The feeling of exclusion and/or inclusion in shared places: Syrian students' emotions and social imaginations in Istanbul

Abstract

This article examines the dynamic relationship between the creation of place and the formation of identity, specifically focusing on how Syrian young people are either included or excluded in Istanbul. This dynamic process enables the students to engage in placemaking. The majority of the literature primarily centres on the potential for inclusion or exclusion within the context of migration. Nevertheless, I maintain my view that the dynamics between insiders and outsiders are closely interconnected in discourses about space. In this regard, it is worth exploring how the concept of Thirdspace enables the coexistence of both inclusion and exclusion within the same spatial context. Based on ethnographic observations, virtual ethnographies, and semi-structured interviews conducted with 30 Syrian students, I employ the notions of “social imaginary” and “emotional space” to demonstrate the coexistence of contrasting elements inside a shared location. While I utilised a framework that integrated geographical and sociological perspectives for my study, the unique aspect of this research lies in its adoption of the socio-spatiality approach, setting it apart from prior studies. While this approach opens space to the possibility of the simultaneous exclusionary and inclusionary functions of the spaces, the translocational positionality of the migrant groups fosters these contradictory interactions in the shared spaces. Gender differences and ethnicity (being Syrian) produce exclusionary functions, whereas being a student and Muslim increases integration into Turkish society. In addition to interactions within local relationships and transnational connections through religious communities, NGOs, and friend groups, these students not only resolve the tension between the past and present but also open the door to integration and bridge the future in the face of inequalities. In particular, women students solve the tension between cultural codes and their student identity with the possibility of transnational networks.

1. Introduction

Turkey has been a transit country that receives and sends migrants throughout history and has been seen as a place of education by migrant students from different countries for many years. Especially in recent years, changing conditions have led to an increase in migrant rates in the country. Turkey's geographical location makes it one of the countries that people who are affected by the political and economic problems in the nearby regions most frequently apply to in search of another country where they will feel safe [1]. This situation provides education opportunities to thousands of migrant tertiary-level students who have come from many different cultures in recent years.

In this context, with the civil war that has continued in Syria since 2011, millions of Syrians were forced to migrate to this country as a result of Turkey's “Open Door” policy. Currently, Turkey is the country with the highest number of Syrian migrants in the world, with more than 3.5 million people [2]. Considering that the average age of Syrians who move to Turkey is 22.2 and that 20.4 % of all Syrians are young [2], it is clear that Syrian youth who want to continue their education after being forced to move are an important topic for research.

Migrations cause great effects in many social, political, cultural, and economic areas of societies. The most striking areas to examine these effects are cities. The vital reason for this is the city's constantly changing dynamic structure, as well as the fact that cities now house 98.6 % (3.658 million) of Syrians in Turkey [3]. This population, which exceeds that of several European nations, has naturally impacted both various facets of Turkish urban life and the migrants' everyday lives by producing transitions. Because people are immediately impacted by a place's beliefs and way of life without being conscious of the socialisation process in daily life, the transition with migration can be best felt within the culture and space [4]. The place in which human actions emerge when establishing and maintaining social relationships functions as both a centre of meaning and the context for those actions. Because social relationships and processes establish both the material aspects of a place and the meaning that people associate with it, objective and subjective realities cannot be distinguished from one another [5].

According to this viewpoint, the connections between space and identity are important in migration studies because the physical environment gives the means to think about the various factors that have an impact on migrants’ lives while also allowing researchers to consider how migrants use various ties to create places for themselves. Migration has revolutionary effects on both the identities of migrants and the spaces of cities in the host nation because it requires people to leave the spaces where they have built their complex cultures and identities [5].

Young Syrian refugees, whose numbers are extremely remarkable in the Turkish context, experience this complexity the most because they are transitioning from childhood to adulthood at the same time as the migration process. These shifts require an understanding of cultural flexibility, the possibility of new forms of identity, and the tactics individuals employ to navigate their everyday lives in relation to language, education, employment, and other domains. From this standpoint, a city possesses a multitude of heterogeneous individuals, resulting in a wide array of possessions, emotions, organisations, and everyday applications. The Syrian young student group naturally establishes a favourable path in their everyday lives and a feeling of belonging through their social networks, language proficiency, educational resources, and patterns of socialisation [6].

From which theoretical and conceptual framework should I approach the concept of space, which is frequently employed in our everyday experiences? Space/place in this study is largely conceptualised as possessing a dynamic essence. Space is both a product and a generator of human relations [7]. Space has the ability to alter social interactions, yet it is anticipated that it will also undergo changes and modify the significance ascribed to it. Syrian students not only change their identities when they interact with places, but they also change the space itself. In addition, they generate new spatial dimensions, either via the creation of novel meanings or through the alteration of existing ones. Hence, I regard this aspect as crucial to the study and will elaborate on how this dynamic phenomenon engenders variations within the spatial domain.

After much deliberation, I arrived at the central research inquiry: “Through identity negotiation, how do the daily geographies of Syrian migrant students in Istanbul shape their perception of place?” I analyse the relationship between the incorporation or exclusion of Syrian young people in Istanbul, the active creation of physical space, and the expressive nature of personal identity. They are able to generate a sense of location through historical parallels, collective memory, and emotions. The experiences of Syrian students evoked feelings of inclusion, exclusion, or a combination of both in various situations. The functions of space influence its perception. Functions can create space, and space can also create functions. My analysis contributes to the existing body of literature by offering a socio-spatial viewpoint on the interactions of Syrian students. It argues that refugee students in Istanbul experience both exclusion and inclusion simultaneously. Although they face exclusion from Istanbul's streets as migrants, they are able to assimilate into society as educated pupils. The concept of concurrently generating exclusion and inclusion is the most noteworthy aspect of this research.

As a first step towards figuring out what makes this research unique and important, it is important to understand both Syrian and Turkish identities not through borders and conflicts but through an awareness of the dialectical (the ongoing interaction of two forces) relationships between space and identities. This means looking at the possibility of new forms of interactions with a socio-spatial approach and an intersectional lens on gender, religion, and ethnicity.

Furthermore, the field of migration studies, which examines the relationship between spatial dynamics and individual identity via a sociological lens, is seeing a growing body of research. Nevertheless, there is a noticeable gap in the existing literature. This is because human geographers are largely focused on examining spatial dynamics and the concept of identity. My goal is to contribute to the discussion on migration studies by integrating the sociological perspective, which analyses social aspects of human behaviour and critically examines social issues, with human geography, which explores how humanity adapts to the environment and recognises that behaviour is influenced by cultural and spatial factors.

The chosen field of research, Istanbul, was examined using qualitative research methodologies from August 2019 to March 2020. The ones that best suited this research were ethnographic observations, virtual approaches, and semi-structured interviews. I discuss two concepts: “emotional spaces” and “social imaginary spaces.” The identified categories emerged from the data analysis of the interviews and were emphasised during the coding process, considering the spatial functions. While there are different usages of space in the literature with its emotional [[8], [9], [10], [11]] and imaginary [[12], [13], [14]] features, the difference and contribution of this research is using these two concepts by covering their simultaneous inclusionary and exclusionary functions through the space-making processes of Syrian migrant students.

2. Theoretical discussion: sense of place

Place, often known as space, is the collection of regulated, realised, practiced, and produced physical, emotional, real, and imagined locations. Spatiality encompasses historical notions of space and the globe, social patterns of activity, and bodily routines. Given that a place is perpetually being constructed, ceaselessly generated, and based on interpretive methodologies and encounters, my aim was to integrate a range of viewpoints. From this standpoint, the term “feeling of place” encompasses the diverse range of connections that exist between individuals and their surroundings [15]. The “spatial dialectical” method provides the most comprehensive perspective for understanding the sense of space, going beyond explanations based just on economics.

The spatial and temporal framework of social activities that encompass places entails a complex interplay of cultural, political, and economic dynamics. Neither the reductionist explanations of mainstream ecologists nor Marxian political economists can adequately characterise this [16].

Soja's analysis is rooted in a spatial dialectical method, which he describes as a balanced trialectic of “spatiality, historicality, and sociality” [17]. In migrant spaces in Istanbul, the three aspects of Soja's theory are consistently interrelated. This research aims to examine the reconstructions and deconstructions of spaces in relation to their physical and historical attributes (referred to as Firstspace), the meanings and imagined representations associated with them (referred to as Secondspace), and the experiences, signs, and symbols of individuals in their daily lives (referred to as Thirdspace). The study will explore the potential of these spaces to foster otherness and resistance. According to Soja [17], in the Thirdspace, all aspects of existence converge, including subjectivity and objectivity, the abstract and the concrete, the real and the imagined, the knowable and the unimaginable, the repetitive and the differential, structure and agency, mind and body, consciousness and the unconscious, the disciplined and the transdisciplinary. This convergence encompasses everyday life and the continuous unfolding of history.

The concept of Thirdspace provides a framework for comprehending the conflicting relationships and interactions across many communities and cultures that deviate from the current body of literature. This is due to the current understanding in the literature that migrant or minority populations are typically either excluded or integrated into various sectors of the metropolis [18] contends that in certain small villages, recent migrants experience varying degrees of acceptance from locals, ranging from inclusivity to exclusion, racism, and hostile sentiments. This creates a hierarchy between venues, and young migrants avoid the negative implications. Also, many migrants do not want to live in a place with so many “foreigners."

In “Spaces of the Street: Socio-Spatial Mobility and Exclusion of Youth in Recife,” Gough and Franch [19] examine the instances where young individuals are either included or excluded from the street spaces in Brazil. Youths experience the street differently based on their social backgrounds. Some areas feel inclusive or exclusive, and the meaning of the same space might change at various times of the day. They consider city life to be mostly about negotiating connections. Middle-class and low-class children negotiate the streets differently, producing diverse meanings. While I accept all these discussions clarifying how the same migrant group feels either included or excluded in different parts of the city, the discussion could go further to explore contradictory uses of the spaces. In this regard, whether the same space will include or exclude the same migrant group is a new debate.

Emotions have a significant role in the complex dynamics between migrant groups, ethnic relations with the dominant societies, cross-border interactions with home countries, communities of origin, and relationships with family members left behind. The emotional aspect of migration has received limited attention despite extensive qualitative research [20]. In Hochschild's [8] study, the author analysed the emotional traits of environments where shared emotions and group affiliations are developed. According to his analysis, the evidence indicates that locations serve as emotional conduits for social groups. Significant social experiences give rise to a common historical and communal memory within the surrounding environment. In his study, Holton [9] contends that university students create emotional geographies through the act of sharing communal spaces. He discovered that the configuration of communal living areas has an impact on individuals' emotions. Emotions become embedded in living spaces through the creation of specific places. Furthermore, diversity is manifested through the emotional efforts of individuals who share living spaces, particularly through the establishment of friendships. De Backer [11] also adds that emotional geographies have a crucial role in understanding the interactions between young people and place because young people's experiences of interaction, belonging, control, or threat are expressed in these shared emotional geographies. This point of view opens a new understanding of collective emotional spaces, where various emotions—sometimes contradictory ones—coexist. This debate is very similar to the approach I contributed to in this paper. However, this approach is to fill the gap in the literature that De Backer [11] also points out. Young people's emotional geographies require an intersectional lens because emotional attachments are intertwined with gender, ethnicity, and mobility in everyday life.

Emotional geographies bring the discussion to the role of social media, which is one of the specific findings of this study. According to Georgalou [21] social media plays a vital role in allowing, mobilising, and sharing the affective expression of emotional aspects of migrants. Scholars from a variety of disciplines contend that media create discourses of social imagination and imagined communities [22]. According to Ibrahim and Howarth, arguing space construction of migrants in media [13], “these discourses are central in sustaining and enacting a social imaginary, where space framing and construction become tools to imagine and locate communities and to exclude the ‘other’". However, Fotopoulou [14] discussed the attributed role of social media in terms of the social imagination of women's networks. She drew attention to tensions between the roles attributed to social media as inclusive places and their exclusionary functions.

Internet-based activities also open a new gate to understanding issues with transnational connections that are parallel to the Thirdspace concept in terms of the exclusionary and inclusionary functions of the spaces. According to Veikou and Siapera, social media, by maintaining communication across various networks, reveals a new transnational and symbolic construction of belonging. “This belonging is maintained through ‘being present’ in networks that span both the home and host country” [23]. Despite the concept of ‘double absence’ used by Sayad [24], in which migrants are physically absent from their home country and at the same time have an outsider position in the new country, Veiko and Siapera [23] argued that with the possibility of producing transnational networks via social media, both the absence from the home and host country can be eliminated. Transnational theories, in this view, foster an understanding of identity negotiations within shared spaces through Thirdspace conceptualization [17]. My understanding of migration in the context of dynamic space perception has mostly centred on evaluating the influence of dynamic space perception on historical and contemporary discussions. Nevertheless, it also possesses a facet that constructs the future. Doreen Massey's spatial approach to transnational theories is essential for understanding the construction of the future through the establishment of transnational connections starting from the present. In order to transcend the limited distinction between local (continuity) and global (change) [5], Massey directed her focus towards global circumstances to demonstrate the significance of geography [5]. From this viewpoint, Massey's “A Global Sense of Place” [5] is notable for portraying place as being fluid and hybrid, resulting from interconnected flows of pathways rather than fixed origins. The act of moving presents significant obstacles to one's fundamental sense of self, therefore emphasising the vital connection between the paths taken and one's origins. She uses “routes” to illustrate the changing relationships within the migration. These links exemplify the potential for transitioning from a local scale to a global one, while also highlighting the inseparability of the local and global dimensions. Despite the “double absence” of their identities and existence [24] to solve the dichotomy between being here (host country) and there (home country), migrants produce routes both physically and mentally. Emily Skop argued in “Thirdspace as Transnational Space” [12] that migrants placed between here and there use internet-based activities. Her perspective considered identity to be a complicated synthesis of lives and worldviews. The internet, as “Thirdspace”, mediates migrants' existence between the host and the backcountry. Some migrants seek empowerment in Thirdspace, while others feel isolated. Thirdspace can help negotiate identities and escape hierarchies and control. The internet connects migratory cultures, technologies, practices, and locations. Instead of escaping exclusions and isolating themselves, migrants who are caught between the past and the present may forge new paths.

In addition to social media functioning to communicate with other parts of the migrant groups, according to Peggy Levitt [25], hometown organisations and religious institutions are also crucial to supporting transnational networks in different parts of the world. Through being part of different NGOs and religious communities and their activities, migrants cope with the contradictory position of being here and there.

The concept of Thirdspace, which allows for conflicting interactions within shared spaces, is complemented by the understanding of translocational positionality. This perspective focuses on relocations, the multiple locations in time and space, and the interconnectedness of these locations across the past, present, and future. Furthermore, it expands upon the conversation by suggesting that social spaces are interconnected, diverse, context-dependent, time-sensitive, and susceptible to various interpretations and variations [26]. I use it as an intersectionality frame for understanding identity because different positions and experiences, such as age, gender, ethnicity, and race, contribute to the formation of various places. When viewed from this angle, the translocational positionalities of young migrants shed light on their varied experiences, which might sometimes lead to challenges and at other times to integration into the host country. With this in mind, it is feasible to comprehend how their positions produce experiences in these spaces from a holistic point of view. Allard and Caidi [27] observed that the process of “translocal meaning-making” elucidates how newcomers generate and acquire meanings that can be both unique and contradictory. This method involves fragmented habitus that align with the emotional aspect of space. The fragmented habitus exposes the emotional tensions that arise from the conflict between the influence of the Roma group and familial identification and the increasing social interdependencies, encounters, opportunities, bonds, and orientations [28]. Habitus adapts to fluctuating dynamics and affordances of complex urban figurations to highlight the different ways in which people inhabit a racialized position beyond a generic, marginalised 'Otherness' in the context of long-term group stigmatisation and overt denigration. By acknowledging and distinguishing the various and complex ways in which individuals navigate and behave within social environments, we can expand the range of potential options for Roma people to occupy a racialized position. This, in turn, may enable them to challenge and disrupt harmful and oversimplified narratives and reasoning [28]. However, more research is needed to figure out how these different meanings should be understood in terms of migrants' sense of belonging (or not), identities, and communities (or not) because these relations are highly complex and ambivalent emotional endurance goes beyond simplistic binary positions [10].

3. Socio-cultural background of the students

The subjects of this study, who are Syrian students, have been in Turkey for an average duration of 5.5 years. The students were granted temporary protection. According to Article 91 of Law No. 6458 on Foreigners and International Protection, “temporary protection” is described as the provision of immediate and temporary shelter to foreigners who have been compelled to leave their home country, are unable to return, and have entered or crossed the borders of Turkey as part of a large influx seeking protection. As a result of this protective system, clarity regarding their rights and general position was lacking. The participants were enrolled at either private or public universities. In order to gain admission to the university, it was necessary for them to successfully complete the foreign student test (YOS). They all informed me that their socio-economic status is inferior to that of Syria. Due to their economic vulnerabilities, the majority of them are compelled to engage in part-time employment in order to meet their daily earnings and educational expenses.

4. Methodology

While the Syrian population in Turkish cities differs and has unique characteristics, Istanbul stands out due to its cosmopolitan nature and being the largest city in Turkey, hosting the highest number of refugees, approximately 550,000. Consequently, Istanbul currently possesses the most substantial urban migrant population in the nation [29]. Significantly, it possesses the largest number of young students in Turkey [2]. Higher Education Institution statistics indicate that there are 27,000 Syrian university students in Turkey, with 5957 of them located in Istanbul [30]. Syrian students distinguish themselves from other Syrian migrant groups through their approach to creating space. They achieve this by actively participating in different locations, thereby establishing a fresh perception of space and time through their adopted lifestyle. Additionally, they undergo a process of identity transformation and negotiation, while also acquiring fluency in Turkish. Furthermore, they successfully integrate into the educational system and engage in social interactions with a variety of groups, including NGOs and friends.

I selected Syrian students as a youth migrant group, in short, for three key reasons:

• 1.They are more social. They move more and interact with more people. They give their environment new meanings and use them for other goals.
• 2.They have more social networks because they are future professionals with full- or part-time jobs or internships. They understand local politics. They negotiate their identities by considering these processes and generating new cultural patterns.
• 3.Since they are migratory students, I could study them from both insider and outsider positions. I can relate because I was a foreign student in another country. I am an outsider since I am not Syrian, and I have left Turkey as a voluntary migrant. These parallels and differences allow larger perspectives to see relationships across situations.

Comprehending the profound connections between them can be achieved by conducting qualitative research. It is used to provide in-depth answers to queries on experience, meaning, and viewpoint, typically from the participant's point of view [31]. For this reason, I used participant observation and in-depth interviews, which allowed me to interact with the complex social environment of my target group. My personal experiences during fieldwork highlighted the tight connection and inherent challenge of distinguishing between interviewing and observation. I conducted semi-structured interviews with a total of 30 Syrian students, consisting of 13 males and 17 females. The individuals differed in their educational attainment, age, and professional experiences, as detailed in Appendix A. I contacted them with the snowball sampling technique. Researchers extend invitations to a select group of individuals (referred to as “seeds”) who fulfil the research criteria, inviting them to join. Participants who are willing and cooperative are then requested to suggest more connections who fulfil the research criteria and may be interested in volunteering. These contacts, in turn, recommend others, and the process continues. Scientists utilise social networks to establish early connections, which stimulate the process of sampling and attract a larger number of individuals [32]. I conducted interviews till I reached a point of saturation. Upon encountering repetitive responses and shared anecdotes, I concluded the interviews. Various factors might impact the sample size in qualitative research, but the key element to consider is saturation. Saturation refers to the point at which collecting additional data does not provide any new insights into the subject being studied [32].

The comprehensive interviews were centred around three dimensions. The first pertains to the respondents' impressions of their neighbourhoods and their selection of residence in Istanbul. Here, I endeavoured to reveal the factors and incentives that led to their decision to settle in Istanbul and their specific neighbourhoods. Furthermore, I investigated the impact of Istanbul's identity and lifestyles on the development of their sense of place. The second component pertains to individuals' social environments and their social engagements. I inquired primarily about their daily living routines, the locations they frequented, their methods of socialising, and their preferred destinations. The final aspect pertained to their interactions with Turkish society and their prospective intentions. During this phase, my primary focus was to assess the extent of interaction between Turks and others, including any instances of discrimination or prejudice they encountered. Additionally, I examined their social connections with peers and neighbours, as well as their perspectives on the similarities and differences between themselves and the local community. Moreover, I am interested in understanding the degree to which these relationships would impact their intentions and expectations towards Turkey.

The participants' ages ranged from 18 to 26. They were exclusively students who were either preparing for university exams or were enrolled in graduate or undergraduate programmes. The majority of them were concurrently engaged in both employment and education. Every student possessed a certain level of proficiency in Turkish; nonetheless, a subset of them exhibited superior English speaking skills. Consequently, the interviews were performed in either English or Turkish, depending on the students' preferences.

With the exception of two young people, I obtained permission to record the interviews, ensuring that their identities would remain confidential. The latter two interviews were conducted via transcribing notes. No third parties were present during the interviews. The interviews were typically conducted in the afternoon or evening, following work or school. Every interview was conducted in a one-on-one format. To avoid excessive mental weariness, I limited my interviews to a maximum of two each day. The duration of the interviews averaged approximately 90 min. The interviews took place in cafés or in appropriate tranquil locations within universities and education institutes. The interviews were primarily focused on the ability to compare responses to identical questions from various participants.

Participant observations, on the other hand, which are not just observations for gathering data on nonverbal behaviour, establish a direct relationship between the researcher and the interviewee. It is a method in which a researcher participates in a group of people's everyday activities, rituals, interactions, and events as a means of learning both the explicit and tacit components of their life routines and culture [33].

I have categorised the activities utilising this approach. The initial segment pertains to organisations and associations. These locations were the focal point of my investigation. The second aspect is my interpersonal connections subsequent to establishing friendships with the individuals employed by them. I collaborated with two distinct types of organisations. The initial category was of a voluntary nature, encompassing activities coordinated by Syrian students such as charity bazaars and providing assistance to Syrian children's educational programmes. The second event was specifically connected to the research group and consisted of activities arranged by NGOs. These activities included mathematics and Turkish courses, which were offered to Syrian students in order to assist them in their academic pursuits and social integration.

I engaged in these activities to closely examine the participants in their authentic surroundings. By actively participating in group initiatives such as providing stationery supplies to Syrian students and collecting clothing from Turkish families, I directly engaged in voluntary endeavours. Firstly, I acquired knowledge on the interactions between these students and other social collectives, as well as their modes of communication in their everyday existence. Conversely, I formed a personal connection with them. I had the opportunity to eavesdrop on their conversation as they discussed their issues and aspirations. Furthermore, I got the opportunity to socialise with them over drinks following their classes. Throughout these meetings, I acquired further knowledge regarding their preferred cafés, restaurants, shopping centres, and other significant places in their daily routines.

Gaining insight into the function of the public education facility in Fatih was significant, as it served as a hub for Syrian students seeking Turkish language instruction and engaging in EU programmes. Additionally, the centre employed two Syrian teachers. Both of these professors, residing and working in Fatih, possessed a high level of proficiency in the Turkish language, were familiar with my intended audience, and facilitated my acquaintance with pupils. I was granted permission to partake in the Turkish language classes for Syrian students and to enrol in the course titled “Social Integration in Turkish Society,” which was arranged by the Lifelong Learning General Directorate of the Ministry of Education. From my engagement with the NGOs, I gained a deeper understanding of the participants' lives that surpassed what I could have obtained solely from interviews and casual conversations. Occasionally, we would venture out as a group, affording me the opportunity to acquaint myself with and engage in conversation with their respective families.

The second approach to this process entailed establishing autonomous and intimate connections with the participants. I had the opportunity to meet with them on multiple occasions. Occasionally, we would convene in cafés to engage in conversation, either for the sole purpose of socialising or to address their administrative concerns. Interacting closely with these individuals provided me with valuable insights into their life, so enriching the research with multiple perspectives.

In addition, by integrating these techniques with the virtual medium of social media [Fig. 1], I could not only observe the different aspects of the lives of the migrant students but also assess the authenticity of their comments by analysing their facial expressions and body language. Recognising the importance of social media observations, I incorporated them by employing qualitative observation methodologies. Utilising internet-based connections for virtual ethnography is a crucial element of this research. This is due to the proliferation of networks, linkages, and communities in the virtual realm, which requires a holistic understanding of the respondents' virtual experiences [34]. I joined three Facebook groups where Syrian students in Istanbul communicated. In these groups, I observed how universities are described to the students, the necessary information about formal documents is provided, assistance in locating household goods is provided, new popular Syrian locations are advertised, and both positive and negative news in the Turkish media is discussed. Additionally, criticism and discussion of developments in Syrian universities were presented. The main profiles in these groups were either foreign students who came to study or entirely Syrian students. While posts are made on almost all topics related to life in Turkey, I observed that posts are shared several times every day. In addition to Facebook groups, via Twitter, I followed five different youth Syrian associations to see their activities. These groups generally post about education and social activities every weekend. Furthermore, by following 7 Syrian students with whom I am in personal contact on Instagram, I had the opportunity to see the places they shared and the places where they socialised through their posts almost every day.

Fig. 1.

Application of multiple methods.

Source: Figure created by author

Consequently, by employing participant observations, I conducted supplementary analysis utilising various documents and materials such as event brochures, press releases, announcements on social media platforms, and community centre websites. This allowed me to gain a comprehensive understanding of the lives of Syrian students, encompassing both their online presence and their daily activities.

I used a thematic analysis process [Fig. 1] that gives an entry point into a research method that can otherwise appear cloudy, mystifying, theoretically challenging, and too complex. t offers an introduction to qualitative research by instructing on the systematic process of categorising and interpreting qualitative data. These skills can then be applied to address larger theoretical or conceptual challenges. Thematic analysis is a systematic approach to uncovering, categorising, and gaining understanding of patterns of meaning (themes) within a set of data. Its purpose is to make sense of collective or shared meanings or experiences [35]. Braun & Clarke [36] provide a six-phase guide that is a very useful framework for conducting this kind of analysis [Table 1].

Table 1.

The process of thematic analysis.

Step1: Become familiar with the data,	Step4: Review themes,
Step2: Generate initial codes,	Step5: Define themes,
Step3: Search for themes,	Step6: Write-up.

Source: [36].

Becoming familiar is the first step that covers reading and re-reading the transcripts. However, for me, transcription is more than just a mechanical process that converts spoken words into written information. It goes beyond the written word. Pauses, smiles, highlights, and sentiments are just a few examples of qualitative research components. Even though the information in our conversations was not particularly sensitive or potentially harmful to my respondents, I personally conducted the transcriptions to maintain complete control over the way the study was conducted, as well as to observe and include any relevant body language. I spent a great deal of time and effort transcribing about 80,000 words by myself, but it was worthwhile. After becoming familiar with the data, in the second step, I created preliminary codes by organising the “data” in a meaningful and logical manner. Coding is a process that condenses large amounts of data into smaller units of significance [37]. I employed the NVIVO software tool to conduct a methodical qualitative analysis. Furthermore, I analyse the transcription with my field notes recorded in my study diary. Themes were generated based on research questions that were aligned with the coding process. The study inquiries pertaining to the process of creating space, gender dynamics, migration, identities based on students, power dynamics, and temporal aspects formed the foundation for the thematic framework. In the fourth step, reviewing themes refers to modifing and developing the preliminary themes that are identified. When questioning the coherence of something, it is beneficial to compile all the pertinent data associated with each individual element. I conducted an analysis to determine how the data substantiated the underlying ideas. While conducting the fieldwork, several themes were identified [38]. However, I also developed additional topics by organising all the written data in a methodical manner. Directly related to these steps, the final step for themes is defining them clearly. For instance, after generating two main concepts, emotional spaces and social-imaginary spaces, I defined them and looked for their relations with gender, power relations, migration, space, and the identity-making process to see how the data fit the research. As a result, quotations from the interviews and field notes from participant observations feed the themes as data during the writing process of this article.

I adhered to the code of ethics outlined by the British Sociological Association while conducting the study. I have been provided “Ethical Approval of Research Involving Human Participants” by the University of Essex. The entire procedure was characterised by transparency. Before obtaining their agreement for the interviews, I explained the goals of my study to the research subjects. Before their interviews, I gave my research subjects official notice and requested that they sign consent forms. When I presented the findings, I changed not only their names but also a few other identifying specifics from their narratives, including place names, or I substituted a more generalised geographical name (For instance, rather than use a particular street name, I chose to use Fatih as the district where the street was situated.) I undertook this action with the intention of preserving the anonymity.

This research has limitations. First, many students identified themselves as religious. Developing personal relationships with male participants was difficult due to their religious concerns. Instead of engaging in casual meetings outside or in cafés, I attempted to establish confidence by fostering official connections with associations and charitable organisations. Assembling a diverse group only through my personal contacts proved to be challenging. I solved this problem by contacting each organisation's head. Participants appreciated their host's age and position in the organisation, so they agreed to be interviewed. The holders of these positions occasionally evolved into gatekeepers, complicating ties and plans: youth workers needed approval from leaders, and I also needed permission from these gatekeepers to interview my subjects outside. This authorization process disturbed my plans in the first phase, and I worried about the pressure on the students. I avoided interviewing anyone with associational links. Finally, despite doing house visits and engaging in familial and social connections with my respondents, language has consistently posed a challenge. Although I dedicated numerous hours to doing so, I was unable to witness them engaging in Arabic conversations in authentic circumstances.

5. Findings

5.1. Simultaneous exclusion and inclusion

5.1.1. Emotional space

The Fatih district has had a longstanding religious-oriented identity. Nevertheless, the identity of the place has undergone a transformation due to the recent arrival of Syrian migrants. Currently, the spatial memory of the Turkish population is mostly influenced by the identity of Fatih, which has undergone modifications due to the influx of migrants since 2011. After conversing with both the local residents and the Syrians, it became evident that they unanimously recognised Fatih as a miniature version of Syria. Nevertheless, the reputation and categorization of Fatih proved to be detrimental, leading to the division and isolation of the local community from Syrians.

Contrary to prevailing preconceptions and popular beliefs, Fatih serves a purpose beyond being a mere gathering or leisure spot for Syrian young people. Karameşe [39] explains the articulated logic behind this relation with the concepts of “established” (insiders/native Turks) and “newcomers” (outsiders/migrants) used by Norbert Elias and John L. Scotsan [40]. Through the stigmatisation of places lived by newcomers and the attribution of negative behaviour to them, inhabitants effectively marginalise them from society. Wacquant introduces the concept of 'territorial stigmatisation' as a way to describe the negative perception of certain locations. This perception reinforces the symbolic loss experienced by the residents, as it denies them their collective representation and identity [41]. By incorporating Goffman's [42] notions of physical stigma and the stigma associated with group identity, the reasons why certain neighbourhoods are stigmatised and considered undesirable by their inhabitants become more apparent. The research of Powell and Lever [43] shows how Roma is seen as an inferior group and outsiders of Europe, and then how their settlement places are turned to stigmatisation and segregation parallel to their identities.

Within these arguments, not only are the locations inhabited by Syrians stigmatised, but their collective identity is also exposed to stigmatisation. I have observed the Syrian regions being stigmatised as areas characterised by inadequate security and undesirable conduct, while the Syrian people themselves are often portrayed as ignorant or impolite. Consequently, the local inhabitants ostracise them from the community, to such an extent that numerous Syrian students experience dissatisfaction due to being stigmatised as migrants associated with Fatih.

Mehmet (male, 18-year-old undergraduate student) studying at a Syrian NGO located in Fatih as a part-time worker expressed his feelings with these words:

“It is good to work in Fatih to reach our target group, but I hate the people’s point of view about Syrians living in Fatih. Until I arrive at work, I hear millions of words about Syrians: how they are backward people, illiterate, and how Fatih is a risky place.”

As can be understood from the interview with Mehmet, although he is an educated person, he is unreasonably stigmatised by his migrant identity rather than an educated youth identity. Given that segregated locations are commonly perceived as spaces associated with “otherness,” the experience of being an ‘other’ or outsider necessarily generates a sense of exclusion. Syrian pupils have a strong opinion of Turkish people in these locations. They are endeavouring to demonstrate their dissimilarity from other Syrian refugees, who are perceived by Turkish society as illiterate and jobless, by virtue of their education, bilingualism, and greater compatibility.

Rama articulates her unease with the generalisation of all Syrians by Turkish individuals. She further elucidates Mehmet's perspective by asserting that she experienced heightened stigmatisation during her visit to Fatih:

“It's nice to have meals within Fatih, witness people speaking your language, and shop in Syrian markets, but I don't like how everyone in Syria is seen the same." People think that all Syrians are stupid and don't know much. Because of how this makes me feel, I try to spend as little time as possible with Syrians. People in Fatih think very little of Syrians, but I see a lot more. I wish they could see that Syrians are the same as Turks and can also go to school and learn other languages.” (Rama, female, 19, undergraduate student)

Consequently, the stigmatisation produced by Turkish people and the sense of isolation and alienation felt by Syrian students contribute to the creation of segregated areas for them. To clarify, the distinct characteristics of space provide a sense of isolation, hence justifying their categorization as segregated locations, namely those with a concentrated Syrian population [39].

However, despite the exclusionary function of Fatih as a segregated space, with its inclusionary functions, the Fatih district turns into an emotional space that refers to both the possibility of inclusion and exclusion at the same time. This is closely connected to the attributes of a Thirdspace since, according to my theory, a Thirdspace creates both the potential for exclusion and inclusion at the same time. The selection of the Fatih area as a place for Syrian students is not a random occurrence. The resemblance to the streets of Damascus and Aleppo in Syria serves as a reminder of the spatial recollections and the sense of belonging that individuals have in their own homeland. During the interviews, numerous students formed mental associations. The formation of a new sense of place is heavily influenced by both spatial memories and historical backdrops, as well as the experiences that are recreated in these locations. These new experiences are not independent from the places individuals originated from, but rather a continuation of their former experiences.

A place is formed when an entity, object, or attribute fills the area both inside and between objects in a given space. One effective method for recognising a location is to recollect a specific occurrence or sequence of happenings. Space and place are intricately connected to individual narratives and senses of self. Individuals strategically place a distinctive mnemonic marker in locations to indelibly etch them into their memories. It is crucial to keep a sense of identity and place [44]. Furthermore, the concept of “landscapes” places a strong emphasis on the emotional aspect of migration, as it encompasses the spatial, cultural, and temporal aspects of migrants' daily lives. Migrants generate spatial memories and emotions through their connection to the temporal and cultural aspects of the landscape. This connection is established through their status as migrants, which involves leaving behind their previous home in the past and considering the future in terms of their social, cultural, and economic resources.

Sewal provided insight into spatial memory by drawing connections between her prior experiences and her current life in Istanbul:

“Fatih evokes nostalgia for the past. I feel as though we have returned to Syria. Whenever I get nostalgic for my homeland, I take a stroll through the narrow alleys of Fatih. The Fatih Mosque has resemblance to the Damascus Umayyad Mosque. I find solace in the garden, reflecting on my prior experiences.” (Sewal, female, 19, undergraduate student)

The religious closeness between Turkey and Syria is crucial to understanding the migration flow from Syria to Turkey [45]. In this regard, similar religious constructions between the two countries may have the potential to increase the feeling of inclusion by sharing similar experiences, so as Sewal indicated, the similarities between two mosques in Turkey and Syria open an integrational bridge between them. According to Levitt [25], by enrolling them as members of local sending- or receiving-country religious organisations, transnational religious organisations attract migrants. Migration between regions is made simple for migrants thanks to cross-border relationships between these organisations, which foster a sense of belonging wherever they go. While new migrants inject a new “country of origin” into the host country's religious sphere, the ideas and practices they bring about modify religious activities in their home countries. It is simpler to express dual participation in religious arenas as these ties become deeper and more extensive and as there is greater convergence in religious activity.

From the interview with undergraduate student Hasan (male, 22), I found similar arguments with Lewitt's discussion in terms of how religion is instrumental for the integration of a new country and also how religion play a role in aiding transnational migration flow:

“While I was in Syria, I had a religious teacher in Turkey that I talked to constantly. My teacher was in the Çarşamba neighbourhood of Fatih. He was in a dormitory of the Ismailaga community and was teaching religion. I stayed there for five months. I was just getting to know every place. We were maintaining the system in Syria. I was attending Quran and Tafsir lessons, but my main goal was to go to university. Before I came, I told my teacher that I would be enrolled in a language course in Turkey. There was the Aziz Mahmud Hudai dormitory in Çamlıca, Üsküdar, on the Anatolian side. They also gave religion and culture lessons to foreign students. It was free for one year, and on top of that, they gave us 300 TL per month. It wasn’t like religious sects. It was like help, and they told me you were free. They said, "Whatever you do, we will support you." During my first year of education, I was always going for a walk after class. I first stayed in Fatih, but then I met Üsküdar. It was not like Fatih; there was not one type of person. I started to enjoy mingling with all kinds of people."

Although religion is useful as a first step for joining life in Turkey, it is not enough for the educated group. Communicating with just migrants or religious groups does not satisfy this group because, according to them, as an educated group, they are different from them. They are not satisfied with their migrant identity because religion is not enough on its own to overcome exclusion in shared spaces. Nawyn [46] argued that a shared religion will not always facilitate the integration of Syrians into Turkish society. Syrians are immediately recognisable as foreigners, and prejudice against Syrians is likely to persist for some time. Religion could help make Turkey a hospitable home for Syrians through the efforts of individual Turks and the expanding faith-based NGO sector, however long and complicated that process may be. In this regard, although religion can be grounds for integration into Turkish society, it needs the help of religious people and NGOs. However, it is not enough to overcome the exclusion and stigmatisation that Syrian students face under migrant identities.

Expanding on Sewal's explanation of spatial memory in relation to religious sites, Ali (a 19-year-old male undergraduate) introduces the additional sensory dimensions of taste, smell, and hearing.

“The flavour of Arabic coffee, the melodies emanating from my beloved vocalists, and the Arabic language I encounter transport me to a previous time of happiness, prior to the beginning of war."

The spatial aspect of memory is important. The most powerful visual representations that can be retained are those that exist in our mental perception, specifically those that are distinct and individual to our particular encounters. Our ability to recall is frequently facilitated by associations formed between different locations. Association, which involves connecting known and familiar areas, aids in the retention of visual, auditory, olfactory, interpersonal, conversational, and event-related memories. These visuals serve as stimuli for memory recall. Recollections of sensory experiences occur in locations that are remembered, as discussed by Mowla [44]. This concept is also echoed in the statements made by Ali. The concept of landscape, the visual representation of specific locations, and the emotional experiences associated with the transient nature of migration are intricately linked.

My observation reveals that individuals aged 22 and above mostly rely on their personal experiences when discussing spatial memory, but individuals aged 18 to 19 tend to construct spatial parallels by referencing their parents. Given that this group is currently 18 years old (indicating that they were merely ten years old when they came from Syria), it is comprehensible that they did not develop a sense of spatial memory and so relied on their parents to transmit this experience. Meryem informed me about her mother's exhilaration towards the Grand Bazaar in Istanbul:

“Although my memory is not vivid, my mother often associates the Grand Bazaar with the large marketplace in Damascus. Occasionally, she experiences intense satisfaction, but at other times, she becomes emotional and sheds tears. She expresses nostalgia for the past and desires to go back to those previous times.” (Meryem, female, 18, YOS student).

These statements explain the correlation between experience and spatial memory as our five senses attach emotional significance to the physical space being encountered. The Thirdspace addresses the conflict between the physical space in Fatih (Firstspace) and the nostalgic space of the home country (Secondspace), while the emotional space (Thirdspace) attempts to resolve this conflict. Nevertheless, the resolution of this conflict leads to the assimilation of these emotional regions into Turkish society through the identification of shared culture in a foreign land and the recognition of historical, theological, and cultural parallels between the two nations, alongside instances of exclusion. Due to the strong emotional bonds, ethnic groups may choose to live densely in a certain area, leading to segregation from other areas of the city. An example of this may be seen in the case of Fatih.

As a result, religious, historical, and cultural closeness and memory-based tags produce emotional space in Istanbul. However, while religious closeness and being a student increase integration into emotional spaces, being a migrant produces exclusionary functions because of the stigmatisation of Syrian identities.

5.1.2. Social imaginary spaces

Despite not being perceived as a physical space, social media generates new interpretations and symbolically represents reality. I acknowledge social media as a metaphorical public domain that also functions as an actual environment, enabling individuals to engage in cognitive, visual, emotional, and behavioural activities [47]. I perceive social media as a public domain due to the fact that online social platforms serve as places where people publicly present themselves rather than revealing private information. Online profiles are designed with the understanding that they can be viewed by anyone, even if the intended audience is more restricted.

I have classified these spaces as both inclusive and exclusive due to their nature as public venues where migrant students encounter discrimination, while also providing them with an opportunity to spread beneficial information and elicit reactions to such mistreatment.

Ola articulated this paradoxical relationship by stating:

“Despite my university friends being aware of our mutual social media connection, they frequently disseminate unfavourable news regarding Syrians. They associate us with a terrible perception of Syrians. I apologise, but I also disseminate information regarding instances of discrimination. This holds particularly true for children, as they are incapable of being responsible. I disseminate this news straight in the Turkish language. I desire to demonstrate this to them. Not all individuals are morally upright, just as not all of you are. Generalisations are highly inaccurate. A portion of my acquaintances offer their backing, while others assert that my perspective is misguided. I am endeavouring to generate accurate news in response to the provocations from both parties.” (Ola, female, 21; university student)

Along with social networks, daily contacts create a feeling of location via social media. Student groups use Facebook groups, Instagram, and WhatsApp to create place attachments. In addition to Turkish-dominated social media discrimination against Syrian migrants, Syrian-dominated platforms combine inclusive and exclusive functionalities. Syrian student groups in Istanbul are effective at place construction on Facebook. Reading discussions on their three Facebook sites during fieldwork taught me a lot. Almost daily updates answer queries regarding where students can reside, university documentation, and temporary protection status issues to help integrate students into Istanbul. These organisations also discuss discrimination and local harassment that students may face in their daily lives. These groups sometimes portray Turks negatively from a Syrian standpoint.

Amr corroborated my observations regarding the conflicting relationships within these groups:

“There are educational groups that offer extensive knowledge about Istanbul to students. As an example, I encountered my housemates within one of those collectives. I acquired knowledge about the necessary documentation in Istanbul by making inquiries on-site. Nevertheless, these groups also include drawbacks. They possess a high degree of efficacy in disseminating unfavourable information. Occasionally, I am unable to deny the presence of provocation directed towards the Turks. Similar to the presence of discrimination on Turkish websites, discrimination is also observed within these organisations.” (Amr, male, 25, graduate student)

These groups' Istanbul information, notably public affairs instruction, integrates them into Turkish society, but negative news isolates them. Posts on social media and groups can create a sense of inclusion or exclusion, not just about Istanbul but also Turkey and the host people. Since social media introduces new places and discusses positive or negative events, news can build or lessen attachment to the area. Many Syrian young people complain about the media's detrimental influence on them and locals due to isolation and stigma. This is because, according to Greer and Jewkes [48], the “absolute other” must commit a heinous crime to be completely isolated from society, while the “stigmatised other” only needs to violate cultural and economic norms to be scrutinised by the media. Thus, the media often demonises the powerless rather than the truly evil. Due to their exposure to both Turkish and Syrian mainstream media and social media, the students possess a heightened awareness of the respective contexts and are able to discern and analyse the differing portrayals from both perspectives. Nevertheless, among the majority Turkish community in the mainstream media, there is a growing trend of employing proactive individuals to counteract unfavourable portrayals through social media and the content shared by Turkish individuals. These locations serve as sites of opposition to dominant power structures [49]. To clarify, this location can be described as a heterotopia, as defined by Foucault [50], and it can also be considered a Thirdspace, according to Soja [17]. Within the realm of the social imaginary space, characterised by a prevailing Syrian identity, students derive advantages from the information they receive and learn knowledge that aids in their adjustment to the new community. However, they also encounter the aspects of exclusion when they are exposed to unfavourable news. In the second form of the social imaginary space, I observe the potential for exclusion to exist alongside inclusion.

In addition to the two forms discussed above, against the “double absence” of migrants both physically from their home country and culturally and economically in the host country [24] by mentally and physically creating transnational connections via social media, these students try to overcome exclusion. In addition to friend groups, transnational migrants, businesses, labour relationships, and civil organisations are also part of this association created through social media [23].

YouTube serves as the primary platform for establishing connections with their peers and gaining insights into their perspectives on residing in Turkey. Youtube is functional for the connections between different Syrians [51]. Meryem (18, female, YOS student) told me that Bilal, calling himself a YouTuber, draws attention again by claiming that YouTube is a tool for him to connect to Syrians in different parts of the world.

“Syrians are all over the world. We communicate with relatives, friends, and acquaintances through social media, but YouTube is different. It is nice to see the similar experiences of different Syrians in different countries and to watch their sharing. Sometimes, when I see the practices in other places, I better understand the problems we experience in Turkey. We also inevitably establish ties with Syrians in different countries, and it gives us ideas for the future. For example, the experiences of my friend living in Canada are very valuable to me. I may go there in the future.”

YouTube fosters an original perception of place by facilitating the meeting of individuals from many ethnic backgrounds with transnational affiliations. It provides them with a platform to critically examine the challenges they face as migrants. Although social media fosters an intense sense of Syrian identity and facilitates the assimilation of Turkish identity, establishing a bond among Syrians residing in various countries and fostering collective identification, it also forges connections with individuals from diverse cultures and addresses universal human issues, as evidenced by the remarks of Muhammed:

“Social media helps me remember things so I can see them again in the future. To have fun with my kids by expressing myself. My goal isn't religious or political; it's just to protect the earth. I talk about things like how to cut down on plastic bags, for example. My ideas are based on how to help people from other countries through the growth of technology or college education. Does it help? Yes, I have a lot of good things to say." (Muhammed, male, 25; graduate student)

NGOs are another critical place to create transnational connections via new media technologies. They served as the conduit for establishing a transnational network with individuals and nations of diverse origins within Turkey. This migrant group, which is not allowed to leave Turkey with temporary protection status, is excluded from other parts of the world and is therefore pushed to gather under one local roof. It is trying to eliminate this exclusion by establishing transnational ties via new technologies.

Despite being a local charity group, Istanbul & I establishes transnational connections with individuals from many countries. Hasan was one of these students participating in the tea talks of this organisation online. He was a graduate student who founded an international catering company and wanted to settle in New Zealand with his Ukrainian girlfriend after obtaining Turkish citizenship. Bilal, who believes that he will become a transnational migrant in the future, stated that although he is not on the move today, he communicates with people in different parts of the world and provides trade links thanks to the ties he has established via NGOs. In this sense, it shows that a civil society operating at the local level is functional in establishing transnational ties through new media technologies. Moreover, in the future, Bilal (man, 25-year-old, graduate) explained how these ties would be functional by expanding these connections via social media:

“I will continue to communicate with people I meet in the civil society of which I am a part, no matter where I am in the world in the future, through social media. Even though I'm stuck here right now, the world is small."

As a result, although exclusionary contexts allow people to come together under the roof of local NGOs, they also create possibilities for transnational connections with other parts of the world. The head of the Himma Youth Organisation provided an explanation of the international links and functions of this NGO, along with Bilal:

“We engage in collaboration with both local and global populations. Kuwait, Europe, and America are among the mentioned locations. We collaborate with three primary entities: international organisations, international business professionals, and local groups. We unite to assist youth from throughout the globe.”

The portability of networks—that is, the ability for migrants to keep their prior networks while building new ones—has been a critical outcome of the media, allowing people to remain constantly present in their networks of belonging [52]. In this regard, with the effect of new technological tools, NGOs have become the place for sharing emotions and imaginations and contributing to the strengthening of activist networks with people in other parts of the world.

Rama, as a woman, explained the meaning of the international and organisation-based activities in her life by clarifying that:

“It is already part of our religion and lifestyle to help other people. And we did the same thing every day in Syria. But here, we come together for different people from around the world. Together, we can help Syrians in Turkey and other places.” (Female, 19, undergraduate student)

Nevertheless, at this point, gender-based differences should be considered. New media technologies produce positive outcomes for women rather than men. Social media is crucial to overcoming the physical exclusion of women from being transnational actors. During the fieldwork, in terms of being transnational actors, it was found that there was a clear difference between men and women. Despite the intention of men to engage in frequent international travel for business purposes, women expect a more consistent work-life balance and familial stability in Turkey due to cultural norms.

Şirin elucidates the potential detrimental effects on their family life that may arise from relocating to various countries:

“I am uncertain about how I will manage my work schedule once I am married in the future. A few of my Syrian acquaintances intend to reside and be employed in Turkey, as well as in an additional nation. Despite possessing a solid command of the English language, I do not entertain the notion of pursuing this endeavour due to my forthcoming obligations. It is optimal to enter into matrimony and proceed with my existence in this location." (Sirin, female, 25, graduate student).

I saw a group of women who were hoping to have a more stable work and family life in Turkey instead of starting over in a new country. Their plans were still dominated by family duties, child care, marriage, and other traditional norms. It is observed that women tend to avoid moving, even if they can move physically in the future. But the female students only avoided being a part of foreign connections by moving away. They mentally show that they are transnational people by being involved in social media, foreign charities, and business activities. From this perspective, although physically, female students are excluded from transnational connections, mentally, they are being integrated into transnational activities. In summary, internet and technology research has proven that new media can generate a seemingly unmediated co-presence without the need for a shared physical area and/or time [23].

At that point, the translocational positionalities of the students are crucial because different positionalities are shaped by gender, ethnicity, race, and class, as well as sometimes conflicting influences. Translocational positionality addresses identity in terms of unstable positions related to space, meaning, and time, involving shifts and contradictions. As an intersectional frame, it goes away from the idea of given 'groups' or 'categories' of gender, ethnicity, and class that intersect but rather focuses on social locations and processes that are considerably wider [26]. From this point of view, being a woman (which encompasses gender) and being of Syrian ethnicity both provide functions that are exclusive, whereas being a student and educated improves integration into society. These students, in addition to the interactions within local relations and international connections via NGOs and friend groups, not only solve the tension that exists between the past and the present but also open the gate to the future. Students, particularly women students, find that the prospect of international networks is particularly helpful in resolving the conflict that arises between cultural codes and their student identities.

6. Discussion

This study investigates the relationship between the creation of physical space and the expression of identity, specifically in regard to the involvement or exclusion of Syrian young people in Istanbul. Instead of choosing a place to dwell based only on its compatibility with their habits, migrants create their new communities through frequent routine interactions. In this sense, the dynamic character of the space and the performative component of belonging have an impact on the possible placemaking process for Syrian students. One cannot contemplate this matter without taking into account power dynamics, emotions, and interactions. The bulk of the literature looks at either exclusion or inclusion during the space-making process. While this paper agrees with this point of view, it extends the discussion of contradictory emotions and imaginations, which are seen as a gap in the literature. In this regard, the possibility of producing both exclusionary and inclusionary functions at the same time is the most significant aspect of the research. To highlight how opposites can coexist in the same space, I discuss the two main concepts of social imaginary and emotional space, which are different from the existing literature. In the first step, Thirdspace concept and socio-spatial perspective are central for social imaginary spaces. While there are limited studies that discuss the relations between Thirdspace concept and internet-based activities, as Skop argued [12]) the main contribution of this research is discussing these two concepts with intersectional lenses that are gender, education, religion, and ethnicity as well. By adding these different dimensions, it has been discussed how different positions and shifting identities can work together to produce contradictory relations. Emotional spaces, like social imaginary spaces, alleviate the conflict between the past and the present through the lens of Thirdspace comprehension. The student's new experiences are shaped by their previous experiences and are linked to where they have come from. Spatial memories and historical contexts, as well as relived events in these places, all contribute to their new sense of place. Although [10] points out that sense of belongings and identities should be understood by going beyond simplistic binary positions with the effect of complex and ambivalent emotional endurance and De Backer [11] argues the importance of contradictory emotions, this paper extends their points of view by looking at space through their functions and intersectional lens.

When it is focused on social imaginary space in detail, I found that, in addition to real public spaces, social media functions as symbolic Thirdspaces. Particularly through producing transnational networks against the strict temporary protection status, social imaginary spaces open up the possibility of transnational actors both mentally and physically. While Thirdspaces create simultaneous exclusionary and inclusionary functions, the translocational positionality of the migrant groups fosters these contradictory interactions in the shared spaces. It focuses on the act of moving to other places, the various sites that are engaged in both time and space, and the interconnections between these locations across the past, present, and future. Furthermore, it broadens the conversation by suggesting that social spaces are interconnected, diverse, context-dependent, time-sensitive, and susceptible to various interpretations and nuances [23]. From this perspective, gender differences (being a woman) and ethnicity (being Syrian) produce exclusionary functions; being a student and educated increases integration into society. In addition to the interactions within local relations and transnational connections via religious communities, NGOs, and friend groups, these students not only solve the tension between the past and present but also open the gate to the future. In particular, women students solve the tension between cultural codes and their student identity with the possibility of transnational networks.

7. Conclusion

This study adds space to the migration literature and is nourished from both geographical and sociological perspectives. It emphasizes that a binary migration process is not possible if it is focused on the multi-dynamic structure of space as well as intersecting identities. While exclusion or integration is always a possibility for migrants, the different identities they have within the space can create the possibility of both exclusion and inclusion at the same time. For this reason, migration is more complex than it seems. By combining the dynamism within spaces (Thirdspaces) and identities (translocational positionality), this research explored contradictory and complex relations with an intersectional approach that integrates gender, ethnicity, education, religion, and so on.

Among these identities, the gender-based consideration may contribute to the broader discussion about migration and educated women's sense of space [6]. Further research may compare and construct the contradictory relations of male and female students' future expectations in terms of transnational actors during their space-making process. Furthermore, in addition to student migrants, different youth groups can be understood by adding different intersectional dimensions vital to their space-making processes. Lastly, it should be clarified that this research was conducted with students who identify themselves with their religious background. It is also seen as a limitation in this paper. Since religion is found to be an integrational dimension of an intersectional approach, new research designed with secular Syrian students may discuss different results in different contexts.

Availability of data and materials

Data associated with the study has not been deposited into a publicly available repository. Data will be made available on request.

Funding

No funding

Ethical considerations

All ethical approvals are got from the University of Essex. Manuscript is prepared according to guidelines. It is derived from author's Ph.D. thesis.

CRediT authorship contribution statement

Şeyma Ayyildiz: Writing – original draft, Resources, Methodology, Formal analysis, Data curation, Conceptualization.

Declaration of competing interest

The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

The following is the Supplementary data to this article: