits interpretations about the directionality of the findings. To explore directionality, future research should utilize longitudinal data to assess whether different types of vicarious racial discrimination experiences are related to depressive symptoms and self-rated health over time. The measure of each form of vicarious racial discrimination was a single item. Future research may expand upon these items to better measure forms of vicarious racial discrimination. Further, only one item was used to measure self-rated health. However, this item of self-rated health has been commonly used across populations to assess self-rated health and individuals who rate themselves as fair or poor also have worse health based on objective measures of health (Benjamins et al., 2012; Chandola and Jenkinson, 2000). Despite these limitations, the current study underscores the importance of examining the different types of vicarious racial discrimination experiences of parents and how they are related to mental and self-rated health outcomes.

5. Conclusions

The current study explored four types of vicarious racial discrimination (i.e., witnessing or learning about the racial discrimination experiences of one’s child, Black friends and family members, a Black acquaintance, or strangers through the news or social media) with a sample of African American parents. The goal of the study was to determine if these different forms of vicarious racial discrimination experiences were related to parents’ depressive symptoms and self-rated health. The findings highlight the importance of exploring differences in the vicarious racial discrimination experiences based on the relationship one has with the target of racial discrimination. Indeed, the racial discrimination experiences of children are particularly relevant and detrimental to parents’ depressive symptoms. The findings also highlight the need for more research to explore vicarious racial discrimination to understand how these experiences are related to individuals’ outcomes.

Acknowledgments

This research was supported by grant P2CHD042849 awarded to the Population Research Center at The University of Texas at Austin by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health.

Footnotes

Declaration of competing interest

None.

Credit author statement

Kathleen Holloway: Writing - Original Draft Preparation, Conceptualization, Data Curation, Formal analysis. Fatima Varner: Writing - Review & Editing, Conceptualization, Data Curation, Funding acquisition, Investigation, Supervision.

References

  1. Andresen EM, Malmgren JA, Carter WB, Patrick DL, 1994. Screening for depression in well older adults: evaluation of a short form of the CES-D. Am. J. Prev. Med. 10, 77–84. 10.1016/S0749-3797(18)30622-6. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  2. Arbuckle JL, Marcoulides GA, Schumacker RE, 1996. Full information estimation in the presence of incomplete data. In: Advanced Structural Equation Modeling: Issues and Techniques, vol. 243. Taylor & Francis, p. 277. [Google Scholar]
  3. Benjamins MR, Hirschman J, Hirschtick J, Whitman S, 2012. Exploring differences in self-rated health among Blacks, Whites, Mexicans, and Puerto Ricans. Ethn. Health 17 (5), 463–476. 10.1080/13557858.2012.654769. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  4. Brody GH, Chen YF, Kogan SM, Murry VM, Logan P, Luo Z, 2008. Linking perceived discrimination to longitudinal changes in African American mothers’ parenting practices. J. Marriage Fam. 70, 319–331. 10.1111/j.1741-3737.2008.00484.x. [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  5. Chandola T, Jenkinson C, 2000. Validating self-rated health in different ethnic groups. Ethn. Health 5, 151–159. 10.1080/713667451. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  6. Dominguez TP, Dunkel-Schetter C, Glynn LM, Hobel C, Sandman CA, 2008. Racial differences in birth outcomes: the role of general, pregnancy, and racism stress. Health Psychol. 27, 194–203. 10.1037/0278-6133.27.2.194. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  7. Gee GC, Walsemann KM, Brondolo E, 2012. A life course perspective on how racism may be related to health inequities. Am. J. Publ. Health 102 (5), 967–974. 10.2105/AJPH.2012.300666. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  8. Harrell SP, 2000. A multidimensional conceptualization of racism-related stress: implications for the well-being of people of color. Am. J. Orthopsychiatry 70, 42–57. 10.1037/h0087722. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  9. Heard-Garris NJ, Cale M, Camaj L, Hamati MC, Dominguez TP, 2018. Transmitting trauma: a systematic review of vicarious racism and child health. Soc. Sci. Med. 199, 230–240. 10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.04.018. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  10. Hitlin P, Vogt N, 2014. Cable, Twitter Picked up Ferguson Story at a Similar Clip. Pew Research Center, August 20. https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2014/08/20/cable-twitter-picked-up-ferguson-story-at-a-similar-clip/. [Google Scholar]
  11. Holloway Kathleen, Varner Fatima, 2021. Parenting despite discrimination: Does racial identity matter? Cult. Divers Ethnic Minor. Psychol. 10.1037/cdp0000452. In press. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  12. Holloway K, Varner F, 2021. Maternal Race Related Stressors and African American Adolescents’ Academic and Behavioral Outcomes. Fam. Relat. 7 (2), 603–618. 10.1111/fare.12540. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  13. Jelsma E, Varner F, 2020. African American adolescent substance use: the roles of racial discrimination and peer pressure. Addict. Behav. 101, 106–154. 10.1016/j.addbeh.2019.106154. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  14. Jochman JC, Cheadle JE, Goosby BJ, Tomaso C, Kozikowski C, Nelson T, 2019. Mental health outcomes of discrimination among college students on a predominately White campus: a prospective study. Socius 5, 1–16. 10.1177/2378023119842728. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  15. Kline RB, 2015. Principles and Practice of Structural Equation Modeling. Guilford publications. [Google Scholar]
  16. Kort DN, 2017. We Can’t Breathe: Affective and Psychophysiological Reactivity of Vicarious Discrimination. [Master’s Thesis]. University of Washington. [Google Scholar]
  17. Mendoza-Denton R, Downey G, Purdie VJ, Davis A, Pietrzak J, 2002. Sensitivity to status-based rejection: implications for African American students’ college experience. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 83, 896–918. 10.1037//0022-3514.83.4.896. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  18. Muthen LK, Muthén BO, 1998–2017. Mplus User’s Guide, eighth ed. Muthén & Muthén, Los Angeles, CA. [Google Scholar]
  19. Pieterse A, Powell S, 2016. A theoretical overview of the impact of racism on people of color. In: Alvarez AN, Liang CTH, Neville HA (Eds.), The Cost of Racism for People of Color. American Psychological Association, pp. 11–30. [Google Scholar]
  20. Priest N, Paradies Y, Stevens M, Bailie R, 2012. Exploring relationships between racism, housing and child illness in remote indigenous communities. J. Epidemiol. Community Health 66, 440e447. 10.1136/jech.2010.117366. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  21. Radloff LS, 1977. The CES-D scale: a self-report depression scale for research in the general population. Appl. Psychol. Meas. 1, 385–401. 10.1177/014662167700100306. [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  22. Thomas AJ, Blackmon SKM, 2015. The influence of the Trayvon Martin shooting on racial socialization practices of African American parents. J. Black Psychol. 41, 75–89. 10.1177/0095798414563610. [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  23. Truong KA, Museus SD, McGuire KM, 2016. Vicarious racism: a qualitative analysis of experiences with secondhand racism in graduate education. Int. J. Qual. Stud. Educ. 29, 224–247. [Google Scholar]
  24. Tynes BM, Giang MT, Williams DR, Thompson GN, 2008. Online racial discrimination and psychological adjustment among adolescents. J. Adolesc. Health 43, 565–569. 10.1016/j.jadohealth.2008.08.021. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  25. Varner F, Hou Y, Ross L, Hurd NM, Mattis J, 2020. Dealing with discrimination: parents’ and adolescents’ racial discrimination experiences and parenting in African American families. Cult. Divers Ethnic Minor. Psychol. 26, 215–220. 10.1037/cdp0000281. 10.1037/cdp0000281. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]

RESOURCES