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. 1999 Feb 27;318(7183):601. doi: 10.1136/bmj.318.7183.601

Inequalities in health

Independent inquiry gives detailed recommendations

John Ashton 1
PMCID: PMC1115041  PMID: 10037652

Editor—In these days when we are overwhelmed with paper it can be tempting to skip to the summary, conclusions, or recommendations. But if this is what George Davey Smith et al have done in their editorial on the Independent Inquiry into Inequalities in Health1 they risk doing Sir Donald Acheson and his colleagues an injustice and, in doing so, understating the value and practical nature of the report.

Whereas recommendation 13 is indeed to develop “policies to reduce the fear of crime and violence and to create a safe environment for people to live in,” it is preceded on pages 54 and 55 by details of highly specific measures to achieve this. Similarly, whereas recommendation 24 is for “measures to prevent suicide among young people, especially among young men and seriously ill people,” it is preceded on page 79 by a page of detail about how this can be done.

If academics no longer have time to read documents in full perhaps there is a problem.

References

  • 1.Davey Smith G, Morris JN, Shaw M. The independent inquiry into inequalities in health. BMJ. 1998;317:1465–1466. doi: 10.1136/bmj.317.7171.1465. . (28 November.) [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
BMJ. 1999 Feb 27;318(7183):601.

Authors’ reply

George Davey Smith 1,2,3, Jeremy N Morris 1,2,3, Mary Shaw 1,2,3

Editor—We are sorry that Sir Donald Acheson, the chairman of the independent inquiry into inequalities in health, thinks that we have not done justice to the report’s recommendations and that we will thus discourage BMJ readers from using it.1-1 This was not our intention. Acheson’s letter, however, illustrates what we think is the main issue. In the present and foreseeable political climate the best—and maybe the only—hope of serious governmental action to tackle the inequalities in health so fully described in the report is to produce concrete and costed proposals. These, moreover, should engage as much as possible with the government’s social agenda. The proposals need to be explicit enough for it to be clear where current policies are inadequate or will work against the government’s declared aim of reducing inequality.

Ashton considers the degree of specification in the recommendations of the report to be adequate; we do not. Other readers must judge this issue, but the short section on crime referred to by Ashton starts: “It is beyond the scope of this Inquiry to recommend particular approaches to prevent or reduce crime.” We agree with the implication of this statement and think that it also applies to the other areas. For example, to improve equity of access to—and quality of—public transport the privatisation policies that have led to escalating public transport charges and reduced services must be changed. We find it strange that professionals in the policy domain do not recognise the need for concrete recommendations which translate directly into action.

Current understanding of the factors underlying inequalities in health is well summed up in the report’s statement that “without a shift in resources to the less well off, both in and out of work, little will be accomplished in terms of reduction of health inequalities by addressing particular ‘downstream’ influences.”1-1 The prioritisation of a discrete collection of focused proposals would provide for the future evaluation of what has and has not been done in response to the issue identified by the report. Others—such as the Joseph Rowntree Foundation—are developing clear indicators which will allow assessment of whether the government is succeeding in meeting the challenge set by the prime minister. Similar indicators, reflected in key policy priorities, could have been established by the independent inquiry, thus taking full advantage of its automatic access to government policy makers. This task will now have to be taken on by other bodies, but with lower chances of success.

References


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