Black Women’s Sexual Communication: Retrospective Accounts of Messages from Male and Female Family Members

Abstract

The study used Black feminist theory and methods to examine messages about the composition of, and potential differences in the sexual health that Black women received from male and female loved ones. Black feminist theory grounded the study by ensuring Black women were involved in research team composition, design, recruitment, and data analysis. Our inductive thematic analysis of focus group data from 24 Black women revealed seven themes: Indirect Communication, Absence of Communication, Messages to Shield, and Prepare from male figures. The themes from female figures included: Absence of Communication, Open Communication, and Empowerment, Pleasure, and Judgment-Free Communication. A seventh theme that connected across gender focused on Objectification and Gender Stereotypes. Findings of the study suggest that there is a need for greater focus on improving family communication about sex for Black women and the need to center communication that empowers Black women to engage in healthy sexual practices.

The sexual health of Black women remains a critical public health concern in America. Black women are overrepresented in cases of sexually transmitted diseases and infections, as well as poor maternal health outcomes (CDC, 2021). Black women are five times more likely to be diagnosed with chlamydia and gonorrhea when compared to White women (CDC, 2021). Despite decreases in HIV infections in recent years, Black women have the highest rates of new HIV infections among all women in the United States (CDC, 2018). Thus, it is important to understand how to intervene to prevent these persistent health disparities in sexual outcomes for Black women. One way to intervene is through informative familial sexual socialization and communication.

Research on the sexual behaviors of women and teens spans decades, yet there is a need to have a more nuanced understanding of Black women’s understanding of sexual socialization (e.g., Miller et al., 1998; Leath et al., 2020). A central factor in all these systems is communication. Findings from meta-analyses, systematic reviews, and other research point to the important role of family communication in promoting sexual health and reducing sexual risk-taking among adolescent and emerging adult women (e.g., Widman et al., 2016; Miller et al., 1998; Leath et al., 2020). One shortcoming in the literature is that most studies about Black adolescents and youth sexual socialization focused on messages received from mothers (e.g., O’Sullivan et al., 2001; Johnson, 2013). The few studies that examined gender revealed that there were some differences in the way mothers and fathers talked to their children about sex (e.g., Evans et al., 2019; Stewart et al., 2019). More specifically, women tended to be the primary conveyors of sexual education (Evans et al., 2022; Johnson et al., 2013). There is also available research that shows that fathers do communicate with their adolescent children about sex (e.g., Johnson, 2013). However, Wright (2009) noted that when fathers communicated about sex with their children, it was often characterized as infrequent and awkward. Stewart et al. (2019) also documented that the girls in their study reported having less frequent communication with their fathers and found the communication with fathers to be less helpful than communication with mothers.

This study emphasizes the sexual socialization that Black college women received from both male and female loved ones. The study highlights distinct messages Black women received and how they made sense of them. This attention to gender differences can illuminate the strengths and weaknesses of messaging from same and different sex family members and fictive kin. We included fictive kinships with female friends as the literature shows they are central in Black women’s lives (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2002; Grant & Simmons, 2008; Chatters et al., 1994; Stewart, 2007). It is vital to understand the nuances of sexual socialization as multiple scholars have linked it to sexual risk behaviors and related health outcomes (Day, 2010; Fletcher et al., 2015). Our study adds to the literature by further amplifying and building on findings from the family communication literature on sexual silence observed by African Americans (Warren-Jeanpiere et al., 2010) and the addressing the need to have more nuanced research on family communication related to sex within Black families (Hutchins & Nelson, 2021). This qualitative analysis gave voice to Black women’s perception of the communication that they received from important male and female figures in their lives. This approach supported the call by Hutchins and Nelson (2021) to engage in scholarship that focus on the “perspectives on how Black young adults make sense of adulthood considering family messaging about various topics (i.e., sex, class, racism, discrimination, etc. (p.6).”

Black family communication and sexual socialization

Communication consists of multiple facets, such as whether it occurred, the content of the communication, the frequency of the communication, and what values were imposed on the individual due to the communication (Kapungu et al., 2010). Hutchins and Nelson (2021) noted (1) the scant research on family communication about and within Black families and (2) the inadequacy of scholarship that truly gives voice to the realities that Black families experience in American society. Specifically, there is a lack of family communication literature that considers the enduring legacies of racism, sexism, and other socio-historical events that shaped how Black families communicate. Much of the research that focuses on Black family communication centers around racial differences in styles, but less is known about the intersections of race and gender and how Black family communication shapes Black women’s sexual outcomes. Black parents tend to teach their children ethnic-racial socialization from a young age to foster a strong sense of racial identity and sense of self (Brown et al., 2018). A strong sense of racial identity correlates with higher self-esteem. A strong sense of self could be a protective factor against adverse sexual health behaviors for youth that are more at risk due to their social environments (Salazar et al., 2005). Resiliency frameworks are useful to consider in the context of risk reduction and healthy development (Zimmerman, 2013). Receiving support from families and other external networks serve as protective factors against various health risk behaviors, including sexual risk (Zimmerman, 2013). Similarly, Buzzanell (2017) noted that having mentors supports resilience in organizations. Therefore, exploring how family members support the sexual development of young women is important for health promotion.

Existing studies have determined a positive association between parents that communicate with their children about sex and increased contraceptive use or other protective measures before engaging in sexual behavior (Akers et al., 2010). Research suggests that Black parents primarily utilize sexual risk and abstinence messaging, which could perpetuate the hypersexual stereotype of the Black woman (Leath et al., 2020) or prepare their daughters for submissive roles that meet gender norms. There appears to be a lack of messaging from family members that focuses on body positivity or sexual empowerment (Wade et al., 2022). This is problematic as Black women exposed to empowering messages are less likely to engage in sexual relations early in life (Evans et al., 2022). The delay or intent to wait to engage in sexual relations could be a protective factor against adverse sexual health behaviors. A study by Akers et al. (2010) concluded that the use of vague and indirect messages from Black parents often sent a message of sexual avoidance rather than preventative practices. This lack of explicit and direct messaging could put Black women at risk for more adverse sexual health outcomes.

Black feminist analysis of family communication

Sexual socialization and communication are especially complex developmental processes in the case of Black women due to consideration for race and gender-specific practices (Brown et al., 2018). Sexual socialization often starts in the home through familial communication (Leath et al., 2020). These family communication patterns could be further understood within the context of Black Feminist Theory. According to Black feminist and womanist scholars, it is vital to consider the interconnected aspects of the matrix of domination, like class, body type, urbanicity, and religious affiliation when studying outcomes related to Black women (Collins, 2000; Lindsay-Dennis, 2015). This means understanding that Black women’s sexual health is impacted by factors like historical medical trauma related to C-section trials and forced sterilization (Gee & Ford, 2011), the experience of child abuse (Mehta et al., 2017), the limited understanding of ways to engage them in research (Frederick et al., 2021), as well as the gendered racialized experiences they have with health care providers (Wade et al., 2023). Here we focus on sexual socialization and how messages from male and female loved ones are communicated and understood.

Sexual silence is an approach to sexual socialization that emerged in Black feminist theory. It is characterized by the absence of open, constructive, sexual health and communication on micro, mezzo, and macro-societal levels (Collins, 2004; Hammonds, 1997). According to Collins (2000), sexual silence is a protective method used by Black mothers to shield their children from judgment. Another perspective about silencing can be attributed to discomfort in talking about sex. Crosby and Miller (2002) noted that a lack of open communication might be due to sexual secrecy and sociocultural taboos about discussing sexuality. Moreover, Warren-Jeanpiere et al. (2010) reported that silencing is done to shield their daughters from the harsh critical eye of the dominant society. This lack of open discussion with Black women about their sexual health is rooted in culture and sociohistorical patterns. Historically, Black American women have not had space to be open with their sexuality because of the stigmatism and the archetypes that the dominant society placed on them (Bond et al., 2021; Prather et al., 2018). In their qualitative study on Black women’s experiences with sexual stereotypes and sexual decision making, Bond et al. (2021) found that “Race-Based Sexual Stereotypes (RBSS) may lead Black women to resist learning new information about safer sex practices” which can put them at risk for STI acquisition (Bond et al., 2021). Here we use Black feminist theory to guide our review of the literature as well as study design. Collins (1990) and Few et al. (2003) assert that Black female scholars are best suited to conduct qualitative analyses of Black women given their shared lived experiences.

Gender-specific family communication about sex

According to Banks-Wallace and Parks (2001), Black American mothers largely communicated through avoidance or indirect conversations about sexuality, sexual intercourse, and sexual health. This leaves many Black girls in a reactive space (adjusting to unintended pregnancies and/or STIs), rather than a preventative one (asserting themselves around condom use and/or waiting for sex). The cost of this approach is highlighted by CDC data which shows Black American adolescents have the highest rates of sexually transmitted infections (CDC, 2021). Therefore, sexual communication and socialization about risk avoidance are important.

In their study examining gender differences in parent-child sex communication among Black adolescents, Sneed et al. (2013) found that adolescents discussed sex more with their mothers when compared to fathers. Similarly, Stewart et al. (2019) applied a multifactorial framework to understand sexual health discussions by mothers and fathers and their daughters. Their findings indicated that adolescent girls reported having less communication about sex with their fathers as compared to their mothers. They also found that communication with their mothers was more helpful than what they had with their fathers. They were more comfortable speaking with their mothers. Other research highlights that fathers’ roles need to be better understood and that men contribute to their daughters’ sexual education in different ways than women. For example, Johnson (2013) interviewed 40 Black college women about how their fathers shaped their beliefs about gender. In this study, Black women reported that when fathers were involved in their lives, they felt protected. Dorsey (2022) found that the daughters in her study valued the conversations that they had with their fathers about sex. They particularly valued understanding “the game” as the navigation of sexual and romantic relationships was referred to in this study. The young women welcomed the advice provided by fathers and considered it as a source of protection.

In sum, both mothers and father figures influence how Black women understand sexuality and relationships. However, the content and frequency of the conversations differ by gender.

Research questions

This study examined messages about sex and sexuality that Black college women received from male and female loved ones. Here we considered differences in messaging based on the gender of the messenger. What messages do Black women receive about sex and sexuality from the men and women in their families? And are messages distinct based on the gender of the messenger?

Method

This study used data from a larger study, ‘An Exploratory Study of Barriers to Black Women’s Involvement in Gynecological Research and Health Care’. The study aimed to examine factors related to disparities in Black women’s sexual health outcomes. The study also examined perspectives from Black women about ways to engage them in research on sexual health and healthcare (Frederick et.al., 2022). The qualitative study included data from (1) 39 individual interviews and (2) 7 focus groups that focused on sexual socialization and sociocultural issues associated with sexual health for Black women. For the current study, we report focus group findings associated with the prompts: How did you come to see yourself as a sexual being and the roles that male figures played in this process? They also responded to a question about what messages about sex and sexuality they receive from women in their lives. The questions were presented in an open way and allowed women to describe and share their experiences and messages that were communicated to them about sex.

Participants

Demographic information is presented in Table 1. Participants learned about the study through social media, flyers, and large campus emails targeting Black women. In the spirit of Black feminist methodology, we included photos of the Black female scholars on the flyers. Doing so shows potential participants that data collection will be led by individuals with a shared lived experience (Collins, 1990; Few et al., 2003). The criterion for participation were to identify as a Black female (ages 18–25) who were sexually active within the last year. Each participant received a $25 gift card for their participation. Two universities served as hosts for this study. Participants at a Predominantly White Institution (PWI, n = 8), a Historically Black College and University (HBCU, n = 20) in the Southeast US shared their perspectives.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics for Focus Group Participants - Full Sample (N = 28)

	HBCU	PWI
Age
18	2	1
19	3	NA
20	1	3
21	8	3
22	3	NA
23	2	2
Father’s Education
Professional Degree/Doctorate	4	NA
Four-year degree	2	3
Two-year degree	4	1
Some College	6	1
High school graduate/Some HS	2	2
Unknown	2	1
Mother’s Education
Professional Degree/Doctorate	3	4
Four-year degree	6	2
Two-year degree	4	2
Some College	4	NA
High school graduate	3	NA
Sexual Orientation
Heterosexual	18	5
Bisexual	1	2
Not disclosed	1	1
Relationship Status
Single	15	7
Monogamous Relationship	5	1

Data collection

The data was collected in Fall 2020 and Spring of 2021 when universities were navigating instruction and student support through hybrid and online modalities as a result on the COVID-19 Pandemic. Thus, the researchers used Zoom to conduct the focus groups. All sessions were recorded after participants consented to the recording. The focus group participants received information about the study through email and completed a demographic survey to share background information. Focus groups are a preferred methodology when conducting Black feminist research. Focus groups not only allow Black women to share their lived experiences freely, but they also allow for the creation of sisterhoods, which creates comfort and familiarity in a population that often creates fictive sisterhoods when navigating social spaces (Frederick et al., 2023). Frith (2000) noted three reasons why sex research benefits from using focus groups as a form of data collection. Focus groups help with exploratory research, and for understudied topics, it also allows investigators to “learn the language and vocabulary typically used by respondents in talking about their sexual activities and provide conditions under which people feel comfortable discussing sexual experiences and which encourage people to talk about sex (p.277).” Given that talking about sex could be taboo, the focus groups allow the researchers to use sex terminology and receive a group response. Participants who are hesitant to share will be more open as they hear from other study participants.

Each focus group was conducted by two to three members of the research team who alternated between asking questions and probes and taking notes about the participants’ experiences. Given that certain topics are often considered taboo, we used focus groups to provide participants with an opportunity to hear their peers engage in conversations about sex with the hope that they, in turn, would be able to speak freely. At the beginning of each focus group, the researchers used icebreakers about topics related to Black music culture and reminders about the protocol for confidentiality to promote engagement in the discussion. Before the sexual development questions were asked, the team ensured that participants were comfortable and understood the expectations of the study.

A Black feminist approach that calls for centering the needs and perspective of Black women guided the study (Collins, 1998). By using videos with Black women sharing their ideas about sex and having Black women guide the interviews, the environment set the tone for truly hearing and acknowledging the Black woman’s experience with sexual socialization. The four interviewers identified as Black women and represented disciplines in education, social work, family science, and sociology. Creating a safe space for our Black female participants allowed them to speak to racial and gendered aspects of their sexual socialization. It should also be noted that our focus group covered a myriad of topics ranging from Black women’s sexual liberation to gendered medical racism, so they were primed to consider their Black womanhood in all responses provided.

Data analysis

Our coding team consisted of Black female undergraduate students and research faculty. Having a coding theme of students and scholars meant ensured the Black women we interviewed were not misrepresented. Data analysis was driven by inductive thematic approach developed by Braun and Clarke (2006) who outlined six steps to doing thematic analysis. Following their guidelines, the research team first transcribed the interviews verbatim and de-identified the data through a paid transcription servicerev.com. The next step was to familiarize ourselves with the data. Each team member involved in the analysis independently read the transcripts, generated codes, and used sample quotes to support the description of the codes. Then the team met to review the codes generated and to generate themes after deep analysis and deliberation. The team met weekly until the data were completely analyzed. The final themes came from the consensus of the research team who openly discussed, took notes, and updated themes that fit with the data. As Black feminist scholar, we grappled with cultural meanings and what our codes meant as Black women. Below results are presented with literature that provides consideration for race and gender as sexual socialization is a targeted practice that differs based on the deliverer and recipient of the messaging.

Establishing credibility and trustworthiness

Qualitative research allows researchers to share storied data that closely represents the human experience (Stahl & King, 2020). Given that Black women’s voices are often under- explored and silenced in the media (e.g., Serrant, 2020; Williams, 2018), discussing their experiences with sexual topics through focus groups is particularly beneficial. Lincoln and Guba (1985) noted that qualitative research must be careful to engage in data collection, analysis, and reporting with trustworthiness and credibility. To establish credibility, the authors used multiple theoretical perspectives to formulate the study procedures and analyze the data (Stahl & King, 2020). Two-Three members of the research team conducted the focus groups where feasible and a minimum of three members coded and analyzed the data to generate teams. The team engaged in notetaking and identified their biases and positionality as the research process unfolded. Trustworthiness can also be established by building trust between the researcher and participants (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). The icebreaker activities provided an opportunity to build rapport with the participants and allowed for the authentic sharing of their perspectives on the sexual socialization they received. We also used these activities to monitor symbolic power, which is a way to keep Black women at the center of Black feminist analyses (Few et al., 2004). We understood that even though we were all Black women, the researchers had to be careful about the language used with our participants and their position as students and the researchers as faculty. We endeavored to broker trust so that the women could be comfortable sharing their lived experiences with us.

Results

Participant characteristics

Participants responded to a brief demographic survey to establish eligibility for participation in the study and to understand their demographic backgrounds. Participants’ ages ranged from 18 to 23. All, but two, of the participants identified as heterosexuals. One identified as bisexual and the other did not respond. We chose to keep them in the study because they are likely to receive gynecological care and their perspectives on sexual communication were important to us. All the participants were enrolled in college.

Major categories and themes

We analyzed the data related to messages from male and female figures separately and the analysis revealed seven major themes. For the communication or messages from male figures, the themes were: Indirect Communication, Absence of Communication, Messages to Shield, and Prepare. For the communication from female figures, the themes were: Absence of Communication, Open Communication, Empowerment, Pleasure, and Judgment Free. A seventh theme that resonated across both genders focused on Objectification and Gender Stereotypes. Major themes are highlighted in Figure One below.

Male figures

Indirect communication

Participants’ responses indicated that fathers were not always present for conversations about sex with their daughters and when fathers or other male figures were present, they tended to provide hidden messages or analogies to communicate with the young women about sex. Although participants were asked to respond to the messages they received from male figures and not fathers, all participants referred to father figures and not romantic partners or other men in their lives. One participant, Sally, shared that on an outing with her father the conversation about sex and the issue of childbearing came up and the message was communicated this way:

We were at McDonald’s, and I brought up, you know how Sesame seeds have a seed on the bun? He was like, “Yeah, one day you’ll plant your seed and have children.” I was just like, “Okay, I didn’t really understand that analogy.”

Similarly, another woman shared that her grandfather also presented her with an analogy to share his thoughts about relationships and finding a partner. Kayla shared:

I didn’t really have much of a dad growing up and then my grandfather, he was just like to say things using old analogies. One analogy I can think of is something about a bus and like there’s always going to be another bus. Just weird random comments.

About half of the focus group participants echoed similar messages from the male figures in their lives. It was clear that for them, the male figures were aware that they were young women who were seeking romantic relationships and navigating their sexual identities. They also realized that communication about sex must occur but chose to communicate using analogies and indirect messages to possibly ease their apparent discomfort in having the conversations with their daughter and young women in their lives.

Absence of communication

A few of the women mentioned that the male figures in their lives did not communicate with them about sex or anything related to sexual and reproductive development. The men did not prioritize communication about sex with the young women.

One participant, Laila, shared that her father was afraid to have the conversation:

My dad was entirely too afraid to talk to me about anything that has to do with touching, physical, anything at all. Laila

Another woman, Natalie, indicated that male figures were not present in her life and thus the messages she focused on were those from other women in her life. She did not think that she had to rely on a man to receive messages about sexual health until high school: She shared:

I’ll be honest. I don’t have a lot of male figures in my life. So, I was just raised by all very independent women. You don’t need a man for anything and so I really... I think in high school, it played a big role. I was thinking “I want someone to love me. I want a man to appreciate me.”

And another referenced her father and brothers and noted that no specific messages about sex were communicated, but she compared them to her friends’ fathers who engaged in negative statements about women and sexuality, but the male figures in her life did not engage in such conversations. Thus, the conversation about sex was also absent for Shakera:

I’m really close with my dad. I have two younger brothers. I think it helps that, I know for some of my friends, the way that their dads talk about women or that their brothers talk about women, it’s negative. But not with my family. I never hear them slut shaming or judging women’s bodies like we see on TV. But I also never really hear them like amping (amplifying) it up either. It’s good that I don’t hear negative things coming out of their mouths.

The analysis showed that some women did not have active male figures to discuss sex with and when male figures were present, the conversations they desired to have about sex did not happen.

Messages to shield and prepare

When conversations about sex occurred, the focus tended to be on relationships. The male figures who communicated directly or indirectly sent messages to shield women from men who might sexually exploit them or to prepare them for entering relationships or handling sexual relationships with men. The men provided information about safety and protection/shield. The men did not show explicit concern for the women’s sexual enjoyment or forming a successful relationship with a partner. They tended to approach communication about sex as a warning to be careful with other men. Jada noted that she received messages about safety:

I’ve never really had any male figures touch on that topic. It’s more of just always being safe. If you go out, be safe. If you need me to come, get you... That’s pretty much it.

Shakera shared that her father encouraged his daughters to be careful about their appearance and dress. The message was to shield them from sexual advances from men. The message was not modest dressing would keep men from getting the wrong idea. She shared:

My dad, I do remember him, he would always tell me and my sister like, “Don’t show a lot of skin. Don’t dress this way because guys are going to get the wrong idea. You’re going to be more likely to get violated or assaulted,” and things like that. That made me really angry.

Some male figures shared more as their daughters and granddaughters got older. Laila shared that her grandfather took time to discuss relationships with her and wanted to provide her with good advice about sex. She was able to ask questions and seek his input.

My grandfather he actually gave me like a lot of relationship well, not a lot, but if I asked him about relationship stuff you would give me advice and like tell me “oh, be careful, like if he doesn’t have a good relationship with his mom that’s indicative of how he’s gonna treat you and stuff like that.”

Jada shared that she received similar messages from both her father and stepfather: and shared:

I do have my dad in my life and my stepdad, but we’ve never talked a lot about sex. Before I went to undergrad at xxx, they both told me “If you go somewhere, you have a drink, you should be protected. If you’re going to engage in intercourse, protect yourself.” And things of that nature.

Overall, the direct messages men sent to their daughters about sex were to be wary of being exploited and be safe with navigating romantic or sexual relationships.

Female figures

The women shared several messages that they received from female figures in their lives. It is noteworthy that the participants were asked about women in their lives, and they referenced both mothers and female friends. Research on Black families shows that kinship ties extend beyond the family (Stewart, 2007). Scholars have referenced sisterhoods and fictive kinship ties among Black women and families as a source of family-like support (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2002; Grant & Simmons, 2008; Chatters et al., 2008). Therefore, in our analysis, we included the narratives shared about mothers and female friends. These conversations seemed to be more open and frequent than with males. The women shared conversations they had with other women (friends/family/etc.) around sex and expectations. The themes include: Absence of Communication, Open Communication, Empowerment, Pleasure, and Judgment Free Communication.

Absence of communication

Like male figures, some women reported that some female figures did not communicate with them about sex. They avoided the conversations entirely. Jada and Susan shared respectively:

But my mom, I think she still thinks I’m a virgin. We just do not have that conversation. I avoid it, she avoids it and that’s just what makes life easier for the both of us.

I don’t talk about sex in my family at all. We don’t have those conversations.

The women who did not communicate with other women in their families about sex felt it was better to avoid the conversation and that made life easier. For Natalie, it was better for her because she considered herself a private person and focused on abstinence:

I have very minimal conversations about stuff like that. I’m just more of a private person but I have been working on abstinence. Not because I feel like I have to do it but it’s something that “Let’s see if I can do it.” That may be my sexual liberation. I may not want to have sex.

These women did have conversations with other females in their peer group or college.

Empowerment, pleasure, and judgment-free communication

Most of the women shared that they had conversations with female figures as empowering and judgment-free. The conversations with some mothers and peers [girlfriends] were judgment-free and supportive. Women were particularly empowered by their friends who commiserated with them or shared information about sex with them. The messages were empowering because they often focused on pleasure and sexual desire. Two women shared their experiences in college with their friends:

When I lived on campus or like in a house with a bunch of my friends who were a lot more sexually active than I was, we had frequent conversations about sex. And I mean, it was like, a lot of it circled around pleasure. “Were you satisfied with the experience that you had?” And “Would you seek that person out again for it?” Or like, “Was it awful?” There was a lot of like, “What did it entail?”

The women also emphasized communication that was judgment free. Even when they were feeling ashamed about their sexual activities, their peers were supportive and empowered them to accept themselves as sexual beings. They helped make each other feel comfortable about their sexuality and experiences. Keisha stated:

So, I’ve been able to have those open conversations about sex with my friends, and they’ve also been able to tell me about their experiences and it’d be in an open and non- judgmental setting.

Jada stated:

So, it was nice hearing from other women, “Hey, it’s okay. You’re going to do that anyways. But when you do, just make sure that you’re not out here just messing up your name and everything and not getting too involved with someone,” and all of that type of stuff. And it was more so, “You’re in control of everything that happens.” So, it was kind of an empowering moment. Because it’s not shameful to have sex, you’re going to do it anyway.

Most of the empowering, pleasurable, and judgment-free communication came from peers and friends in college. The women were encouraged to embrace themselves as sexual beings and not be concerned about societal perceptions of them.

Open communication

The women reported having open conversations with mothers and other women in their lives. They noted that women talked more about sex and getting their desires fulfilled. Kasey stated:

As far as conversations with my mom, which may be TMI but me and her are very close and so we share a lot for me and her to be mom and daughter. And I appreciate that because like I said, my dad doesn’t talk to me about it so being able to talk to her about my encounters or if I’m unsure about something or if I go get tested and how nervous I am. I appreciate having her as that support.

Monique said:

We were kind of open about sharing. We shared everything. And then we also talked about health. That was a very open conversation…so we had very open conversations, which I thought was really good and really helpful.

Jada shared:

It was my mom and some other women. And it was more so “Make sure that you’re safe. Make sure that you are getting what you want type thing.

The findings suggest that female figures were more open to having direct and frequent conversations about sex and sexuality.

Objectification and gender stereotypes

Our analysis also revealed a theme related to objectification and gender stereotypes in the messages that women received from both males and females in their lives. The messages focused on the objectification of women and gendered stereotypes that expected women to engage in sex simply to have children even though they were college students. Wanda shared:

Now, I’m in a relationship and I have been for a while, so my mother, she’ll be like, “Oh, are you guys going to have kids?” Or “Are you guys thinking about kids?” I’m like, “I’m only 21 now. I want to get my life together first, if I even want to.” And it’s okay for me not to want to have children, but in her mind, it’s like, “That’s unheard of.” I know she means well, but again, that’s inappropriate. You shouldn’t just assume that. Wanda.

There was also the underlying message that their actions should center around having babies and pleasing men. Susan said:

I showed him a picture of what I cooked, and he was like, “Oh yeah, trying to get a man. I see.” I was just like, “Oh.” He would make that comment about other stuff, if I took a really nice picture and I shared it with him, he was like, “Oh, you’re going to get a man.” I’m just like, “Okay.” Then I would just bypass it, but it leaves a bad taste in my mouth, because why are you attributing me wanting to learn how to cook or me dressing nicely to trying to secure a man in a way?

They also heard messages that shamed women who were sexually active or in non-monogamous relationships. They heard negative messages about sexual exploration outside of a committed relationship. Michelle shared:

Then, there’s also the negative conversations with women. Other women like to slut shame women for doing certain things. Some women like to say, “I’m a hoe,” or something like that. There’s been positive and negative conversations about it.

Both men and women sent direct and indirect messages that communicated that sex should be restrictive and not embraced as a healthy part of young women’s development. These messages came mostly from parental figures in their lives and not peers.

Discussion

This Black feminist analysis of gender differences in the delivery of sexual socialization and related communication made several important contributions to the literature. Overall findings from the study showed there are key differences in the communication that Black women received from parents and other figures in their lives. More specifically, men tended to engage in Indirect Communication or Absence of Communication and some men communicated messages to shield and prepare the young women in their lives for relationships. Although a few women shared that they received no communication from the female figures in their lives, most reported that they received more open communication from women in their families and girlfriends. Our approach was to include both messages shared by mothers and girlfriends based on existing Black feminist scholarship that suggests that within Black communities, fictive kin plays an important supportive role in socialization and individual well-being (e.g., Chatters et al., 1994; Stewart, 2008). The women in our study also reported receiving messages of empowerment that prioritized pleasure and a judgment-free zone when speaking to other Black women. Black feminist analyses have shown that open discussions on sexual pleasure are a have not always been the norm for Black women. In fact, the Black feminist work of Malone & Hargons (2021) connected Black women’s lack of focus on pleasure to (a) appearing modest and asexual to avoid rape during slavery and (b) adopting respectability politics which call for pious, submissive women post slavery.

The findings revealed that for some women communication was absent. Black feminist literature noted that sexual silence might be connected to the “politics of silence” that African American mothers and daughters report about sexual health (Warren-Jean Piere et al., 2010). This silence or absence of sexual communication from male figures is also evident from prior studies that found a lack of father-daughter communication about sex or communication that centered on fear and avoidance of sex (Stewart et al., 2019; Averett et al., 2008). The women in the study received messages related to relationships and the need to prepare for meeting men and engaging in sexual activity. Although the women were not fully satisfied with the communication they received and the use of analogies, other studies have found that women value having honest discussions about sex with fathers (Wilson et al., 2010). There is a concern that the absence of communication does little to prevent Black women from engaging in risky sexual behaviors. The literature suggests that when Black women and adolescents receive quality communication about sex and sexuality, they engage in less sexual health-risking behaviors (Evans et al., 2022).

The findings also suggest that when male figures (mainly fathers and grandfathers) communicated about sex and relationship with their daughters/granddaughters, the messages focused on being prepared and shielded from unwanted sexual advances from men. The messages were not related to specific sexual health content but on shielding themselves from men. This too correlates to Black feminist work that shows Black women have used tactics like covering themselves since slavery, to avoid unwanted advances from men (Butler, 2007). It also correlates to other gender specific analyses. Stewart et al. (2019) also documented that the girls reported having less frequent communication with their fathers and that communication with fathers less helpful than communication with mothers. The communication received centered on gendered expectations which Johnson (2013) noted that for Black women the father-daughter relationship is complex and that they face pressure to conform to images of Black femininity often perpetuated by both male and female figures. Women learned expectations directly from fathers who were present and received indirect messages from absent fathers.

The analysis also showed that Black women received more open communication about sex with female figures that included both parental and peer groups. Open communication allowed women to ask questions and have frequent communication about sexual health issues. Although the participants did not share the full content of the conversation and the accuracy of the information received could not be determined, it was clear that more frequent communication occurred with other females. This finding is consistent with research related to Black adolescent sexual health communication with family as well as young adult Black women’s experiences. More specifically, Black women had more conversations with mothers and female figures than with their fathers. It is important to note that although Black women in this study indicated that they had open communication, the communication also had undertones of sexual stereotypes related to expectations for child rearing and abstinence. Leath et al. (2020) found that Black women received a variety of messages from families about sex that range from messages of abstinence, body positivity, egalitarianism (or lack of), and healthy sexual practices (lack of).

The women in the study highlighted the messages communicated by peers and some female figures in the family related to sexual empowerment, liberation, and pleasure. In their Black feminist analysis, Wade et al. (2022, p. 28) found that Black college women define sexual liberation as: “a combination of ownership, awareness, confidence, and pleasure.” The messages received from female figures served to empower and encourage Black women to own their sexuality. Evan et al. (2022) also noted that it is not enough to provide messages about sexual health but that for Black women a gendered-racial approach to socialization is important for empowering Black adolescent girls to engage in healthy sexual behaviors. Given that socialization in childhood and adolescence is known to impact behaviors in young adulthood, it is important that Black women are empowered and see their value and worth. The research shows gendered racial pride is beneficial and helps empower Black women to engage in healthy sexual behaviors (Evans, et al., 2022).

Lastly, the analysis revealed that both male and female figures engaged in stereotypical conversations with young women about sexual health and expectations for relationships. The women reported inappropriate references to childbirth while focusing on their careers and schools and gendered norms to attract men. Stewart et al. (2022) reported that gendered messages restrict adolescent girls’ sexuality and one-sided communication about sex does not support healthy sexual development. These gendered stereotypes were restrictive and objectified by women. Existing literature on perceptions of Black women’s sexual health show that they are often bombarded with messages that objectify them expecting them to behave in ways that are deemed as promiscuous (Crooks et al., 2019). Messages from the media and society also emphasized physical appearance and childbirth as markers of Black femininity (Awad et al., 2015). Black feminist scholar, Collins (2000) noted that the stereotypes attributed to Black women are rooted in slavery and that their bodies were subjected to violation and to provide pleasure to men rather than their own desires.

Implications for translational research on Black families

The findings from the study have important implications for family communication about sex and sexuality with young women. Hutchins and Nelson (2021) call for a specific focus on communication patterns in Black families and to allow them to read about their experiences in the literature. Our study provided Black college women the opportunity to share their perspectives and experiences with sexual socialization they received from their families about sex. The study showed that the male figures did not provide adequate conversations with their daughters. The literature shows that men want to communicate with their daughters about sex, but some are uncomfortable or lack the knowledge to openly discuss sex (Stewart et al., 2019). Thus, more opportunities to help parents, especially men, to learn about sexual issues must be provided within health, school, and community settings. The study also found that the communication could be indirect, absent, and sometimes filled with gendered messages that women should have sex for procreation and that their goal should be to provide pleasure to partners.

Fostering open communication about sex, body anatomy, relationships, and sexual health is an important conversation for families. Educators, churches, therapists, and other service providers should teach skills for family members to openly share sexual health information with children. There is a need for young Black women also to feel free to express themselves and get medically accurate and culturally relevant information about sex, sexual health, and relationships from their families. It is important that parent education classes center on Black families and ground the information presented with examples and contexts that highlight the risks and protective factors relevant to young Black women. The data from the CDC reveals that Black women are disproportionately represented in sexually transmitted diseases and infections and have poorer gynecological and maternal health outcomes (CDC, 2021); thus, parents and family members must be equipped with the right information to empower Black families to provide open and honest conversations about the risk involved in unprotected sex with their daughters. Interventions should focus on creating messages that are disseminated to both parents and youth about healthy sexual behaviors. Fathers can be exposed to content that would increase their comfort using sex related terms as well as empowering messages about health relationship development. Accurate information about sex can be disseminated through social media, sports clubs, barber shops and places that draw a high number of male patrons. These outlets can include art, mini videos, and informal conversations to encourage Black men to speak more openly with their daughters about sex and relationships.

The research also showed that the approach to communication or the absence of communication differed across male and female figures. For some women in the study, both male and female figures provided indirect or no communication about sex. Therefore, steps to normalize communication about sex are needed. In addition, consistent with Black Feminist theory and the findings from Evans et al. (2022), a focus on gendered racial pride must be a necessary ingredient in communication about sexual health for Black women and girls.

Limitations & future directions

The study has some limitations. First, the findings were from self-reports in a focus group. Women heard the perspectives of the other participants and might have provided similar responses to fit into the narratives shared by focus group participants. Future research is needed that tests our findings in quantitative surveys and perhaps collects similar data using journaling, so participants are better able to recall past experiences without the influence of peers and pressures to respond promptly. Second, participants responded to questions about male figures and mostly reported fathers, stepfathers, and grandfathers. Although they were presented with general questions about male figures, additional probes to learn about other males did not occur. Future research is needed that examines cross gender fictive kin relationships and the influence of male/female friendships. Third, the focus groups were conducted via Zoom which may have allowed women to be less engaged in the conversations and questions posed. Future scholars should consider using a “camera on” requirement during virtual data collection. Another limitation was that participants were not asked directly about their gynecological care. More details about gynecological and sexual health care experiences would have helped to contextualize the findings. Lastly, due to the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic, our groups were smaller than expected. The benefit of smaller groups allowed all women the opportunity to respond to the questions posed. The smaller groups spotlighted the women more and may have hindered their responses to all questions. Again, this potential limitation can be better understood by quantitatively testing our key findings.

Conclusion

The communication and messages that Black women received from men and women in their lives were mixed. The greatest contribution of our study was the use of BFT to examine gender differences in the communication and sexual socialization that Black college women receive. Often the focus is on adolescents or on comparisons across different ethnic groups. The women reported more of an absence of communication from male figures in their lives and open communication from female figures in their lives. Given that the women in our study were engaged in intimate relationships with men, having more coaching from male figures would have been beneficial to developing their sexual selves and preparing for negotiating things like readiness for sex as well as contraception and condom use. The research and findings from the study call for a greater emphasis on the family as an agent of sexual communication and ways to deliver information that is accurate and center the needs of Black women in communication and sexuality research.

Figure 1.

Major categories and themes from male and female figures.