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. 1999 Jul 31;319(7205):319.

Inequalities in health

Policies to reduce income inequalities are unlikely to eradicate inequalities in mortality

Pekka Martikainen 1, Tapani Valkonen 1
PMCID: PMC1126949  PMID: 10426760

Editor—In their editorial Davey Smith et al welcome the report of the independent inquiry into inequalities in health but criticise it for not sufficiently tackling the underlying causes of health inequalities, which they see as following from inequalities in wealth, material resources, and especially income.1 As partial evidence they refer to the simultaneous increase in income inequalities and social inequalities in mortality in Britain over the past 20 years.

The role of income inequality as the fundamental cause of health inequality may not be as evident as these authors claim. A recent comparative study in the European Union on social inequalities in health among men indicate that the association between income inequality and inequalities in health is weak. For example, in four Scandinavian countries—Finland, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark—social inequalities in morbidity and mortality are roughly comparable to or larger than those in Britain, yet income inequality is much smaller.2 Furthermore, in these countries changes in income inequalities were not closely associated with changes in social class differences in mortality. Finland and Denmark have experienced increasing inequalities in mortality since the 1970s.3 Both countries, however, had relatively constant income inequalities until at least the early 1990s.4

In Sweden social inequalities in mortality have increased rapidly since the late 1960s, the increase being especially rapid in the 1970s. In the 1970s and 1980s similar increases were also observed in Norway.3 In both countries, however, income inequalities started to increase slowly only after the mid-1980s,4 well after the period of most rapid increase in social inequalities in mortality.

These results—together with the well established observation that social inequalities in mortality can also be observed between the social categories at the top of the social hierarchy—cast doubt on the hypothesis that increasing income inequality and poverty are the main underlying cause of social inequalities in mortality. Although policies to reduce income inequalities can be applauded in many countries as a means of increasing social justice and equality, the experience of the Scandinavian countries indicates that such policies are unlikely to be efficient in eradicating inequalities in mortality.

References

  • 1.Davey Smith G, Morris JN, Shaw M. The independent inquiry into inequalities in health. BMJ. 1998;317:1465–1466. doi: 10.1136/bmj.317.7171.1465. . (28 November.) [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
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BMJ. 1999 Jul 31;319(7205):319.

Early years of development are important contributors to health inequalities

J Fraser Mustard 1

Editor—Davey Smith et al’s editorial on the independent inquiry into inequalities in health seemed to miss points that have implications for public policy.1-1 A crucial conclusion in the report relates to the socioeconomic gradients in health: “The penalties of inequalities in health affect the whole social hierarchy and usually increase from the top to the bottom. Thus, although the least well off may properly be given priority, if policies only address those at the bottom of the socialhierarchy, inequalities will still exist.”

Macintyre makes the point that the social patterning of health and social statusis linear.1-2 There is no threshold of deprivation below which people become sick. In countries with national health care, what makes health status a gradient? The report presents evidence that the early years of development are important contributors tohealth inequalities. Why do some at the bottom of the socioeconomic scale do well? Obviously, the cause is not just income distribution but some more fundamental factor or factors. A recent report from the Canadian national longitudinal survey of children and youth1-3 and the Ontario early years report1-4 have shown, for all social classes, that the quality of parenting has a greater effect than income on early child development.

The report says little about the brain, its development, and early child development and the biological pathway story that may explain some of the health gradient.1-5 Evidence is increasing that the “wiring and sculpting” of the brain in utero and during the first three years set basic competence and coping skills for life. The growing knowledge in the neurosciences, neuroendocrinology, and neuroimmunology is emphasising the importance of the early years. Macintyre, in her proposal to get better understanding of what causes gradients in health, advocates collaboration among biomedical scientists and social scientists to advance our understanding.1-2 Mechanisms and institutions to facilitate and support this cross disciplinary research proposed are needed.

My bet is that two recommendations that relate to the early years, if implemented, will turn out to have the biggest effect on health inequalities in the United Kingdom.

References

  • 1-1.Davey Smith G, Morris JN, Shaw M. The independent inquiry into inequalities in health. BMJ. 1998;317:1465–1466. doi: 10.1136/bmj.317.7171.1465. . (28 November.) [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  • 1-2.Macintyre S. Understanding the social patterning of health: the role of the social sciences. J Public Health Med. 1994;16:53–59. doi: 10.1093/oxfordjournals.pubmed.a042936. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  • 1-3.Chao RK, Willms JD. The effects of parenting practices on children’s outcomes. In: Willms JD, ed. Vulnerable children in Canada. Edmonton: University of Alberta Press (in press).
  • 1-4.Mustard JF, McCain MN. Early years study - reversing the real brain drain. Ottawa: Children’s Secretariat, Ontario Government; 1999. [Google Scholar]
  • 1-5.Mustard JF. Society and population health: a state perspective. New York: New Press (in press).

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