Abstract
Parents of sexual and gender minority (SGM) youth play an important role in supporting their SGM child’s mental health in the face of stigma. Yet, parents of SGM youth may themselves experience stigma, including discrimination/rejection, and its emotional consequences, including vicarious stigma and shame. The current cross-sectional study leveraged a national sample of parents of SGM youth to investigate associations between parents’ stigma experiences and self-reported anxiety and depression symptoms. Further, we additionally explored sociodemographic and contextual correlates of parents’ stigma experiences. Participants included 264 parents (Mage = 46) who reported having at least one SGM child under age 30 (Mage = 18). The LGB-Affiliate Stigma Measure (LGB-ASM) assessed parents’ experiences of discrimination/rejection (e.g., actual and anticipated rejection experiences due to having an SGM child), vicarious stigma (e.g., worry and concern for one’s SGM child), and shame (e.g., feeling embarrassed for having an SGM child). Parents indicated their anxiety and depressive symptoms using respective PROMIS-short forms. Results showed that vicarious stigma and shame, but not discrimination/rejection, were uniquely associated with parents’ increased symptoms of anxiety (vicarious stigma: β = 1.59, p < .001; shame: β = 2.15, p < .001) and depression (vicarious stigma: β = 0.90, p < .01; shame: β = 2.77, p < .001). Further, parents with more accepting religious, racial, ethnic, and/or cultural communities reported lower stigma experiences. This study advances understanding of how the psychological consequences of stigma extend beyond SGM people themselves and contribute to mental health difficulties in parents of SGM youth.
Keywords: stigma, minority stress, shame, mental health, parenting
Introduction
In recent years, there has been a sharp increase in the number of sexual and gender minority (SGM) youth who are coming out at younger ages, and approximately one in four U.S. teens now identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, queer, or questioning (Fish, 2020; Mpofu et al., 2023). As a result, an expanding cohort of parents and caregivers is faced with the important task of navigating the complexities of parenting an SGM child. Although considerable research has focused on understanding the vital role parents play in supporting their SGM children (e.g., Abreu et al., 2019; Bouris et al., 2010), limited attention has been directed toward examining the experiences of parents themselves in terms of exposure to stigma due to their affiliation with their SGM child. Minority stress theory (Brooks, 1981; Meyer, 2003) posits that exposure to stigma, underpinned by anti-SGM social and structural norms, drives adverse mental health outcomes among SGM people, a tenet empirically supported in meta-analyses (de Lange et al., 2022; Dürrbaum & Sattler, 2020). Yet, the psychological impact of stigma on parents of SGM youth remains a relatively underexplored area of research, leaving a significant void in understanding how anti-SGM stigma may impact broader family systems, potentially influencing not only the mental health of SGM youth but also that of their parents.
Stigma Experiences and Parents of SGM Children
A strong body of qualitative research shows that parents of SGM children experience exposure to anti-SGM stigma and discrimination and its emotional consequences including worry and concern for their child’s wellbeing, and feelings of shame, guilt, and self-blame. For example, qualitative studies with family members, mostly parents, of LGB individuals conducted in the months leading up to and following the 2006 passage of state-level same-sex marriage ban amendments identified prevalent themes of anti-SGM stigma including worry for an LGB family member’s well-being and safety, concerns about being personally judged and avoiding conversations about gay rights, and related feelings of anger, anxiety, distress, hurt and depression related to the marriage amendments (Arm et al., 2009; Horne et al., 2011). In a qualitative study characterizing the experiences and needs of parents of gender minority children, parents’ stigma experiences were widespread including facing negativity and safety concerns, losing friends and family members, being ostracized, and experiencing hostility and harassment (Riley et al., 2011). Recent qualitative research with parents of gender minority children conducted in the wake of state-level bans on gender-affirming care identified many similar themes, including concerns for their child’s safety, fears and worries about feeling unable to protect their child, and parents’ anxiety and anger (Abreu et al., 2022). In another qualitative study, similar fears and worries were echoed by parents of gay and lesbian youth as well as feelings of guilt, shame, self-blame, and concern about societal perceptions of them and their child (LaSala, 2010).
Sparked in part by the robust qualitative research documenting stigma experiences in parents of SGM youth, Robinson and Brewster (2016) developed and evaluated a measure assessing stigma experiences in family and friends of LGB people – the LGB affiliate stigma measure (LGB-ASM). Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses yielded three factors, including discrimination/rejection (i.e., discrimination or rejection due to affiliation with an LGB loved one), vicarious stigma (i.e., worry/concern experienced when an LGB loved one is affected by prejudice and discrimination), and shame (i.e., feelings of shame or guilt about being affiliated with an LGB loved one). Yet despite the scale’s promise in assessing multiple domains of stigma experiences in parents of SGM youth, only two studies to date have used the LGB-ASM, neither of which linked parents’ stigma experiences to mental health outcomes. One study examined associations between LGB-ASM subscales and attachment style in parents of LGB individuals, finding that greater parental stigma exposure was significantly associated with higher levels of parental insecure attachment (Mastropaolo et al., 2018). The other study examined socio-cultural correlates of the LGB-ASM in two Chinese communities and found that greater endorsement of Western culture and less perceived anti-SGM stigma were associated with less self-reported stigma experiences (Yao et al., 2021). However, in the latter study only a quarter of the sample reported having an LGB close friend or family member.
Two studies have quantitatively linked vicarious stigma to parental mental health, yet neither used the comprehensive LGB-ASM assessment or involved parents of transgender children. One of these studies of parents of LGB children found that concern about a child’s marginalization due to their LGB identity was associated with worse parental psychological functioning (Rith, 2020). Another study found that parents’ child-oriented concern (i.e., worry about how their child’s LGB identity may negatively impact their child’s life and well-being) and family-oriented concern (i.e., worry about their child’s LGB identity interfering with family expectations and responsibilities) were positively associated with parents’ anxiety and depressive symptoms, respectively (Chan et al., 2022). These studies suggest that vicarious stigma may be associated with mental health difficulties in parents of SGM youth, calling for additional research to characterize associations between other stigma domains identified in the LGB-ASM (i.e., discrimination/rejection and shame) and parent mental health.
The Present Study
To date, a robust body of qualitative research has depicted how parents of SGM youth experience anti-SGM stigma, including discrimination/rejection and its emotional consequences, including vicarious stigma, and shame. Yet, quantitative research on parents’ stigma experiences has been nearly nonexistent, limiting empirical understanding of how the negative psychological consequences of anti-SGM stigma may extend beyond SGM people themselves to affect the psychological wellbeing of their parents. Consequently, in a national sample of parents of SGM youth, we investigated parents’ stigma experiences and associations with parents’ self-reported symptoms of anxiety and depression.
First, to examine how parents’ stigma experiences contribute to mental health, we used the psychometrically validated LGB-ASM to examine associations among three domains of stigma experiences (i.e., discrimination/rejection, vicarious stigma, shame) and parents’ self-reported anxiety and depression. We hypothesized that parents who reported more stigma experiences would have greater anxiety and depressive symptoms. Second, to uncover parents most in need of support, we assessed associations among stigma experiences and both sociodemographic (e.g., race/ethnicity, age, sexual orientation) and contextual (e.g., religious and cultural community norms) factors. This aim was more exploratory in nature, so we did not make any hypotheses related to sociodemographic correlates of parents’ stigma experiences.
Method
Participants and Procedures
Between 2018 and 2019, parents residing in the US with at least one SGM child1 younger than 30 years old were invited to complete the Supporting Parents to Affirm their Children’s Experiences of Stigma (SPACES) study. The SPACES study involved an online, cross-sectional survey of parent-child relationship factors and parent and child mental health. Parents with multiple SGM children were directed to keep one child in mind as they completed the survey. SPACES participants were recruited through multi-pronged non-probability sampling approaches leveraging partnerships with national SGM parent-focused organizations (e.g., PFLAG) including through online advertisements (e.g., Facebook, Google), targeted e-mail listservs, community-based flyers, and word-of-mouth. Informed consent was obtained from all participants, and participants who completed the SPACES study received a $10 gift card. After screening for bots, duplicates, and fraudulent responses, 264 valid responses were included in the final sample. The SPACES study was approved by the University of Maryland Institutional Review Board. Previous research drawing upon the SPACES study sample has reported upon parents’ explicit and implicit acceptance and rejection towards their SGM child and associations with child mental health (Clark et al., 2021; Hubachek et al., 2023) as well as parents’ perspectives on supportive intervention content for parents of SGM youth (Seager van Dyk et al., 2022).
Measures
Sociodemographic Characteristics
Parent Demographics.
Parents reported their own age (in years). Sexual orientation included six possible response options: heterosexual; gay; lesbian; bisexual; queer; uncertain, don’t know for sure. For statistical analyses, respondents who selected gay and lesbian were collapsed into a single category. A question assessing gender identity had 10 possible response options: man, woman, transgender man, transgender woman, gender queer, gender non-conforming, Two-Spirit, Hijra, other, and I don’t know. For statistical analyses, gender identity was collapsed into a binary variable denoting parents who selected man or woman versus those who selected one of the 8 other diverse gender identities. Educational attainment had eight possible response options: some high school, high school diploma or GED, some college or Associate’s Degree, currently enrolled in college, 4-year college degree, some graduate school, currently enrolled in graduate school, and graduate degree. For statistical analyses, this variable was collapsed to denote respondents as attaining a 4-year college degree versus not. A question assessing marital status had six possible response options: married, living with partner, divorced, single, widowed, and other. For statistical analyses, this variable was collapsed to a binary variable denoting respondents as married or living with partner versus divorced, separated, widowed, or single. A question assessing race had six possible response options: American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian, Black or African American, Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, White, and Multiracial. For analyses, this variable was collapsed to denote respondents as White versus a person of color. Additionally, participants reported whether or not they identified as Hispanic or Latino.
SGM Child Demographics.
Parents reported their SGM child’s age (in years). A question assessing the child’s sexual orientation had six possible response options: heterosexual; gay; lesbian; bisexual; queer; uncertain, don’t know for sure. Gay and lesbian were combined for analyses. Parents reported this child’s sex assigned at birth as male, female, or intersex. No respondents selected that their child was intersex. A question assessing the child’s current gender identity had 10 possible response options: man/boy, woman/girl, transgender man/boy, transgender woman/girl, gender queer, gender non-conforming, Two-Spirit, Hijra, other, and I don’t know. Using the sex assigned at birth and current gender identity questions, child’s gender identity was classified as cisgender (sex at birth congruent with child’s gender identity) or transgender (sex at birth incongruent with child’s gender identity). Parents were also asked how old (in years) their child was when they found out about their child’s SGM identity.
Sociocultural Context.
Several questions assessed parents’ sociocultural context. Parents reported their religious affiliation and state of residence. State of residence was classified into one of four U.S. Census Regions (West, Midwest, South, Northeast). A question assessing hometown urbanicity asked parents to describe the area in which they grew up based on five possible response options: large central city, medium size city, suburb of a large or medium size city, small city, or town/village/unincorporated area. For statistical analyses, these options were collapsed to denote those who grew up in an urban area versus small city or rural area. Parents also reported whether any co-parent is aware of their child’s SGM identity using the following response options: yes, no, I don’t know, no co-parent. For analyses, the latter three options were collapsed. Additionally, two questions developed for the SPACES study assessed the degree to which parents perceived that their cultural and religious communities were open/accepting of SGM people using a scale ranging from 0 (not at all) to 5 (very much) (i.e., “Do you feel that your race, ethnicity, and/or culture is open to LGBTQ individuals?”; “Does your religion accept LGBTQ individuals?”).
Parents’ Stigma Experiences
A revised Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual AS Measure (LGB-ASM), a 17-item scale that was developed and validated in a sample of family members and close friends of LGB people (Robinson & Brewster, 2016), was used to assess stigma experiences in parents of SGM youth. The LGB-ASM assesses stigma experiences and related emotional consequences across three subscales: discrimination/rejection (e.g., actual and anticipated rejection experiences due to having an SGM child), vicarious stigma (e.g., worry and concern for one’s SGM child) and shame (e.g., feeling embarrassed for having an SGM child). Participants rate their level of agreement with items on a scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly agree) with an option for “not applicable” if the item was not relevant. Relevant items were averaged to compute subscale scores; “not applicable” responses were considered missing and did not contribute to averages. We revised LGB-ASM items to be inclusive of minority gender identities (i.e., revising ‘LGB’ to ‘LGBTQ’) and to focus specifically on the stigma experiences of parents with an SGM child (i.e., changing ‘family member or close friend’ to ‘child’). Internal consistency was high across the subscales (discrimination/rejection, α = .94; vicarious stigma, α = .93; shame, α = .94).
Parent Mental Health
Anxiety and Depressive Symptoms.
Anxiety and depressive symptoms were assessed separately with the Patient-Reported Outcomes Measurement Information System (PROMIS) Anxiety – Short Form 8a and the PROMIS Depression – Short Form 8a. These 8-item instruments assess past-week symptoms of anxiety (e.g., overwhelming worry, hyper-arousal) and depression (e.g., worthlessness, hopelessness), respectively, over the past week on a scale from 1 (never) to 5 (always; Cella et al., 2010; Pilkonis et al., 2011). For each scale, a sum score was calculated from the raw scores of all items, with higher scores reflecting more symptoms. Internal consistency was high for both scales (anxiety α = .93; depression α = .96).
Statistical Analyses
De-identified data, study materials, and study analysis code are available upon reasonable request from the authors. This study was not pre-registered. Statistical analyses were conducted in SAS version 9.4. Descriptive statistics including frequencies and proportions for categorical variables and means and standard deviations for continuous variables were used to summarize variables of interest.
To test our hypotheses, we conducted three sets of linear regression models to model associations between parents’ stigma experiences and their mental health: (1) univariate associations between each stigma experiences subscale and anxiety and depressive symptoms; (2) multivariable associations between each stigma experiences subscale and anxiety and depressive symptoms adjusted for parent age, sexual orientation, gender identity, educational attainment, marital status, race, and ethnicity; and (3) multivariable associations between all stigma experiences subscales entered together and anxiety and depressive symptoms, respectively. Model predictors were assessed for multicollinearity and model fit was assessed with R-squared, Akaike Information Criteria (AIC), and Bayesian Information Criteria (BIC) values.
To conduct exploratory analyses to assess associations between parent demographics, SGM child demographics, sociocultural context, and each of the stigma experiences subscales, we ran separate univariate linear regression models regressing each of the three stigma experiences subscales (dependent variables) onto each parent demographic (e.g., age), SGM child demographic (e.g., sexual orientation), and sociocultural context (e.g., perceived religious acceptance of SGM people) variables. Univariate associations significant at p < 0.10 were then entered into a multivariable model to assess adjusted relationships between parent demographics, SGM child demographics, sociocultural context, and each of the stigma experiences subscales. Of note, the variable measuring level of acceptance of one’s religious community was not entered into any multivariable models because doing so excluded 78 respondents who reported being religiously unaffiliated.
Across study variables, there was very little missing data, ranging from n = 1 (0.4%) missing a vicarious stigma score and n = 8 (3.0%) missing parent age, with 94% of the SPACES sample having complete data across all measured variables; thus, we handled missing data with listwise deletion. We report estimates, 95% confidence intervals (CI), and p-values. Analyses were two-tailed and statistical significance was assessed at p < 0.05.
Results
Sociodemographic Factors
Parent demographics, SGM child demographics, and sociocultural context variables are summarized in Table 1. Regarding parent demographics, parents were, on average, 46 years old (SD = 8.5). Most parents identified as heterosexual (77.7%) or bisexual (15.5%) and as women (79.9%). Most parents were White (85.2%) and non-Hispanic (85.6%). More than half the sample had obtained a 4-year college degree or completed graduate school (61.4%). Approximately two-thirds of the sample was married (67.1%) with 14.0% being divorced or separated.
Table 1.
Sample sociodemographic factors, N = 264
| Variable | n / [M] | % / [SD] |
|---|---|---|
| Parent Demographics | ||
| Age (n = 256) | [45.55] | [8.52] |
| Sexual orientation | ||
| Heterosexual | 205 | 77.65 |
| Gay/Lesbian | 10 | 3.79 |
| Bisexual | 41 | 15.53 |
| Queer | 6 | 2.27 |
| Uncertain; don’t know for sure | 2 | 0.76 |
| Gender identity | ||
| Man | 48 | 18.18 |
| Woman | 211 | 79.92 |
| Transgender man | 2 | 0.76 |
| Transgender woman | 0 | 0 |
| Gender queer | 2 | 0.76 |
| Gender non-conforming | 1 | 0.38 |
| Highest education | ||
| High school diploma or less | 35 | 13.26 |
| Some college or associate’s degree/currently enrolled | 67 | 25.38 |
| 4-year college degree | 66 | 25.00 |
| Some or completed graduate school | 96 | 36.36 |
| Marital status | ||
| Married | 177 | 67.05 |
| Living with partner | 24 | 9.09 |
| Divorced / separated | 37 | 14.02 |
| Single | 23 | 8.71 |
| Widowed | 3 | 1.14 |
| Hispanic | ||
| Yes | 38 | 14.39 |
| No | 226 | 85.61 |
| Race/ethnicity | ||
| American Indian or Alaska Native | 6 | 2.27 |
| Asian | 6 | 2.27 |
| Black/African American | 18 | 6.82 |
| Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander | 1 | 0.38 |
| White | 225 | 85.23 |
| Multiracial | 8 | 3.03 |
| SGM Child Demographics | ||
| Age | [18.38] | [5.27] |
| Age offspring came out to parent (n = 262) | [15.15] | [4.85] |
| Years since offspring came out to parent (n = 261) | [3.67] | [3.43] |
| Sexual orientation | ||
| Heterosexual | 11 | 4.17 |
| Gay/Lesbian | 133 | 50.38 |
| Bisexual | 65 | 24.63 |
| Queer | 24 | 9.09 |
| Uncertain; don’t know for sure | 31 | 11.74 |
| Sex assigned at birth | ||
| Male | 108 | 40.91 |
| Female | 156 | 59.09 |
| Gender identity | ||
| Man/boy | 69 | 26.14 |
| Woman/girl | 86 | 32.58 |
| Transgender man/boy | 43 | 16.29 |
| Transgender woman/girl | 21 | 7.95 |
| Gender queer | 12 | 4.55 |
| Gender Non-Conforming/Non-binary | 27 | 10.23 |
| Two-Spirit | 2 | 0.76 |
| I don’t know/Other | 4 | 1.52 |
| Sociocultural Context | ||
| Race/ethnicity is accepting of sexual and gender minorities (n = 260)1 | [3.20] | [1.09] |
| Coparent knows offspring is sexual or gender minority | ||
| Yes | 216 | 81.82 |
| No/I don’t know/ No co-parent | 48 | 18.18 |
| Parent religious affiliation | ||
| Protestant | 95 | 35.98 |
| Unitarianism | 7 | 2.65 |
| Catholicism | 55 | 20.83 |
| Judaism | 13 | 4.93 |
| Hinduism | 1 | 0.38 |
| Buddhism | 2 | 0.76 |
| Other | 13 | 4.92 |
| No religious affiliation | 78 | 29.55 |
| Religion is accepting of sexual or gender minorities (n = 196)2 | [2.77] | [1.65] |
| Type of area (urbanicity) of parent hometown | ||
| Urban | 190 | 71.97 |
| Small city or rural | 74 | 28.03 |
| Region parent resides currently | ||
| West | 79 | 29.92 |
| Midwest | 43 | 16.29 |
| South | 79 | 29.92 |
| Northeast | 63 | 23.86 |
“Do you feel that your race, ethnicity, and/or culture is open to LGBTQ individuals?” 0 (not at all) to 5 (very much)
“Does your religion accept LGBTQ individuals?” 0 (not at all) to 5 (very much)
Regarding SGM child demographics, parents reported that their SGM children were, on average, 18 years old (SD = 5.3) and had come out to their parent at approximately age 15 (SD = 4.9). Regarding sexual orientation, approximately half of SGM youth were gay/lesbian (50.4%), one-quarter were bisexual (24.6%), with fewer being uncertain (11.7%), queer (9.1%), or heterosexual (4.2%). Most SGM youth were assigned female sex at birth (59.1%) versus male sex at birth (40.9%). There was a relatively broad diversity of gender identities among SGM youth, including 32.6% women/girls, 26.2% men/boys, 16.3% transgender men/boys, 8.0% transgender women/girls, 10.2% gender non-conforming/gender non-binary, 5.0% genderqueer, 0.8% Two-Spirit, and 1.5% classified as unknown or other.
Regarding sociocultural context, most parents reported having a co-parent who knew about their child’s SGM identity (81.8%). On the question assessing how open their racial, ethnic, and/or cultural community is towards SGM people, parents reported an average score of 3.2 out of 5, suggesting moderate openness/acceptance. Approximately 70% of parents reported a religious affiliation with the majority being Protestant (36.0%) or Catholic (20.8%). On the question assessing how open their religion is towards SGM people, parents reported an average score of 2.8 out of 5, suggesting neutral openness/acceptance. Most parents grew up in an urban community (72.0%). Regarding current place of residence, participants were fairly evenly dispersed across US regions with parents reporting living in 42 different states and the District of Columbia.
Pearson Correlations
Average scores for parents’ stigma experiences and anxiety and depression symptoms, as well as Pearson correlations are presented in Table 2. Regarding stigma experiences subscales, parents of SGM youth reported the highest mean score on vicarious stigma (M = 3.96, SD = 1.27) followed by discrimination/rejection (M = 2.28, SD = 1.30) and then shame (M = 1.66, SD = 1.27). Parents’ scores on the anxiety (M = 17.36, SD = 6.99) and depression (M = 14.56, SD = 7.05) measures reflected relatively low symptoms, as expected in this non-clinical sample of parents. There were weak-to-moderate positive correlations among all variables of interest (r range = .23–.48, all p < .001) with a strong correlation between discrimination/rejection and shame (r = .70, p < .001) and between anxiety and depressive symptoms (r = .82, p < .001).
Table 2.
Pearson correlations among variables of interest in sample of parents of SGM youth, N = 264
| M [SD] | Discrimination/Rejection | Vicarious Stigma | Shame | PROMIS Anxiety | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Discrimination/ Rejection a | 2.28 [1.30] | — | — | — | — |
| Vicarious Stigma a | 3.96 [1.27] | .44 *** | — | — | — |
| Shame a | 1.66 [1.27] | .70 *** | .25 *** | — | — |
| PROMIS Anxiety b | 17.36 [6.99] | .30 *** | .33 *** | .40 *** | — |
| PROMIS Depression b | 14.56 [7.05] | .34 *** | .23 ** | .48 *** | .82 *** |
Scale range = 1 – 6 with higher scores reflecting more stigma experiences.
Scale range = 8 – 40 with higher scores reflecting more psychological symptoms.
p < .001.
Associations between Parents’ Stigma Experiences and Anxiety and Depressive Symptoms
Associations between discrimination/rejection, vicarious stigma, and shame and parent anxiety and depressive symptoms are modeled in Table 3. Each stigma experiences subscale was positively associated with higher anxiety and depressive symptoms in both univariate models (step 1) and models adjusted for covariates (step 2). In the adjusted models where all AS subscales were entered as a group (step 3), vicarious stigma and shame were independently associated with both anxiety symptoms (vicarious stigma: β = 1.59; 95% CI [0.89, 2.29]; shame: β = 2.15; 95% CI [1.26, 3.04]) and depressive symptoms (vicarious stigma: β = 0.90; 95% CI [0.22, 1.59]; shame: β = 2.77; 95% CI [1.89, 3.65]). Discrimination/rejection was not significantly associated with either anxiety or depressive symptoms. Lower AIC and BIC and higher R-squared values indicated that, for both anxiety and depression, step 3 models (with all stigma experiences subscales added together with covariates) were the optimally fitting models. There was no evidence of multicollinearity based on an eigensystem analysis of covariance comparison (Belsley et al., 1980; Schreiber-Gregory, 2017).
Table 3.
Associations between stigma experiences and anxiety and depression symptoms in parents of SGM youth, N = 264
| Anxiety Symptomsb | ||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Step 1: Univariate | Step 2: Each Scale Modeled Separately with Covariatesc | Step 3: All Scales Modeled Together with Covariatesc | ||||||||||
| Parameter | Est. | 95% CI | P | R-Squared | Est. | 95% CI | P | R-Squared | Est. | 95% CI | P | R-Squared |
| Discrimination/ Rejectiona | 1.59 | [0.97, 2.22] | < .001*** | .09 | 1.54 | [0.90, 2.18] | < .001*** | .14 | −0.55 | [−1.44, 0.35] | .23 | |
| Vicarious Stigma a | 1.81 | [1.18, 2.44] | < .001*** | .11 | 1.90 | [1.26, 2.54] | < .001*** | .17 | 1.59 | [0.89, 2.28] | < .001*** | .26 |
| Shamea | 2.18 | [1.56, 2.80] | < .001*** | .16 | 2.24 | [1.57, 2.91] | < .001*** | .20 | 2.15 | [1.26, 3.04] | < .001*** | |
| Depressive Symptomsb | ||||||||||||
| Step 1: Univariate | Step 2: Each Scale Modeled Separately with Covariatesc | Step 3: All Scales Modeled Together with Covariatesc | ||||||||||
| Parameter | Est. | 95% CI | P | R-Squared | Est. | 95% CI | P | R-Squared | Est. | 95% CI | P | R-Squared |
| Discrimination/ Rejectiona | 1.83 | [1.20, 2.46] | < .001*** | .11 | 1.73 | [1.10, 2.37] | < .001*** | .17 | −0.46 | [−1.34, 0.42] | .31 | |
| Vicarious Stigma a | 1.29 | [0.63, 1.94] | < .001*** | .05 | 1.38 | [0.72, 2.04] | < .001*** | .14 | 0.90 | [0.22, 1.59] | .0099** | .29 |
| Shamea | 2.70 | [2.10, 3.30] | < .001*** | .23 | 2.72 | [2.08, 3.36] | < .001*** | .27 | 2.77 | [1.89, 3.65] | < .001*** | |
Scale range = 1 – 6 with higher scores reflecting more stigma experiences.
Scale range = 8 – 40 with higher scores reflecting more psychological symptoms.
Covariates included: parent age, sexual orientation, gender identity, educational attainment, marital status, race, and ethnicity.
p < .05.
p < .01.
p < .001.
Associations Between Parent Demographics, SGM Child Demographics, and Sociocultural Context and Stigma Experiences Subscales
Univariate and multivariable associations between parent demographics, SGM child demographics, and sociocultural context and stigma experiences are presented as a Supplemental Table. In this section, we focus on describing associations that were statistically significant in multivariable associations.
Discrimination/Rejection.
The only variables significantly associated with discrimination/rejection were having an SGM child who is bisexual versus gay/lesbian (β = −0.44; 95% CI [−0.82, −0.07]) and having a more accepting racial, ethnic, or cultural community (β = −0.27; 95% CI [−0.41, −0.12]).
Vicarious Stigma.
Parents of SGM children who themselves identified as gay/lesbian (β = −1.02; 95% CI [−1.74, −0.29]) or queer (β = −1.06; 95% CI [−2.05, −0.07]), versus heterosexual, reported lower vicarious stigma. Parents with SGM children who were queer, versus gay/lesbian, (β = 0.82; 95% CI [0.24, 1.40]) and assigned male, versus female, sex at birth (β = 0.59; 95% CI [0.29, 0.88]) reported higher vicarious stigma. Parents with a more accepting racial, ethnic, or cultural community reported lower vicarious stigma (β = −0.16; 95% CI [−0.29, −0.03]).
Shame.
Older parent age was associated with lower shame (β = −0.05; 95% CI [−0.08, −0.03]). Parents who were Hispanic, versus not Hispanic, (β = 0.50; 95% CI [0.08, 0.91]) or a person of color, versus white, (β = 0.56; 95% CI [0.16, 0.97]) reported higher shame. Increasing age of one’s SGM child was associated with higher shame (β = 0.05; 95% CI [0.01, 0.10]) as was having an SGM child assigned male, versus, female sex at birth (β = 0.46; 95% CI [0.18, 0.73]). Parents of SGM youth who were heterosexual (β = −0.75; 95% CI [−1.44, −0.05]) or bisexual (β = −0.51; 95% CI [−0.86, −0.16]), versus gay/lesbian, reported lower shame. The only sociocultural context variable that remained significant in the multivariable model was a positive association between being religiously affiliated, versus unaffiliated, and higher shame (β = 0.40; 95% CI [0.10, 0.71]).
Discussion
In a national sample of parents of SGM youth, the purpose of this study was to examine the role of parents’ stigma experiences, operationalized as discrimination/rejection, vicarious stigma, and shame, on parent mental health. We further examined the sociodemographic and contextual correlates of parents’ stigma experiences. Findings suggest that at the same time that parents of SGM youth play a crucial role in supporting the mental health of their SGM children (Bouris et al., 2010; Newcomb et al., 2019), such parents also experience anti-SGM stigma and its emotional correlates. Descriptive data showed that parents on average reported moderate-to-high vicarious stigma and lower-to-moderate discrimination/rejection experiences. Parents, on average, reported a low level of shame. This study found that parents’ vicarious stigma and shame were independently associated with higher anxiety and depressive symptoms. This study also found that parents with more accepting religious communities reported less discrimination/rejection, vicarious stigma, and shame, and those with more accepting racial, ethnic, and/or cultural communities reported less discrimination/rejection and vicarious stigma. Findings advance understanding of how the psychological consequences of minority stress extend beyond SGM people themselves and contribute to mental health difficulties in parents of SGM youth.
Our finding that stigma experiences are associated with anxiety and depressive symptoms in parents of SGM youth corroborates previous studies in which parents describe feelings of sadness, anger, worry, concern, hypervigilance, and anxiety in relation to anti-SGM stigma targeting their children (Arm et al., 2009; Chan et al., 2022; Horne et al., 2011; Riley et al., 2011). Further, this finding supports quantitative studies conducted with other parents of stigmatized children, including children with intellectual, developmental, and mental health disorders, documenting associations between parents’ exposure to stigma toward these statuses and psychological difficulties (Chen et al., 2021; Mitter & Scior, 2019; Recio et al., 2021). Our findings extend upon this work by highlighting the role of vicarious stigma and shame in parents’ anxiety and depression; shame, in particular, was strongly associated with anxiety and depressive symptoms. Previous developmental research on parental reactions to an SGM child’s identity disclosure (“coming out”) have highlighted shame and related constructs (e.g., guilt) as frequent emotional reactions from parents (Savin-Williams & Dube, 1998). Recent prospective research with SGM youth themselves has documented shame as a key emotional mechanism underlying sexual orientation disparities in psychological symptoms including anxiety and depression (Pachankis et al., 2023). The present findings reveal that shame also occupies an important role in the mental health of parents of SGM youth.
In the model in which all stigma experiences subscales were entered together, the association between parents’ discrimination/rejection and anxiety and depressive symptoms was not significant, whereas we did find significant associations between parents’ vicarious stigma and shame and parents’ anxiety and depressive symptoms. This pattern of findings might suggest that parents’ reactions to discrimination/rejection, in the form of feeling vicarious stigma or shame, may be more important in the onset and maintenance of anxiety and depression among parents of SGM youth than their exposure to stigma itself. In other words, parents who have obtained resources and developed skills to cope with exposure to anti-SGM discrimination/rejection without reacting with vicarious stigma or shame may be protected from poorer mental health outcomes. Future longitudinal research could help to untangle the temporal ordering of stigma experiences and mental health among parents of SGM youth, for example by measuring parents’ discrimination/rejection experiences at an initial time point, vicarious stigma and shame at a subsequent time point, and anxiety and depressive symptoms at still a later time point.
The current study identified numerous sociodemographic and contextual correlates of parents’ stigma experiences. For instance, our findings demonstrate that anti-SGM religious animus is correlated with experiences of stigma and anxiety and depressive symptoms in parents of SGM youth. While the current study is the first to assess the role of religious acceptance in parents’ stigma experiences, this finding is aligned with research showing that SGM people themselves who reside in less accepting religious communities face heightened exposure to stigma and associated negative emotional and health consequences (Crowell et al., 2015; Hatzenbuehler et al., 2012; Macbeth et al., 2022).
In terms of discrimination/rejection, parents who perceived that their racial, ethnic, and/or cultural community was more accepting of SGM people reported lower discrimination/rejection. Previous research drawing upon intersectionality theory, whereby interlocking forces of power and oppression at a macro level (e.g., racism, ethnicism) uniquely affect the experiences of people holding multiply marginalized social identities (e.g., Black and gay, see Bowleg, 2013), has demonstrated that racial and ethnic minority SGM people frequently report cultural norms of hetero-masculinity, patriarchy, and traditional family dynamics that can culminate in anti-SGM discrimination and rejection (for a review, see Worthen, 2018). The current study documents that less accepting racial, ethnic, and cultural community norms also contribute to parents’ fears of being discriminated against and aligns with previous qualitative research with Latinx parents of SGM youth documenting that heteronormative Latinx-specific cultural norms (e.g., machismo) strongly influenced their acceptance towards their SGM children (Abreu et al., 2020).
Parents who reported SGM children with a bisexual, versus gay/lesbian, sexual orientation reported lower discrimination/rejection. It is possible that parents of bisexual, versus gay/lesbian, children may anticipate less rejection from others due to a perception of greater societal acceptance of bisexual people. Alternatively, this finding may reflect a propensity of parents towards engaging in bi-invisibility and/or bi-erasure in which parents of bisexual, versus gay/lesbian, children may perceive that their children’s bisexual sexual orientation is less stable or valid and, thus, less of a rejection concern (Davila et al., 2019). Future research can help to clarify this association.
This study identified several relevant sociodemographic and contextual correlates of vicarious stigma, including parent sexual orientation, child sex assigned at birth and sexual orientation, and religious and cultural community norms. Parents who reported their own sexual orientation as gay/lesbian or queer, versus heterosexual, reported lower vicarious stigma. Parents of SGM youth who have themselves navigated the challenges of having a minority sexual orientation may have developed resilience strategies (Asakura & Craig, 2014) and believe that their SGM child will do the same. Further, gay/lesbian and queer parents of SGM youth likely conceptualize SGM lives with greater nuance than heterosexual parents including the uniquely joyful and pleasurable aspects of holding an SGM identity (Robinson & Schmitz, 2021). Such personal insights may buffer against vicarious stigma. Notably, this finding suggests that gay/lesbian and queer parents of SGM youth might serve as important role models for heterosexual parents of SGM youth who are more prone to worry about for their SGM child’s future. Further, this finding highlights the importance of assessing diverse sexual orientations and gender identities in studies of parents of SGM youth as well as in general parenting studies to capture the diversity of SGM identities represented among parents.
Other sociodemographic correlates of vicarious stigma included parents who reported that their child’s sexual orientation was queer, versus gay/lesbian, and that their sex was male, versus female, suggesting that parents of queer youth and SGM youth assigned male sex at birth may have the most worries and concerns about their child facing anti-SGM stigma. Racial, ethnic, and/or cultural community acceptance was negatively associated with vicarious stigma such that as community acceptance decreased, worries and concerns for one’s child’s future increased. This finding corroborates previous qualitative research highlighting complex feelings and fears in racial and ethnic minority parents of SGM youth who often grapple with worries that their child will face anti-SGM stigma in addition to facing racism (for a review, see Clark & Pachankis, 2020).
In terms of shame, parents who identified as Hispanic and/or a person of color reported higher levels of shame related to their child’s SGM identity than did non-Hispanic and White parents, respectively. This finding corroborates previous research finding that Black and Latino, versus non-Hispanic White, parents reported the most difficulty accepting their child’s sexual orientation (Huebner et al., 2019). Previous research highlights that racial and ethnic minority parents of SGM youth often face additional barriers to coming to terms with their child’s SGM identity across axes of identity including closer ties to fundamentalist religious communities, fewer community-focused supportive resources, community norms reinforcing traditional family values and masculinity and femininity, and the pervasive influence of structural racism, all of which may exacerbate the emotional process of shame (Abreu et al., 2020; Gattamorta et al., 2019; Potoczniak et al., 2009).
In the present study, parents of gay/lesbian, versus heterosexual or bisexual, youth and those assigned male, versus female, sex at birth reported higher levels of shame, which may reflect previous research suggesting that gay boys/men often have more troubled relationships with their parents (especially their fathers; Conley, 2011). Additionally, parents of SGM youth who were religiously affiliated, versus unaffiliated, reported higher shame, perhaps given that religious doctrine can position SGM identities and associated behaviors (e.g., same-gender attraction and sexual behavior) as sinful and changeable (Tobin & Moon, 2019). Indeed, harmful religious-based efforts to change SGM people’s sexual orientations or gender identities often induce shame through narratives in which SGM people are coerced or manipulated to believe that submitting to a higher power can remove their SGM identity, attractions, or behaviors (Super & Jacobson, 2011). While almost all work to date on associations between religion and shame have focused on SGM people themselves, the current findings highlight that deeply held religious beliefs might also exacerbate feelings of shame, and related anxiety and depression, in parents of SGM youth, an important avenue for future research.
Intervention Implications
Results of the current study highlight two important implications for intervention. First, reductions in laws, policies, institutional practices, and public attitudes that deny or fail to protect the equal rights of SGM people can prevent parents’ stigma experiences from occurring in the first place. Given the association of these forms of structural stigma and SGM people’s mental health (Hatzenbuehler et al., 2023), they are likely also associated with parents’ treatment and well-being. Anti-SGM stigma can plausibly be reduced through contact interventions in which SGM people share their perspectives with others (Broockman & Kalla, 2016), those that expose the public to accepting norms toward SGM people (Tankard & Paluck, 2017), and those that reduce moral animus toward SGM people and experiences (Powell et al., 2015).
Second, parent-focused interventions to help parents of SGM youth cope with stigma may be one way to help reduce stigma and associated psychological difficulties. LGBTQ-affirmative cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) attempts to alleviate the role of minority stress in the development and maintenance of psychological problems (Pachankis, 2018) and is associated with reductions in anxiety and depressive symptoms in SGM youth and young adults (Craig et al., 2021; Pachankis, 2022a). Given that LGBTQ-affirmative CBT seeks to address responses to stigma, such as hypervigilance and internalization of stigma (Pachankis et al., 2022b), adaptations to address parent exposure to stigma and its emotional consequences (e.g., shame) may be beneficial in improving parents’ coping skills and mental health. In addition to the potential promise of LGBTQ-affirmative CBT for parents of SGM youth, family-based therapy targeting SGM youth and parents may be effective in reducing stigma and its psychological consequences in parents of SGM youth. Attachment-based family therapy (ABFT) has been adapted for SGM young adults and their nonaccepting parents to help process parents’ negative emotions towards their child’s identity (Diamond & Shpigel, 2014) with preliminary evidence showing that mothers engaged in ABFT experienced decreases in maternal attachment-based anxiety and avoidance (Diamond et al., 2012). The effects of ABFT on parents’ emotional responses to stigma (e.g., shame) have not yet been explored and represent an important future direction. Such interventions should be tailored to meet the needs of parents within less-accepting religious, racial, ethnic, and/or cultural communities. For instance, Abreu and colleagues (2020) administered an expressive writing intervention for Latinx parents focused on strengths and challenges related to their culture that influenced the process of coming to accept their SGM child. While this intervention was focused on parents’ acceptance behaviors, future research might also find that expressive writing interventions may help parents of SGM youth address stigma related to culture-specific beliefs and norms. To our knowledge, the effects of SGM-affirmative parent support groups on parents’ stigma experiences, emotional consequences, and associated mental health have not been studied, representing an important future direction for research and intervention. Given findings from the present study, parents who themselves identify as gay or lesbian may be helpful leaders in parent-focused support groups as they may be less negatively impacted by vicarious stigma and can serve as a role model for heterosexual parents of SGM youth.
Limitations
Results of this study must be interpreted in light of several limitations. First, this research uses a single cross-sectional survey. As mentioned previously, future longitudinal research is needed to better understand the mechanistic role of stigma in the mental health of parents of SGM youth. Second, this study only included parent reports. Future research integrating parent and child reports is needed to understand how parents’ stigma experiences are associated with their children’s mental health. Research conducted without regard for SGM identity has shown that parent mental health is strongly associated with child mental health (Goodman et al., 2011; Wickersham et al., 2020). Given our findings that stigma is linked to worse mental health for parents of SGM youth, it will be important to examine the impact of these stigma experiences on the SGM child. Third, this study utilized a non-probability sample and participants may not be representative of the parents of SGM youth in the US population. Parent who volunteer to take a survey about their SGM child’s identity may be different than those who do not, including more accepting (Clark et al., 2021). Further, most parents in the current study identified as non-Hispanic, White, limiting potential sub-analyses by parent race and ethnicity. Future research should aim to recruit a more representative sample of parents of SGM youth including oversampling for racial and ethnic minority parents of SGM youth. Fourth, the measure used in the current study assessed parents’ exposure to overt forms of discrimination/rejection but did not assess exposure to microaggressions. Previous research with SGM people has shown that even exposure to more subtle forms of discrimination/rejection is associated with poorer mental health outcomes (Nadal et al., 2010), representing an important avenue for future study with parents of SGM youth. Finally, due to sample size, we collapsed some demographic categories in statistical models (e.g., child’s gender identity was collapsed into cisgender versus transgender), which might have obscured differences in outcomes between some demographic subgroups. Relatedly, some demographic categories were still small after collapsing into larger categories, which might have limited power to detect significant differences.
Conclusion
In a national sample of parents of SGM youth, the current study evaluated the role of stigma experiences in parents’ mental health. Findings revealed that parents of SGM youth frequently experience anti-SGM stigma and associated increased anxiety and depressive symptoms. This study lays the groundwork for future prospective, multi-informant research to study the psychological consequences of stigma exposure on parents of SGM youth and their children. Further, these findings call for intervention research to identify how to best support parents of SGM youth as they navigate raising a child with a stigmatized minority sexual orientation or gender identity.
Supplementary Material
Acknowledgements
This study was supported by the David R. Kessler, M.D. ‘55, Resource Fund for LGBTQ Mental Health at Yale School of Public Health. This study was also supported by departmental funds from Department of Psychology, University of Maryland College Park. Dr. Clark’s time on this project was funded by the National Institute of Mental Health (K01MH125073). The authors thank Elisa Park for providing support with references.
Footnotes
Although the SPACES study included parents with SGM children, adolescents, and young adults up to age 29 years old, in the present paper we use the terms “SGM child” or “SGM youth” rather than the age-neutral term “SGM offspring” because we did not assess whether SGM children were biological offspring, adopted, and/or stepchildren.
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