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. Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2024 Oct 1.
Published in final edited form as: Arch Sex Behav. 2023 Mar 20;52(7):2823–2834. doi: 10.1007/s10508-023-02582-x

Sexual Victimization in Adolescence: Pathways of Risk from Sexual Harassment via Risky Alcohol Use and Delinquency among US Adolescents

Jennifer A Livingston 1, Weijun Wang 1, Amanda B Nickerson 2, Maria Testa 3
PMCID: PMC10509313  NIHMSID: NIHMS1882575  PMID: 36940045

Abstract

Sexual harassment is a common, yet understudied form of peer victimization experienced by adolescents during a critical period in the development of sexual identity. Adverse sexual experiences early in life (e.g., child sexual abuse) can increase risk for future sexual assault victimization; however, it is unclear as to whether sexual harassment victimization is also a risk factor for sexual assault. We examined the prospective association between peer sexual harassment and experiencing sexual victimization in the following year among a community sample of 13–15-year-old adolescents (N = 800, 57% female) from the northeastern U.S. We also examined whether risky alcohol use and delinquency mediated the association between sexual harassment and sexual assault victimization, as well as whether the paths differed by gender. Results indicated that sexual harassment victimization prospectively predicted later sexual victimization for both girls and boys. Using a parallel mediation path model, we determined that for girls, sexual harassment victimization predicted both risky alcohol use and delinquency, but only risky alcohol use was predictive of sexual victimization. For boys, sexual harassment victimization predicted delinquency but not risky alcohol use. Risky alcohol use was not associated with sexual victimization for boys. Findings indicate that sexual harassment victimization increases risk for later sexual victimization in adolescence, but the pathways differ by gender.

Keywords: Sexual harassment, Sexual victimization, Adolescents, Delinquency, Alcohol use

Peer sexual harassment is a pervasive and often-overlooked form of peer victimization, affecting 30–80% of U.S. adolescents (AAUW, 2001; Clear et al., 2014; Hill & Kearl, 2011). Sexual harassment is defined as unwanted and unwelcome conduct of a sexual nature that can interfere with one’s life (AAUW, 2001). It includes unwanted sexual comments, gestures, jokes, requests for sex, sexual touching, threats, sending or requesting sexual pictures, as well as homophobic name calling (AAUW, 2001; Hill & Kearl, 2011; Rinehart et al., 2020). Both boys and girls experience sexual harassment from peers, although girls and gender and sexual minoritized (GSM) adolescents tend to experience it more often and to be more negatively impacted by it compared with boys and heterosexual youth (Gruber & Fineran, 2008; Hequembourg et al., 2020; Mitchell et al., 2014). Adverse outcomes associated with peer sexual harassment include depression, suicidality, alcohol use, delinquency, and teen dating violence in both heterosexual (Chiodo et al., 2009; Dahlqvist et al., 2016; Livingston et al., 2022; Rinehart et al., 2020) and GSM samples (Hatchel et al., 2018; Hequembourg et al., 2020). Compounding the potential for harm, these outcomes are also risk factors associated with sexual assault victimization (i.e., rape, attempted rape, verbal coercion, sexual contact) among adolescents and young adults (Hamby et al., 2012; Howard et al., 2007; Testa & Livingston, 2009), raising the concern that peer sexual harassment could place adolescents at risk for later sexual assault. Surprisingly, little is known about the relation between sexual harassment victimization and sexual assault victimization, including potential mechanisms through which they may be associated and whether the relations differ by gender.

The Developmental Impact of Sexual Harassment in Adolescence

A robust body of evidence indicates that adverse early sexual experiences, such as child sexual abuse or having sex under conditions of coercion or substance-related impairment, can disrupt healthy sexual development and agency, thereby placing adolescents at risk for sexual re-victimization (e.g., Else-Quest et al., 2005; Howard & Wang, 2005; Livingston et al., 2015). However, the effects of early sexual harassment experiences on risk for sexual assault are unknown. Peer sexual harassment is a form of sexual aggression that has traditionally been studied apart from other types of sexual victimization, despite the conceptual overlap. Sexual harassment can be extremely damaging to adolescents because it attacks an individual’s sexual and/or gender identity during a formative period, a period characterized by increased interest in attracting a romantic or sexual partner and heightened sensitivity to peer approval and rejection (McMaster et al., 2002; Steinberg, 2014).

Traditional gender role norms are performed and reinforced through peer sexual harassment, and heteronormative scripts of dating and sexual behavior normalize male aggression and dominance as well as the sexual objectification of girls and women (Gruber & Fineran, 2016; Hlavka, 2014). Adolescents whose appearance, mannerisms, behaviors, or pubertal development differ from those of their peers are subject to sexual harassment. Those whose appearance is consistent with idealized notions of masculinity and femininity tend to be objectified, while those who deviate from these idealized norms are ridiculed and abused (Gruber & Fineran, 2008, 2016; Lindberg et al., 2007; Meyer, 2009). Stress, rejection, and self-doubt stemming from these experiences can have significant social repercussions for adolescents, potentially leading them to affiliate with risky peers who are older, aggressive, delinquent, and/or substance using (Chiodo et al., 2009; Kaltiala-Heino et al., 2016).

According to routine activities theory, risk for sexual assault increases in situations where a vulnerable target and a motivated offender are present, but guardianship is absent (Lauritsen et al., 1992; Mustaine & Tewksbury, 2002). These conditions often occur within the context of spending time with risky peers who engage in delinquent activities or use substances.

Delinquency and Sexual Victimization Risk

Sexual harassment victimization is linked to delinquency for both boys and girls, although sexually harassed boys are more prone to delinquency than girls (Kaltiala-Heino et al., 2016) and are more likely to subsequently perpetrate sexual aggression (Espelage et al., 2015; Ybarra & Thompson, 2018). Consistent with routine activities theories of victimization (Lauritsen et al., 1992; Mustaine & Tewksbury, 2002), engaging in delinquent activities places adolescents in contexts where there is a lack of guardianship along with peers who are potentially impulsive, dysregulated, and aggressive. These factors increase the likelihood of being exposed to a sexual perpetrator. Although sexually harassed boys are more likely than girls to become involved in delinquency, girls are at higher risk than boys for experiencing sexual assault in delinquent contexts (Tillyer et al., 2010). This may be because sexually harassed boys may feel the need to prove their masculinity through engaging in aggressive or delinquent acts, including sexual assault of girls (Kaltiala-Heino et al., 2016). Delinquency is associated with increased aggression and sexual violence perpetration among males, yet it is unclear whether it also is prospectively related to sexual assault victimization.

Alcohol and Sexual Assault Risk

Alcohol is the substance used most by adolescents (Johnston et al., 2020) and is an established risk factor for sexual victimization. There is some evidence to suggest that alcohol may be used to cope with negative affect associated with sexual harassment and other forms of peer victimization (Hong et al., 2019; Livingston et al., 2022; Marschall-Levesque et al., 2017). Alternatively, adolescents may also use alcohol to be sociable, fit in, or to enhance their enjoyment (Cooper, 1994; Kuntsch et al., 2005). Whatever the reason, consuming enough alcohol to achieve intoxication, defined here as risky alcohol use, increases risk of sexual assault through its effects on cogntive and behavioral functioning (see Testa & Livingston, 2009, 2018 for reviews). Intoxication can increase target vulnerability by impairing one’s ability to recognize or respond to sexual aggression. Further complicating the situation, adolescents typically consume alcohol in social situations such as parties, where there is an expectation for sexual activity to occur (Lindgren et al. 2009; Livingston et al., 2013), making the situation ripe for misperception of sexual interest (Abbey, 2002; Monks et al., 2010).

Much of the research on the role of risky alcohol use in sexual assault victimization has focused on women and girls as victims. The few studies that have included males have shown that risky drinking is also linked to the sexual victimization of men and boys (Ngo et al., 2018; Tillyer et al., 2010; Young et al., 2008). Yet, whether risky drinking is a mechanism through which early sexual harassment can contribute to sexual assault for young men and women remains to be determined.

Current Study

The current study examined the prospective associations between sexual harassment victimization and experiencing sexual assault victimization in the following year among a community sample of adolescents in the northeastern U.S. We also examined whether delinquency and risky alcohol use are mechanisms through which early sexual harassment victimization is linked to subsequent sexual assault victimization over time. We hypothesized that after controlling for age, childhood victimization, baseline delinquency, alcohol use, gender, sexual identity, and race/ethnicity, adolescents who reported sexual harassment during the first year of the two-year study (waves 1 and 2) would be more likely than those who did not to report sexual victimization during the last year of the study (waves 4 and 5). Consistent with extant research on sexual harassment of adolescents (e.g., Bucchianeri et al., 2014; Kaltiala-Heino et al., 2016), we predicted that individuals who were sexually harassed would be more likely to report delinquency and risky alcohol use at wave 3, which in turn would be positively associated with sexual assault victimization at waves 4 and 5. Our expectation that risky alcohol use and delinquency would predict sexual assault victimization is based on research with adolescent girls and young adult women (e.g., Stogner et al., 2014; Young et al., 2008). Also, based on prior research, we anticipated that girls would be more likely to report both sexual harassment and sexual victimization than boys (Howard et al., 2007; Gruber & Fineran, 2008). There is a dearth of research examining risk factors for sexual victimization of adolescent boys. To address this, the current study explored whether the same model applies to boys as well as girls.

Methods

Participants

Participants were a community sample of adolescents from a county in western New York State (N = 800, 57% female), aged 13 to 15 years at baseline recruitment (M = 14.20, SD = 0.83). Consistent with the demographics for the county, 81.0% of participants self-identified as European American, 11.4% as African American, 4.0% as multiracial, 1.3% as Asian/ Asian American, 0.6% as Native American, and 1.8% as Other. About 6.7% of the participants indicated that they were Hispanic/Latino. Participants were in 8th (32.1%), 9th (35.0%), or 10th (22.9%) grades and attended a public (84.5%), private (11.9%), or charter school (3.5%). More than half of the mothers had a college degree (61.5%), and the median family income was $80,000 or more.

Procedures

Address-based sampling was used to recruit adolescents from neighborhoods and communities with high concentrations of children and families. Mailings addressed to the head of household or current resident printed on the university letterhead sought adolescents for a longitudinal study of teen relationships and health. The mailing included a brief description of the study along with an invitation to participate and information for contacting the study via phone, electronic (e-mail), or US mail. Each household received at least two mailings; up to four mailings were sent to addresses in ethnically diverse and low-income neighborhoods to increase response rate. Interested individuals were screened for eligibility over the phone.

To be eligible, adolescents had to be between the ages of 13 and 15 years, attending a public, charter, or private school, living with a mother or legal female guardian who was also willing to participate in the study, and speak and read English at a 6th-grade level. Mothers were recruited to complete a baseline survey to provide demographic information. Of the 916 adolescents who were enrolled in the study, 801 (87.4%) completed the baseline surveys. One case was excluded from the analysis due to veracity concerns (i.e., different birthdates were given at different assessment points), resulting in a sample of 800 adolescent participants. The web-based surveys were administered using a secure server at baseline and every six months post-baseline over a two-year period for a total of five waves (baseline, 6-, 12-, 18-, 24-months). Each survey took about 1 ½ hours to complete and participants received a $25 check for their participation in each wave. Parental informed consent and adolescent assent were obtained, and all procedures were approved by the Institutional Review Board of the affiliated university.

Measures

Sexual harassment victimization.

Sexual harassment victimization was measured at baseline (wave 1) and at 6-months follow-up (wave 2), using a seven-item modified version of the American Association of University Women survey (AAUW, 2001; Hill & Kearl, 2011). This survey has been used with both female and male adolescents (AAUW, 2001). Participants were asked to indicate how many times in the past six months they had experienced each of the following when they were not wanted (7 items): someone spreading sexual rumors, unwanted sexual touch, homophobic teasing, was sent or asked to send sexual pictures, received sexual threats, someone made sexual jokes, gestures, or comments, and sexual name calling (e.g., “slut,” “ho”). Items were assessed using 7-point scales (0 = Never happened; 1 = Less than once a month; 2 = About once a month; 3 = 2 or 3 times per month; 4 = About once a week; 5 = Several times per week; 6 = Every day or almost every day). We summed all seven items at each wave (r = 0.434; Cronbach’s alpha = 0.776 at wave 1 and 0.861 at wave 2) and then took the sum of the two waves to create a sexual harassment victimization score for each adolescent, with higher scores indicating higher levels of sexual harassment victimization (α = 0.851).

Risky alcohol use.

Risky alcohol use was assessed as frequency of drinking to intoxication in the past six months at baseline and at 12-months follow-up (wave 3). Risk for adverse effects increases with impairment and adolescents may vary in terms of quantity needed to feel the effects of alcohol, thus, participants were asked, “On how many occasions (if any) have you been drunk during the last 6 months?” Responses were on 7-point scales (0 = Never; 1 = 1–2 times; 2 = 3–5 times; 3 = 6–9 times; 4 = 10–19 times; 5 = 20–39 times; 6 = 40 or more times).

Delinquency.

Delinquency was measured at baseline and at 12-months follow-up (wave 3) with a 14-item modified Self-Reported Delinquency Scale (Loeber et al., 1991) to assess the extent to which the adolescent had engaged in delinquent behavior during the past six months. Because we wanted to consider the effects of delinquency independent of risky alcohol, this measure did not include any assessment of substance use. Example statements include: “How many times have you skipped school without an excuse?”, “How many times have you lied, disobeyed, or talked back to adults such as parents, teachers, or others?”, and “How many times have you scared someone to get them to do what you wanted?” Responses were on a 5-point scale (0 = Never; 1 = 1–2 times; 2 = 3–5 times; 3 = 6–9 times; 4 = 10 or more times). We took the sum of all these 14 items to create a delinquency score for each participant (α = 0.669).

Sexual victimization experiences.

Sexual victimization experiences occurring in the past six months were assessed at 18-months (wave 4) and 24-months (wave 5) follow-ups using a 20-item measure that was based on the Sexual Experiences Survey (SES; Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987) and subsequently modified by Testa et al. (2010). The measure uses gender neutral language and includes four sexual aggression tactics (arguments/pressure, threats of physical harm, physical force, incapacitation) with each tactic used as a stem, followed by five potential outcomes (unwanted contact, attempted intercourse, intercourse, oral sex/sex acts, anal sex) that happened “when you indicated that you didn’t want to”. For each item, participants reported whether it had happened never, once, twice, or three or more times (scored 0, 1, 2, 3). Following recommendations of Testa et al. (2010), we computed a severity score based on the most severe act of aggression experienced (reported at either wave) scored as follows: no victimization (0), contact (1), attempted coercion (2), coercion (3), attempted rape (4), completed rape (5). We also summed the total number of victimization experiences at wave 4 (α = 0.955) and wave 5 (α = 0.887) and created a summed score for each participant indicating total victimization experiences in the past year of the study. Severity was correlated with number of experiences (r = 0.672).

Childhood Experiences of Violence.

Adolescents’ exposure to childhood victimization was measured at baseline (wave 1) using the Childhood Experiences of Violence Questionnaire (CEVQ; Walsh et al., 2008). Two items assessed witnessing adult aggression toward other adults (i.e., interparental violence), eight items assessed adult aggression toward the child (e.g., slapped; grabbed or shoved; kicked, bit, or punched), and six items assessed child sexual abuse (e.g., showed private parts; threatened to have sex). All items were rated on a 5-point scale from 0 (Never) through 4 (More than 10 times). An average score was computed over these sixteen items to create a childhood victimization variable for each participant (α = 0.773).

Analytic Strategy

We tested the direct and indirect effects of sexual harassment victimization (waves 1/2) on sexual victimization severity (waves 4/5) using a parallel mediator path analysis model in Mplus Version 8.6 using Bayesian estimation (Muthén & Muthén, 2017; Muthén, Muthén, & Asparouhov, 2016). The two parallel mediators were wave 3 delinquency and risky alcohol use. Gender (0 = male; 1 = female), age, childhood victimization, baseline delinquency and risky alcohol use, sexual identity (0 = heterosexual; 1 = LGBQ+, 19.4%), and race/ethnicity (0 = white; 1 = non-white, 19.0%) were included as covariates, and their influence was controlled for on sexual victimization (Figure 1). Sexual harassment victimization, age, childhood victimization, baseline delinquency and risky alcohol use were continuous and grand mean centered. Gender, sexual identity, and race/ethnicity were dichotomous and uncentered. All available data were analyzed using the full-information maximum likelihood. The models were first tested on the sample as a whole and then separately for girls and boys to determine whether the paths differed by gender.

Figure 1.

Figure 1

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Indirect Effects of Sexual Harassment Victimization on Sexual Victimization via Delinquency and Risky Alcohol Use (Whole Sample)

Note: Path coefficients are unstandardized. The parallel mediators were allowed to be correlated. Model was controlled by age, childhood victimization, baseline delinquency and alcohol use, gender, sexual identity, and race/ethnicity. Sexual harassment victimization was measured at waves 1 and 2, and delinquency and risky alcohol use were measured at wave 3, and sexual victimization was measured at waves 4 and 5.

*** p < .001, ** p < .01, * p < .05

Results

Descriptives

Of 800 adolescents who completed baseline (i.e., wave 1), 751 (93.9%) completed the six-months follow up (wave 2), 727 (90.9%) completed the 12-months follow up (wave 3), 675 (84.4%) completed the 18-months follow up (wave 4), and 714 (89.3%) completed the 24-months follow up (wave 5) survey. There were 632 (79.0%) adolescents who completed all five waves of the survey. Compared to those who had complete data, at baseline, those who had missing data at some time point(s) were more likely to be male (25.9%) than female (17.4%), χ2(1, 800) = 8.496, p = .004. No differences were found in age, childhood victimization, sexual identity, sexual harassment victimization, delinquency, risky alcohol use, or race/ethnicity.

Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations among primary variables are displayed in Table 1. Comparisons of male and female adolescents are shown in Table 2. As expected, compared to boys, girls reported statistically more sexual harassment victimization during the first year of the study and more sexual assault victimization during the last year of the study. Female adolescents also reported more childhood victimization. Female adolescents were slightly older than male adolescents at baseline (Mage = 14.25, SD = 0.83 versus Mage = 14.13, SD = 0.84), t(798) = −2.126, p = .034, and were more likely to identify as something other than exclusively heterosexual (24.3% versus 12.8%), χ2(1, 793) = 16.613, p < .001. However, there were no gender differences in delinquency and alcohol use at both baseline and at wave 3.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics and Bivariate Correlations

Variable Descriptive Statistics Correlations
Min Max Mean SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
1. Sexual harassment victimization (waves 1/2) 0.00 52.00 2.37 5.58 --
2. Delinquency (wave 3) 0.00 15.00 0.78 1.97 0.252** --
3. Risky alcohol use (wave 3) 0.00 5.00 0.50 1.10 0.160** 0.334** --
4. Sexual victimization severity (waves 4/5) 0.00 5.00 0.28 1.01 0.390** 0.120** 0.261** --
5. Age 13.00 15.50 14.20 0.83 −0.005 0.072 0.224** 0.118** --
6. Childhood victimization 0.00 2.44 0.30 0.34 0.320** 0.181** 0.061 0.243** 0.126** --
7. Baseline delinquency 0.00 27.00 0.90 2.01 0.291** 0.466** 0.232** 0.162** 0.034 0.299** --
8. Baseline alcohol use 0.00 5.00 0.17 0.61 0.223** 0.355** 0.576** 0.254** 0.214** 0.128** 0.344** --
9. Gender 0.00 1.00 0.58 0.49 0.113** −0.015 0.017 0.149** 0.075* 0.100** −0.022 0.044 --
10. Sexual identity 0.00 1.00 0.19 0.40 0.260** 0.068 0.045 0.158** 0.059 0.199** 0.113** 0.086* 0.145** --
11. Race/ethnicity 0.00 1.00 0.19 0.39 0.008 0.008 −0.101* −0.015 0.024 0.130** 0.023 −0.091* 0.061 0.096** --
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**

. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).

*

. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).

Table 2.

Comparisons of Male and Female Adolescents (N = 800)

Variable Male (n = 340) Female (n = 460) t-test (df) or χ2(df, N)
Sexual harassment victimization (waves 1/2), M (SD) 1.64 (4.16) 2.91 (6.38) t(798) = −3.215**
Delinquency (wave 3), M (SD) 0.81 (2.19) 0.75 (1.80) t(671) = 0.386
Risky alcohol use (wave 3), M (SD) 0.48 (1.15) 0.52 (1.07) t(5011) = −0.366
Any Sexual victimization (waves 4/5), n (%) 9 (14.5) 53 (85.5) χ2 (1, 712) = 19.707***
Age, M (SD) 14.13 (0.84) 14.25 (0.83) t(798) = −2.126*
Childhood victimization, M (SD) 0.26 (0.30) 0.33 (0.37) t(798) = −2.853**
Baseline delinquency, M (SD) 0.96 (1.97) 0.86 (2.04) t(793) = 0.634
Baseline alcohol use, M (SD) 0.14 (0.55) 0.19 (0.65) t(795) = −1.276
Sexual identity, LGBQ+, n (%) 43 (12.8) 111 (24.3) χ2 (1, 793) = 16.613***
Race/ethnicity, non-white, n (%) 55 (16.3) 97 (21.1) χ2 (1, 798) = 2.929
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***

p < .001

**

p < .01

*

p < .05

Indirect Effects Model

Primary analyses involved testing the proposed parallel mediator model of the effects of sexual harassment victimization on sexual victimization severity as mediated via delinquency and risky alcohol use for both male and female adolescents. All paths are displayed in Table 3. As depicted in Figure 1, after controlling for age, childhood victimization, baseline delinquency and alcohol use, gender, sexual orientation, and race/ethnicity, sexual harassment victimization in the first year (waves 1/2) predicted significantly greater sexual victimization severity in the last year of the study (waves 4/5). Sexual harassment victimization in the first year (waves 1/2) predicted significantly more engagement in delinquent behavior one year later (wave 3); however, delinquent behavior was not associated with later sexual victimization (waves 4/5). Sexual harassment victimization at waves 1/2 also predicted significantly higher risky alcohol use one year later (wave 3), which in turn, positively predicted sexual victimization severity in the last year of the study (wave 4/5). The indirect effect of sexual harassment victimization on sexual victimization via risky alcohol use was significant, (b = 0.004 (SD = 0.002), p = .001, 95% CI = [0.001, 0.007]). We repeated the model substituting total victimization experiences for sexual victimization severity. The indirect effect from sexual harassment victimization to total sexual victimization experiences via risky alcohol use was significant, (b = 0.021 (SD = 0.008), p < .001, 95% CI = [0.008, 0.039]. Paths were virtually identical to the victimization severity model.

Table 3.

Results for Parallel Mediator Path Analysis Model of the Effects of Sexual Harassment Victimization on Sexual Victimization via Delinquency and Risky Alcohol Use

Model Estimate (S.D.) 95% CI
Sexual victimization (waves 4/5)
 ← Sexual harassment victimization (waves 1/2) 0.054 (0.007)*** [0.040, 0.069]
 ← Delinquency (wave 3) −0.030 (0.021) [−0.072, 0.012]
 ← Risky alcohol use (wave 3) 0.120 (0.039)** [0.043, 0.197]
 ← Age 0.074 (0.043) [−0.010, 0.157]
 ← Childhood victimization 0.356 (0.117)** [0.125, 0.586]
 ← Baseline delinquency 0.001 (0.020) [−0.039, 0.040]
 ← Baseline alcohol use 0.179 (0.071)* [0.041, 0.316]
 ← Gender 1 0.178 (0.072)* [0.038, 0.318]
 ← Sexual identity 2 0.075 (0.092) [−0.103, 0.258]
 ← Race/ethnicity 3 −0.063 (0.091) [−0.243, 0.116]
Delinquency (wave 3)
 ← Sexual harassment victimization (waves 1/2) 0.094 (0.014)*** [0.067, 0.122]
Alcohol use (wave 3)
 ← Sexual harassment victimization (waves 1/2) 0.031 (0.008)*** [0.015, 0.047]
Effects from sexual harassment victimization (waves 1/2) to sexual victimization (waves 4/5)
Total 0.055 (0.007)*** [0.041, 0.070]
Total indirect 0.001 (0.002) [−0.004, 0.006]
Specific indirect
 Sexual harassment victimization → Delinquency → Sexual victimization −0.003 (0.002) [−0.007, 0.001]
 Sexual harassment victimization → Alcohol use → Sexual victimization 0.004 (0.002)** [0.001, 0.007]
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Note.

1

Gender (0 = male; 1 = female).

2

Sexual identity (0 = male; 1 = female).

3

Race/ethnicity (0 = white; 1 = non-white).

***

p < .001

**

p < .01

*

p < .05

Indirect Effects Model, Separately for Female and Male Adolescents

We then repeated the sexual victimization severity model by limiting the sample to female adolescents (N = 460). The pattern of the results for girls was the same as for the sample overall. As depicted in Figure 2, sexual harassment victimization predicted significantly more engagement in delinquent behavior and risky alcohol use. Risky alcohol use significantly predicted sexual victimization severity. Engagement in delinquent behavior was not associated with sexual victimization (p = .878). The indirect effect of sexual harassment victimization on sexual victimization via risky alcohol use was significant, (b = 0.005 (SD = 0.003), p = .004, 95% CI = [0.001, 0.011]). When total victimization (instead of severity) was analyzed as the outcome variable, the pattern of the results was identical.

Figure 2.

Figure 2

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Indirect Effects of Sexual Harassment Victimization on Sexual Victimization via Delinquency and Risky Alcohol Use for Female Adolescents

Note: Path coefficients are unstandardized. The parallel mediators were allowed to be correlated. Model was controlled by age, childhood victimization, baseline delinquency and alcohol use, sexual identity, and race/ethnicity. Sexual harassment victimization was measured at waves 1 and 2, and delinquency and risky alcohol use were measured at wave 3, and sexual victimization was measured at waves 4 and 5.

*** p < .001, ** p < .01, * p < .05

We repeated the sexual victimization severity model by limiting the sample to male adolescents (N = 340). As depicted in Figure 3, relationships among male adolescents were somewhat different from those of female adolescents. For male adolescents, sexual harassment victimization predicted significantly more engagement in delinquent behavior (but not more risky drinking, p = .094). Contrary to our expectation, engagement in delinquent behavior was negatively associated with subsequent sexual victimization. Unlike with female adolescents, risky alcohol use did not predict the occurrence of sexual victimization (p = .132) for male adolescents. The indirect effect of sexual harassment victimization on sexual victimization via delinquency was significant and negative, (b = −0.009 (SD = 0.004), p = .004, 95% CI = [−0.018, −0.003]). When total victimization was analyzed as the outcome, the pattern of results was identical, with one exception that delinquent behavior was no longer associated with sexual victimization (p = .722), hence the indirect effect was no longer significant.

Figure 3.

Figure 3

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Indirect Effects of Sexual Harassment Victimization on Sexual Victimization via Delinquency and Risky Alcohol Use for Male Adolescents

Note: Path coefficients are unstandardized. The parallel mediators were allowed to be correlated. Model was controlled by age, childhood victimization, baseline delinquency and alcohol use, sexual identity, and race/ethnicity. Sexual harassment victimization was measured at waves 1 and 2, and self-delinquency and alcohol use were measured at wave 3, and sexual victimization was measured at waves 4 and 5.

*** p < .001, ** p < .01, * p < .05

Discussion

Findings from this study add to a growing body of evidence documenting the adverse long-term outcomes associated with experiencing peer sexual harassment in adolescence. Peer sexual harassment victimization in early adolescence directly predicted sexual assault victimization in late adolescence for both female and male adolescents. The results also replicate previous research linking sexual harassment victimization prospectively to both alcohol use and delinquency (Chiodo et al., 2009; Kaltiala-Heino et al., 2016; Livingston et al., 2022; Rinehart et al., 2020). Further, results indicate that among girls, risky alcohol use (i.e., frequency of drinking to intoxication) is a mechanism through which early sexual harassment and subsequent sexual assault are linked. Because the model results for the overall sample and for female adolescents were the same, whereas the model for male adolescents was unique, we discuss the findings by gender.

For female adolescents, sexual harassment victimization was predictive of greater delinquency and risky alcohol use 12-months later, as hypothesized. Risky alcohol use in turn predicted sexual assault in the subsequent year. In other words, for girls, risky alcohol consumption mediated the relation between sexual harassment and sexual assault victimization. This novel finding highlights risky alcohol use as a mechanism through which sexual harassment may contribute to a greater number of assaults and more severe sexual assault for female adolescents. Although sexually harassed girls also reported greater involvement in delinquency compared to non-victimized girls in the current study, delinquency was not independently related to later sexual assault victimization when risky drinking was included in the model. To ensure that we examined the unique effects of delinquency on sexual victimization apart from alcohol use, we used a measure of delinquency that did not include substance use. The types of behaviors assessed in this study (e.g., stealing, skipping school) do not appear to be related to sexual victimization. These results suggest that risky alcohol use is a particularly strong predictor of sexual assault victimization above and beyond delinquent behavior and affiliation with delinquent peer groups among female adolescents. Consistent with routine activities theory, risky alcohol use likely increases risk for sexual assault through impairment (increased target vulnerability) and expectations for sexual activity (motivated offender) that are pervasive in drinking contexts (Lindgren et al., 2009; Livingston et al., 2013). Youth who achieve pubertal maturation at an earlier age are more likely to be targeted for sexual harassment and to affiliate with older peers (Stogner et al., 2014). Alcohol use becomes more normative in later adolescence, making it likely that youth who associate with older peers are also exposed to alcohol and sex in social settings (Young et al., 2008), but not necessarily the delinquent activities measured in this study. Future studies should consider pubertal development and sexual risk behaviors as possible mechanisms through which sexual harassment can contribute to subsequent sexual victimization.

We also explored whether boys’ experiences of sexual harassment contributed to their later sexual victimization in a similar fashion. Although boys, like girls, who experienced sexual harassment were more likely to engage in later delinquency, boys’ sexual harassment did not predict subsequent risky alcohol use. For boys, sexual harassment often involves an attack on their masculinity. Young men may respond to attacks on their masculinity, identity, and status through acting out and delinquent activity (Kaltiala-Heino et al., 2016). Yet surprisingly, delinquency was protective against sexual victimization severity for boys. One possibility is that engaging in delinquent activities does serve to convey qualities of dominance and aggression that make boys less likely to be targeted for sexual assault. Given the relatively low rates of sexual assault victimization reported by male adolescents in this sample (3.1% compared with 12.6% for female adolescents), and the fact that the protective effect of delinquency on sexual victimization disappeared when the total number of sexual victimization experiences was used in the analysis instead of sexual victimization severity, these findings should be interpreted with caution.

Sexual harassment victimization was predictive of later sexual victimization for boys; however, not through the hypothesized pathways. The current study adds to a body of literature indicating that boys are subject to sexual victimization throughout adolescence (Howard et al., 2007; Ngo et al., 2018), yet there is a dearth of research to document the contexts and circumstances that place boys at risk for sexual assault victimization. Additional research is needed to better understand sexual victimization among young males and to help inform intervention and prevention efforts targeting male adolescents.

Future Directions for Research

The current study establishes risky alcohol use as a mechanism through which sexual harassment contributes to the sexual victimization of female adolescents. Although there was some support for our mediational models, the direct relationships between sexual harassment and sexual victimization for both male and female adolescents suggests that there are other factors that were not assessed in this study that may also account for the association between sexual harassment and sexual victimization. For example, sexual harassment also has been linked to risky sexual behavior (e.g., having multiple partners) among female adolescents which is a known risk factor for sexual victimization (Kaltiala-Heino et al., 2018; Maxwell et al., 2003). Other factors such as mental health (e.g., depression), low self-regulation, and early pubertal development may also be mechanisms through which sexual harassment contributes to sexual assault victimization among adolescents. Future studies should consider these factors as possible mechanisms through which sexual harassment might contribute to sexual assault victimization among female adolescents.

Given the dearth of research on the sexual assault victimization experiences of male adolescents, more studies are needed to identify risk factors for sexual victimization. Mixed methods studies that consider both the contexts and characteristics of sexual assault victimization experiences are especially needed to identify potential risk factors for sexual assault victimization among adolescent males. Consideration also should be given to issues of sexual and gender identity to determine whether the mechanisms that link sexual harassment to sexual victimization differ for sexual and gender minoritized adolescents.

Limitations

Several limitations need to be considered in interpreting the results of the current study. Participants in the study were predominantly White, suburban, heterosexual, and coming from middle class families with educated mothers. Results may not generalize to adolescents from diverse sexual, racial, ethnic, and economic backgrounds. Although we controlled for several relevant baseline variables such as childhood victimization, delinquency, alcohol use, race/ethnicity, and sexual identity, we recognize that there are other potential predictors and pathways through which peer sexual harassment may be linked to later sexual assault victimization. Rates of sexual harassment and sexual assault victimization were low among this young adolescent sample, especially for male adolescents, making it harder to detect relationships. Although the sexual harassment measure had been used in previous research with adolescent males (AAUW, 2001), the current version of the Sexual Experiences Survey (Testa et al., 2010) has not been used with adolescents previously. Additionally, the measure of delinquency used in this study may not have assessed the constructs that were relevant to sexual victimization. Measures that include assessments of aggressive behavior or heterosexist attitudes may yield different results. Finally, cyber sexual harassment was not assessed.

The limitations of the current study are offset by its many strengths. This study extended current understandings of the harmful impact of peer sexual harassment on adolescent sexual health and safety by documenting its prospective association with sexual assault victimization. Much of the prior work on sexual harassment has utilized cross-sectional study designs (e.g., Clear et al., 2014; Kaltiala-Heino et al., 2016), limiting the ability to establish temporal ordering of correlated factors. Use of a large community sample and prospective assessment of key constructs over five waves (2 years) of data collection revealed the temporal ordering of sexual harassment, delinquency, risky drinking, and sexual victimization, allowing us to test mediational pathways. Finally, examining gender differences in the potential pathways through which sexual harassment contributes to sexual assault victimization was also a strength. Male adolescents are frequently included in studies of sexual harassment, and sometimes in studies of sexual assault; however, they are often viewed as perpetrators rather than victims.

Conclusion

The findings of this study highlight the importance of including peer sexual harassment as part of the spectrum of sexually aggressive behaviors, along with child sexual abuse and sexual assault. Traditionally, peer sexual harassment among adolescents has been ignored or viewed as normative albeit inappropriate heterosexual interactions (Hlavka, 2014; Meyer, 2009). The current study underscores that sexual harassment is not harmless for male or female adolescents and worse, can leave them vulnerable to future sexual victimization. The study further supports findings that risky drinking can put sexually harassed female adolescents at risk for sexual victimization. The results extend extant research by showing that the pathways to sexual victimization differ by gender. Although the current study showed some support for alcohol use as a mediator between sexual harassment and sexual victimization for female adolescents, the relation between sexual harassment and sexual victimization for male adolescents requires further investigation.

Acknowledgments

This research was funded by R01 AA021169 awarded to Jennifer A. Livingston by the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism.

This study was reviewed and approved by the Institutional Review Board of the University at Buffalo, State University of New York.

Footnotes

Declarations

Informed consent was obtained from legal guardians. Adolescent participants provided informed assent.

Data is available upon request from the first author.

Code availability: N/A

The authors have no conflicts of interest to report.

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