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Published in final edited form as: Prev Med. 2024 Feb 24;181:107917. doi: 10.1016/j.ypmed.2024.107917

Investing in Family-Centered Early Childhood Education: A Conceptual Model for Preventing Firearm Homicide Among Black Male Youth in the United States

Allison Lind 1, Susan M Mason 1, Sonya S Brady 2
PMCID: PMC10947821  NIHMSID: NIHMS1971553  PMID: 38408647

Abstract

Introduction:

Firearms are now the number one killer of children and adolescents in the United States. Firearm homicides among Black male youth are the driver of this increase. Prevention requires a multi-faceted life course approach. Academic achievement has been identified as a protective factor. Early childhood education, which is linked to later achievement, is thus an intervention area of interest. Conceptualizing the potential links between early childhood education and reduced risk for youth firearm homicide is important for guiding policy advocacy and informing future research.

Methods:

This paper presents a conceptual model linking early childhood education to reduced risk for firearm homicide. Each link in the model is discussed, and a corresponding review of the literature is presented. The need for anti-racist policies to strengthen the impact of early childhood education is highlighted.

Results:

Early education and firearm homicide research are each well-established but largely disconnected. There are clear immediate benefits of early childhood education; however, these effects wane with time, particularly for youth of color. At the same time, juvenile delinquency—a major risk factor for firearm homicide—is influenced by educational inequities.

Conclusions:

Effective interventions to reduce firearm homicides among Black male youth in the United States are needed. Early childhood education shows promise as an intervention. However, to have an impact, this education needs to be accessible and affordable for all, particularly families of color and low income. Societal structures and policies must also better support the positive gains seen through early childhood education to avoid dissipation.

Keywords: Early childhood education, homicide, youth mortality, firearm deaths, systemic racism, anti-racist policy, family supportive policies

BACKGROUND

In 2020, firearms exceeded motor vehicle crashes as the leading cause of mortality amongst children and adolescents ages 1–19 (“youth”) in the United States, with homicides accounting for the majority (64%) of these deaths (Andrews et al., 2022; Goldstick et al., 2022). Youth firearm-related deaths have been increasing since 2013, with an accelerated increase observed between 2019–2020, coinciding with the COVID-19 pandemic, murder of George Floyd, and ensuing social unrest (Goldstick et al., 2022). These trends have continued through at least 2021 (Woolf et al., 2023).

Black male youth, particularly those ages 10–19, are disproportionally affected by firearm homicides (Roberts et al., 2023; Lee et. al, 2020). While firearms recently became the number one killer of youth in the United States, they have been the number one killer of Black youth since 2006. Black youth are 14 times more likely to die by firearm homicide than their White peers with racial disparities widening since 2013 (Andrews et al., 2022).

According to Phelan and Link (2015), racial disparities in health, such as those observed with youth firearm homicide, persist due to differences in socioeconomic status (SES) by race, as well as the enduring influence of racism as a fundamental cause, independent of SES. The disproportionately high rate of firearm homicides among Black male youth in the United States can partly be attributed to policies and institutions that have assigned opportunity and privilege based on the social interpretation of skin tone (Bailey et al., 2017; Jones et al., 2009). For example, redlining, a racist policy that blocked families from pathways to homeownership and wealth accumulation led to racially segregated neighborhoods of concentrated disadvantage that persist today (Poulson et al., 2021).

The consequences of redlining continue to indirectly impact Black youth, who have less access to intergenerational wealth, social capital, and quality education while exposed to higher rates of crime (Nation et al., 2021; Peterson and Krivo, 2010; Ross and Mirowsky, 2001; Rothstein, 2017). Contemporary policies that constrain opportunities for Black youth include racial inequities in homeownership, exclusionary suspension of Black males from school, and school funding mechanisms based on property taxes (Nation et al., 2021).

Preventing youth firearm homicides requires a multi-faceted approach (Dahlberg and Potter, 2001). Few individual-level violence prevention programs have shown sustained effectiveness (Farrell and Flannery, 2006). Effective prevention strategies across the life course must address the underlying causes of these inequities by dismantling the systems that created and maintain them.

This paper focuses on family-centered early childhood education (ECE) as a promising intervention to reduce youth firearm-related homicide. Inequities begin early in life. Family-centered ECE programs have shown promise at mitigating these inequities, influencing later educational attainment, and preventing youth violence, particularly for Black youth (Shonkoff and Fisher, 2013).

This paper presents a conceptual model examining the pathways by which family-centered ECE programs may lower firearm homicides amongst Black male youth in the United States. Literature supporting each pathway in the proposed model is reviewed. Subsequent sections are divided as follows: (1) Developmental milestones supporting early childhood investment as a protective factor against violence involvement; (2) Proximal outcomes of family-centered ECE, including a child’s cognitive skills, self-regulation and executive functioning, and the parent-child relationship; (3) Hypothesized intermediate outcomes, including school readiness and success; (4) Hypothesized distal outcomes, including juvenile delinquency involvement (committing a crime before age eighteen) and social connection to peers involved in violence; and (5) Influence of community contextual factors on these pathways.

Next, for corresponding sections of the conceptual model, an example of the role systemic racism has played in persistent Black-White inequities is discussed; policies to mitigate the effects are also proposed. Finally, a research agenda is put forth.

(1). DEVELOPMENTAL MILESTONES SUPPORTING EARLY CHILDHOOD INVESTMENT

During early childhood (ages 0–5), the brain displays much plasticity, as neurons develop and alter connections based on the developing child’s surrounding environment and relationships (Kolb and Gibb, 2011). Important developmental milestones during these early years include obtaining skills in self-regulation/executive function and acquiring knowledge, both of which are supported by nurturing relationships (Kolb and Gibb, 2011). In life course epidemiology, early childhood is a sensitive period, as experiences in this time period, including those of structural and interpersonal racism, can have a strong impact on future health and social outcomes (Berry et al., 2021; Moore et al., 2015).

Exposure to trauma or adverse experiences during early childhood, more common in Black children, can have a deleterious impact on a child’s trajectory, including putting them at risk for future violent crime involvement (Fox et al., 2015; Slopen et al., 2016). Protective factors also begin early; the establishment of safe, consistent and nurturing relationships in early childhood provides a child with the scaffolding needed for healthy brain development, decreasing the risk of future violence (World Health Organization and WHO Collaborating Centre for Violence Prevention, 2010).

Given the importance of early brain development to a child’s trajectory, investing in early childhood can yield significant returns on investment (Black et al., 2017; Heckman et al., 2013). One area with particular promise is family-centered ECE. These programs seek to “improve the cognitive and social-emotional functioning” of children and can also include a family component (Anderson et al., 2003).

No studies have examined the impact of ECE on subsequent youth firearm homicide risk; however, longitudinal studies have observed lower crime and incarceration rates amongst ECE graduates. For example, the Perry Preschool Project was a randomized controlled trial examining the impact of high-quality family-centered ECE for Black children living in poverty. Participating children had fewer arrests for violent crimes during adolescence and adulthood (Schweinhart et al., 2005). The Chicago Longitudinal Study is a long-running prospective cohort study that also found lower rates of crime and justice system involvement for ECE participants, all of whom were low-income and most of whom were Black, through age 28 (Reynolds et al., 2011). Finally, the Nurse-Family Partnership is a nurse home visiting visitation program for low-income, first-time mothers, focused on promotion of the parent-child relationship through age two; a large-scale randomized controlled trial of the program documented decreased arrests of children through age 19 (Eckenrode et al., 2010; Kitzman et al., 2019).

Despite the positive long-term impact on crime observed in these programs, there is a lack of understanding of how they impact crime outcomes. Furthermore, the influence of systemic racism on ECE outcomes has not been examined.

Conceptual Model

Figure 1 shows a conceptual model illustrating the mechanisms through which family-centered ECE programs may lower firearm homicides amongst Black male youth in the United States. The gray arrows represent touchpoints where anti-racist policies could help sustain the effects of ECE for Black male youth.

(2). PROXIMAL OUTCOMES

In the following section, three proximal outcomes of family-centered ECE that potentially influence later firearm homicide risk are presented. These include impacts on cognitive skills, executive brain function and self-regulation skills, and the parent-child relationship. These proximal outcomes may be linked to hypothesized intermediate and distal outcomes in the pathway to youth firearm homicide prevention.

Cognitive Skills

In a systematic review of ECE programs, Anderson et al. (2003) found that ECE leads to increased intellectual ability, particularly in math and reading scores, among low-income children (Caughy et al., 1994). Head Start participants, when compared to their non-participating siblings thus controlling for race and SES, scored a mean 7 percentile points higher on vocabulary tests at age six (Magnuson and Waldfogel, 2005). However, these gains appear to fade over time, particularly for Black youth, despite other positive long-term outcomes of ECE, such as decreased crime involvement (Duncan and Magnuson, 2013). Duncan and Magnuson explain that while foundational literary and mathematical skills are fundamental to success and are malleable, effects of ECE often diminish, as comparison children eventually “catch up” after receiving educational instruction. The reasons behind this fade-out effect in well-studied ECE programs, despite continued favorable impact on crime outcomes, remain less well understood (Duncan and Magnuson, 2013).

Executive Functioning and Self-Regulation

It has been proposed that higher-level cognitive processes, specifically executive functioning and self-regulation, are more important for long-term outcomes in crime prevention than cognitive skills (Duncan et al., 2022). There is some overlap between executive functioning and self-regulation and thus they are discussed together; however, each has unique properties potentially important for violence prevention (Sankalaite et al., 2021). Executive functioning encompasses critical thinking, goal-setting, concentration, and flexibility (Suchy, 2009) while self-regulation involves impulse control, rule adherence, emotional regulation, and resilience in the face of adversity (Shonkoff et al., 2021).

Executive functioning and self-regulation skills develop in the prefrontal cortex of the brain beginning in infancy. Exposure to toxic stress, such as from poverty or racism, can negatively impact development (Shonkoff, 2012). However, research suggests that low-income children from various racial backgrounds can gain these skills in high-quality ECE centers (Blair and Raver, 2012; Ursache et al., 2022). Systematic reviews have also found benefits of ECE programs on the related constructs of intrinsic motivation, reductions in impulsivity, and improvements in classroom behavior (Anderson et al., 2003).

Executive functioning and self-regulation have been thought to directly influence one’s likelihood of juvenile delinquency (Robson et al., 2020). The Perry Preschool Project, where 100% of participants were Black youth, is believed to have reduced crime outcomes through this pathway (Heckman et al., 2013). Supporting this, a meta-analysis of ECE programs found that programs that improved a child’s self-regulation also lowered the risk of juvenile delinquency (Piquero et al., 2016). Additionally, a longitudinal study in Australia found that a one unit increase in self-regulation problems at ages 4–5 was associated with twice the risk of adolescent violent crime involvement (Howard and Williams, 2018). Finally, in a review of longitudinal studies, improved concentration and impulse control were consistently associated with decreased delinquency (Murray and Farrington, 2010).

Strong executive functioning and self-regulation skills may also mitigate youth involvement in juvenile delinquency by reducing their tendency to affiliate with peers engaged in violence, a known contributor to criminal behavior (Gardner et al., 2008).

Parent-Child Relationship

Nurturing, responsive caregivers who are sensitive to children’s needs are essential for healthy cognitive and socio-emotional development (Black et al., 2017). Studies have found that among Black youth, a strong parent-child relationship can decrease the likelihood of youth forming social connections with peers engaged in violence (Smith et al., 2001). Additionally, strong parent-child communication reduces the influence of violent peers on youth delinquency (Henneberger et al., 2013).

Caregivers play an important role in a child’s development of self-regulation and executive functioning skills (Cohen, 2017). Therefore, ECE programs that support the parent-child relationship should have a greater impact on child outcomes than programs that focus solely on the child. However, evidence is mixed, potentially due to significant program variability (Olds et al., 2003; Schweinhart et al., 2005). Those parenting programs with at least monthly home visits improved child cognitive and self-regulation outcomes (Grindal et al., 2016).

(3). HYPOTHESIZED INTERMEDIATE OUTCOMES

In this section, proximal outcomes of ECE on the child and parent-child relationship are linked to hypothesized intermediate outcomes of school readiness and school success (Figure 1). The role of school success on juvenile delinquency is then examined.

School Readiness/School Success

School readiness and later school success are important protective factors for a youth’s involvement in juvenile delinquency. How one navigates transition points in the life course, such as entering school, can impact future outcomes. Starting kindergarten is an important transition point, as children adjust from play-based activities to pedagogical learning (Dahlberg and Potter, 2001). Having skills in self-regulation and executive functioning, in addition to a cognitive foundation, can help with this transition (Duncan et al., 2022; Lewit and Baker, 1995).

Family-centered ECE programs have been shown to improve school readiness. In their systematic review of ECE programs, Anderson et al. (2003) found a positive impact on school readiness, as measured through standardized kindergarten entrance tests. And in a meta-analysis, the family-centered aspect of ECE programs further improved school readiness (Joo et al., 2020).

Whereas school readiness can be defined as how well a child transitions to kindergarten, school success is a young person’s academic performance throughout their school trajectory. A meta-analysis showed that ECE is associated with a 8.3%-point decrease in being held back a grade, 8.1%-point decrease in receiving special education services, and 11.4%-point increase in high school graduation (McCoy et al., 2017). Additionally, independent of SES or race, higher academic success (measured by standardized test scores or grade point average (GPA)) is associated with a lower likelihood of juvenile delinquency. Academic success is especially protective for males (Maguin and Loeber, 1996). These findings have been supported in cross-sectional and longitudinal studies (Bray et al., 2020; Murray and Farrington, 2010).

(4). HYPOTHESIZED DISTAL OUTCOMES

Previous sections linked self-regulation and executive functioning, the parent-child relationship, and school success to the hypothesized distal outcomes of juvenile delinquency and social connection to peers involved in violence. This current section examines the impact of these distal outcomes on youth firearm homicide (Figure 1).

Juvenile Delinquency and Social Connection to Peers Involved in Violence

A strong correlation exists between juvenile delinquency and relationships with violence-involved peers. Social connections with such peers increase a youth’s likelihood of engaging in violence and juvenile delinquency (Henry et al., 2001). Moreover, having peers involved in gun violence increases an individual’s risk of becoming a victim themselves. In Papachristos’ (2012) work examining high-risk social networks, a 1% increase in the number of one’s friends who are gunshot victims resulted in a 144% increase in one’s own odds of firearm injury. A similar pattern emerged with homicides—proximity to a homicide victim increased an individual’s likelihood of becoming a homicide victim (Papachristos and Wildeman, 2014).

Involvement with the juvenile justice system also increases one’s risk of death in adolescence, primarily through firearm homicide. In Chicago, Teplin et al. (2005) found that justice-involved youth had a mortality rate 4.4 times that of community peers, with detained Black males experiencing the highest mortality rate (887 deaths per 100,000 person-years). Nearly 90% of these deaths males were firearm homicide (Teplin et al., 2014). Aalsma et al. (2016) observed similar trends in Indianapolis, with firearm homicide the leading cause of death and Black youth disproportionately affected. Furthermore, greater justice system involvement increased mortality risk.

(5). INFLUENCE OF COMMUNITY CONTEXTUAL FACTORS

Community context, particularly socioeconomic determinants, violent crime exposure, and firearm availability, may influence the impacts of ECE on youth firearm homicide.

Firearm homicides are influenced by socioeconomic determinants at the neighborhood, county, and state levels. There is an unequal distribution of crime, including firearm homicides, across space with clustering in socioeconomically disadvantaged neighborhoods (Barrett et al., 2022; Braga et al., 2010; Morenoff et al., 2001). However, among census tracts with the same SES, the rate of homicide increases with a higher proportion of Black residents, suggesting that factors beyond poverty contribute to higher homicide rates (Cheon et al., 2020). Additional studies highlight the association between racial segregation and firearm homicides (Houghton et al., 2021; Knopov et al., 2019), as well as the impact of income inequality (Rowhani-Rahbar et al., 2019).

Black youth are more likely to grow up in disadvantaged neighborhoods, subsequently exposing them to higher levels of violence (Peterson & Krivo, 2010). Living in close proximity to acute violent crime can adversely impact a youth’s academic performance, especially among Black youth (Sharkey et al., 2014). Access to firearms greatly increases youth homicide risk, with firearms involved in 93% of fatalities (Simon et al., 2022). Carrying a firearm elevates the risk of becoming a homicide victim (Pardini et al., 2021). At the state level, stricter firearm regulations decrease firearm homicides while Stand Your Ground laws increase the rate (Morrison et al., 2021; Scantling et al., 2022).

Finally, after controlling for confounders such as median household income and the percentage of Black individuals, Kim (2019) found that county-level trust in institutions, economic mobility, income inequality, and state and local welfare spending all influence a community’s homicide rate. These contextual factors highlight the importance of sustained community investment to support the impact of ECE and reduce youth firearm homicides.

POLICY SUGGESTIONS TO STRENGTHEN THE IMPACT OF ECE FOR BLACK MALE YOUTH

To enhance the impact of ECE on youth firearm homicides, government investment is crucial to ensure accessibility while equitable school funding is necessary to sustain its effects. Additionally, policy reforms across the proposed conceptual model are needed to reinforce the effects of ECE across the life course (Figure 1).

Across the Life Course: Proposed Government Policies—Universal ECE & Equitable School Funding

For ECE to have a sustained positive impact across the life course, there is a need for quality ECE to be accessible and affordable. Currently, disadvantaged neighborhoods having the least access to quality ECE (Kamerman and Gatenio-Gabel, 2007; Ursache et al., 2022). Given the transportation challenges faced by families in poverty, situating high-quality ECE programs within disadvantaged neighborhoods is more effective than offering ECE vouchers or payments (Vandenbroeck and Lazzari, 2014). Estimates suggest that implementing high-quality universal preschool programs for three- and four-year-old low-income children, who are more likely to be children of color, could decrease the school readiness gap between Black and White students by 20% (Magnuson and Waldfogel, 2005). There is also a need for a diverse and justly paid workforce, as well as community engagement, to identify and reduce barriers for families of color (Vandenbroeck and Lazzari, 2014).

Cunha and Heckman (2007) propose that “skills beget skill”— having academic success early leads to more academic success later. They argue that a child who presents ready to learn at the start of kindergarten will have more success throughout their academic career. The reverse is also true; Black-White inequities seen in school readiness widen across the school trajectory, hindering Black children’s school success (Nance, 2016). Therefore, early investment must be followed by continued investment in order to observe a cascade of skills; ECE must be followed by quality education throughout the years for the maximum positive effects (Heckman, 2008). The academic fadeouts of school achievement are seen most notably in Black graduates of Head Start programs, with the presumed mechanism being that the quality of public education for Black youth is lower than for their White peers (Duncan and Magnuson, 2013). The impact of ECE programs on high school graduation rates doubles with county-level investments in K-12 spending, reinforcing the notion that K-12 public school funding is essential to sustaining the positive effects of ECE, particularly for Black youth (Johnson and Jackson, 2019).

Changing the funding mechanisms for public schools in the United States would help prevent the fadeout of ECE effects. Public-school funding is predominately determined at the state and local level with property taxes. Both historical and current racist policies (e.g., redlining, predatory lending practices, and home valuation dependent on neighborhood racial composition) have led to Black youth living in communities that have lower property taxes, resulting in fewer resources for local public schools (Weathers and Sosina, 2022). Youth from predominately White, affluent neighborhoods thus have access to a public school system that is of higher quality. Having a progressive, central funding mechanism for public schools, where funding is based on need and not property tax, would improve resources in less funded schools and would have the largest impact on Black youth (Fiscella and Kitzman, 2009).

Proximal Outcomes: Proposed Family Policies—Expanded Child Tax Credit & Equity in Homeownership

As of 2016, White individuals have 10 times the mean wealth of Black individuals (Gale, 2022). These wealth disparities disadvantage Black families, impacting the parent-child relationship and its influence on a child’s cognitive development, self-regulation, and executive functioning. The Family Stress model outlines how economic hardship can increase parental distress and adversely affect the parent-child relationship (Masarik and Conger, 2017). Conversely, increasing income for low-income families can reduce stress, improve parenting, and strengthen the parent-child relationship (Masarik and Conger, 2017). Thus, policies aimed at narrowing the racial wealth gap may be important complements to ECE for achieving equity.

The Expanded Child Tax Credit (CTC) is one potential policy. CTC provides a fixed amount per child, capped at three children, favoring smaller families (Curran, 2021). Moreover, the CTC’s lower income threshold excludes many, leading to just over half of Black families qualifying for the full benefit (Goldin and Michelmore, 2020). In 2021, the American Rescue Plan expanded the CTC and removed income limits, resulting in a notable decrease in childhood poverty, particularly for Black families (Parolin et al., 2021). The CTC expansion was reversed in 2022 as the COVID-19 pandemic eased. Sustaining the expanded CTC would alleviate financial stress, potentially stemming from historical racism and intergenerational socioeconomic disadvantage, and support Black families.

Equitable homeownership is another strategy for reducing financial stress amongst Black families in the United States, a country where homeownership is a key path to household wealth. Despite anti-discrimination laws, the Black-White homeownership gap is widening. In 2021, 73% of White adults owned homes, compared to 44% of Black households (National Association of Realtors, 2023), even when controlling for SES and education (Krivo and Kaufman, 2004). Discrimination occurs throughout the homeownership process, including steering Black buyers away from better neighborhoods and imposing them with higher interest rates (Choi et al., 2019; Krivo and Kaufman, 2004). Addressing racial inequities in homeownership through targeted federal, state, and local policies can support Black families and strengthen the impact of ECE.

Intermediate Outcomes: Proposed School Policies—Nonexclusionary Suspension & Restorative Justice

In the 2018–2019 school year, high school graduation rates were 79.6% for Black youth and 89.4% for White youth (Irwin et al., 2022). Because academic success is protective for juvenile delinquency, reducing this academic achievement gap could reduce juvenile delinquency among Black youth. Exclusionary suspensions, which account for 20% of the Black-White academic achievement gap, disproportionately affect Black males (Morris and Perry, 2016). Controlling for academic success and SES, Black youth are three times more likely to be suspended than their White peers, with two-thirds of Black males experiencing a suspension during their education (Heilbrun et al., 2018).

Restorative justice school policies promote non-exclusionary disciplinary approaches, emphasizing communication, relationships, and accountability to foster a positive school and classroom climate (Fronius et al., 2016). Further efforts are needed to refine and evaluate their effectiveness in reducing suspensions and closing the academic achievement gap (Cruz et al., 2021; Huang et al., 2023). Notably, executive functioning and self-regulation skills promoted through ECE could serve as a foundation for contributing to and benefitting from restorative justice programs later in life.

Distal Outcomes: Proposed Justice Policies--Decarceration & Community Involvement

While incarceration rates have decreased in the United States over the last decade, inequities remain, with Black youth incarcerated at five times the rate of Whites (Rovner, 2021). Incarceration in adolescence has a multitude of negative impacts, including academic attrition, unemployment, and future criminal involvement (Aizer and Doyle, 2015; Nance, 2016).

Incarceration in the United States thus comes with significant costs and often does not meet its goal of “reducing criminal behavior” (Epperson et al., 2017). To maximize the benefits of ECE on prevention of firearm homicide, one should not only strive to decrease incarceration among Black youth, but also divert funding to youth-supportive community infrastructure in Black communities. This can include youth employment opportunities, mental health counseling, violence prevention programs, and restorative justice programming. Increasing trends in decarceration have led to calls for evidence-driven community-based interventions, particularly for Black male youth (Rovner, 2021). Promising community violence prevention programs, such as Advance Peace in Sacramento, California (Corburn et al., 2021) and Chicago Create Real Economic Destiny (Ross et al., 2023), have demonstrated effectiveness in reducing violent crime and mitigating community gun violence.

RESEARCH AGENDA

Family-centered ECE programs have great promise to be one of the first protective experiences for families in a trajectory for preventing youth firearm homicide. However, there is variability in program delivery. It is essential to identify what works and for whom. Even amongst the most well-cited programs, there is a variability of components that led to positive results. One option for identifying active ingredients in ECE is applying the Medical Research Council’s framework for the evaluation of complex interventions (Skivington et al., 2021). Once these effective components of ECE are identified, determining low-burden ways for implementation is essential. While a meta-analysis showed that monthly parenting interventions with a professional had the greatest positive impact on outcomes (Grindal et al., 2016), there is a need for programs that support the parent-child relationship without being overly burdensome (Baratz and Baratz, 1970; Öztürk, 2013). Single-session interventions have shown promise in improving adolescent mental health (Schleider and Weisz, 2018). Is there a potential role in ECE for short burst treatments to support parents?

Once the core elements of effective ECE are identified, there is a need to evaluate the best way to ensure all families, especially those of color and low income, have access. Some states have continued the expanded CTC after the pandemic (Waxman and Hinh, 2023). Will this be enough to ensure access to quality ECE, particularly for families that live in disadvantaged neighborhoods? Or are there more effective ways to ensure equitable ECE access?

There is much evidence linking ECE to school readiness, and linking school success to reduced juvenile delinquency and firearm homicides. The link between school readiness and school success is dependent on a well-funded public school system (Johnson and Jackson, 2019). How can we make it logistically and politically feasible to implement school funding mechanisms that could reduce educational inequities (Baker, 2021)? Are there additional anti-racist programs or policies not dependent on public school funding that can prevent or attenuate observed diminishing effects of ECE over time, especially for youth of color?

CONCLUSIONS

Ensuring universal access to affordable, high-quality ECE in the United States may not be easy. There is a notion that the United States does not have public support for redistributive social policies, such as universal ECE, compared to northern European nations, due to the heterogeneity of the population in comparison to White Nordic countries (Martela et al., 2020). However, research has shown that racial/ethnic diversity may in fact increase support of social programs when racial inequities are minimized (Bai et al., 2020; Steele, 2016).

The United States is an outlier amongst wealthy nations in the health of its children and their survival to adulthood (Thakrar et al., 2018). Death from firearms is an increasing killer of youth with racial inequities present (Roberts et al., 2023). It is imperative to support Black families across the life course to prevent youth firearm homicides. Access to high-quality ECE, particularly for families of color, may be bolstered by family supportive policies across the life-course to sustain the immediate positive gains and achieve the distal impact of youth firearm homicide prevention.

Highlights.

  • Firearms are the number one killer of children and adolescents in the United States

  • Racial inequities are present with Black male youth disproportionately effected

  • Effective interventions are crucial, with early childhood education showing promise

  • Access to high-quality early childhood education programs is imperative for impact

  • Family supportive policies may enhance outcomes, especially for families of color

Funding:

This work was supported by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development [award number T32HD095134] and the Minnesota Population Center [grant number P2CHD041023].

Abbreviations:

ECE

Early Childhood Education

SES

Socioeconomic Status

CTC

Child Tax Credit

GPA

Grade Point Average

APPENDIX

Figure 1.

Figure 1.

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Early Childhood Education: A Conceptual Model for Preventing Firearm Homicide Among Black Male Youth

Footnotes

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Submission declaration and verification: This work has not been published previously nor under consideration for publication elsewhere. The publication is approved by all authors.

Conflicts of Interest: None

Declaration of interests

The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

Availability of data and materials:

Data sharing is not applicable to this article, as no datasets were generated or analyzed during the current study.

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