“The third table where I would sit comfortably”: narratives of nonbinary identity routes

Abstract

Background

Research on nonbinary people has been growing steadily. However, most studies have focused on gender identity development in binary cisgender or transgender populations, and there is a lack of knowledge about the experiences and milestones of nonbinary identification, including the many challenges of living in a binary world. In Italy, nonbinary individuals are exposed to various forms of discrimination and face multiple forms of invisibility—linguistic, social, and legal.

Aim

The present study aimed to explore the complex experiences of Italian individuals who do not identify with either of the binary gender categories, shedding light on the processes of awareness of their nonbinary identity.

Methods

Twenty nonbinary participants, aged 19 to 36 years, were administered a semi-structured interview that was explicitly created for this study. The Consensual Qualitative Research methodology was applied to the transcripts of the interviews.

Results

The research delineated four domains: growing up in a binary world, referring to retrospective descriptions of gender normativity and lack of models; gender dysphoria, referring to descriptions related to body and social gender dysphoria; nonbinary awareness, referring to the influence of sexual and romantic relationships, friendships and aggregative spaces, as well as social media, traditional media and literary works—all contributing to the process of personal identity synthesis; and looking forward, referring to the tension of imagining an identity that is constantly evolving (i.e. fantasies and desires of medical and gender-affirming interventions, negative expectations regarding the future, and self-realization).

Conclusion

In societies with a binary understanding of gender, nonbinary individuals face complex challenges and must use multiple strategies to negotiate and express their identities. A deeper understanding of the processes of awareness of gender identity in this population may help to improve clinical practice with gender minoritized individuals.

Introduction

In recent years, the gender landscape has expanded considerably. Since the 1990s, the term genderqueer has been increasingly adopted by those who, in various ways, do not identify with the mutually exclusive categories of male and female. In recent years, the same term has been widely replaced by the broad yet discrete category of nonbinary, which is now used as an umbrella term to encompass a diverse range of gender experiences and performances (Matsuno et al., 2021). Research indicates a continuous increase in the numbers of nonbinary people, with rates among transgender or gender diverse populations ranging from 20% to 52% (Coleman et al., 2022; Government Equalities Office, 2018; Monro, 2019; James et al., 2016), and in the general population, with higher prevalence among individuals assigned female at birth (AFAB) who identify as nonbinary, ranging from 2% to 9% (Chew et al., 2020).

The heterogeneity of nonbinary identities is evident in the multitude of terms used to describe subjective identifications (Thorne et al., 2019). To use a metaphor offered by one of our participants (and which we have borrowed for the title of this article), “the tables at which one may sit comfortably” have multiplied (Hyde et al., 2019; Stockton, 2021). Some individuals identify as agender, gender-neutral, or genderless. Others report a fluid identity that varies or oscillates between gender categories (i.e. genderfluid and bigender individuals). Additionally, some individuals perceive their gender as multiple (i.e. pangender individuals) (Richards et al., 2016). Nonbinary gender narratives also vary widely. For example, Paul B. Preciado (2021) describes their identity as “an escape” from the binary regime, breaking the claustrophobic system of male versus female. Conversely, other individuals describe identities that do not abolish the categories of male and female, but unite them in new personal syntheses (Fiani & Han, 2019). Studies examining identity milestones in nonbinary individuals (Bradford et al., 2019; Coburn et al., 2023; Cosgrove, 2021; Goldberg & Kuvalanka, 2018; Tatum et al., 2020) reveal a great diversity in the paths to self-awareness of one’s gender identity.

Many of these studies highlight the role of cultural and social factors in shaping individuals’ understanding of themselves, such as language (Bradford et al., 2019) and connections to nonbinary communities and friends (Coburn et al., 2023). However, most of these studies have been conducted in the United States, with limited research in other countries or in linguistic contexts beyond English. The objective of this study, therefore, is to explore the journey toward self-identity awareness in nonbinary individuals, particularly within the Italian context. Italy presents unique challenges to the affirmation of gender-variant identities due to the highly gendered nature of the Italian language and legislative constraints that do not recognize identities beyond the binary male and female, failing to adequately protect gender and sexual minoritized individuals (Baiocco et al., 2023).

Unlike transgender woman and men who typically become aware of their gender identity in the early stages of puberty or younger (Doyle, 2022), many nonbinary individuals tend to gain awareness of their nonbinary identity in later adolescence or early adulthood (Fiani & Han, 2019; Losty & O’Connor, 2018). This delayed discovery is attributed to a lack of social references to nonbinary identities, resulting in highly individualized developmental trajectories and significant variability in outcomes (Pellegrini & Saketopoulou, 2019). Before reaching this awareness, many nonbinary individuals describe fluctuating connections to traditional gender roles, often experiencing gender dysphoria when facing gender-based social segregation in public contexts and feeling a forced alignment with either male or female genders (Barbee & Schrock, 2019; Bradford et al., 2019; Diamond & Butterworth, 2008; Losty & O’Connor, 2018; Tatum et al., 2020). As pioneering authors like Susan Stryker (2008) and Kate Bornstein (1994) foretold, discussing the claustrophobic effect of gender normativity on queer existences, the gender segregation imposed by society is profoundly detrimental and inhibiting for nonbinary individuals (Matsuno et al., 2022).

For individuals with nonbinary identities, processes of identity awareness involve a complex relationship with defining one’s identity in relation to their own body. Many narratives emphasize the lack of adequate vocabulary to articulate their internal experiences to both themselves and others (Anzani et al., 2023; Barsigian et al., 2020; Bradford et al., 2019; Losty & O’Connor, 2018; Saltzburg & Davis, 2010). While experiences of gender dysphoria in transgender men and women often arise from bodily perceptions of incongruence (Ålgars et al., 2012; Mirabella et al., 2020), nonbinary individuals usually trace their gender dysphoria back to social aspects—namely invisibility and a lack of recognition (Lindley et al., 2022; Jones et al., 2019; Galupo et al., 2020; Galupo, Cusack et al., 2021; Galupo, Pulice-Farrow, et al., 2021; Lindley & Galupo, 2020; Taylor et al., 2019; Winters & Ehrbar, 2010). For instance, in their study on experiences of gender dysphoria in nonbinary individuals, Galupo, Pulice-Farrow, et al. (2021) identified three primary categories through which participants described their experiences of dysphoria: (a) absence of gender dysphoria, indicating a lack of dysphoria or no uneasiness with their body, (b) body-related aspects, encompassing both general aspects (e.g. body shape) and specific body parts (e.g. genitals) or functions (e.g. reproductive capability), and (c) gender/sex-related aspects, frequently referencing gender roles and expressions. Discussing these results, Galupo et al. (2021) noted that “nonbinary individuals locate their distress within a social context where the negotiation of gendered presentations, including direct microaggressions and misgendering from others, can serve to elicit gender dysphoria” (p. 108). Consequently, their investigation “emphasizes both bodily and social aspects of gender dysphoria” (Galupo, Pulice-Farrow et al., 2021). This highlights, as many authors have underscored (Liszewski et al., 2018; Osborn, 2022), the significance of social visibility and recognition for nonbinary individuals, countering practices of misgendering, discrimination, and the frequent exposure to micro- and macroaggressions (Chang & Chung, 2015; Matsuno & Budge, 2017).

As mentioned, research on nonbinary identities in Italy is limited. Only a few studies have shed light on the experiences of nonbinary individuals in the country (Lindley et al., 2022; Mirabella et al., 2022; Mirabella et al., 2023; Rosati et al., 2022; Scandurra et al., 2023). In particular, prior research has highlighted several risks for Italian nonbinary people, who stand at risk of both linguistic and social invisibility (Anzani et al., 2022; Baiocco et al., 2023). For instance, laws and protections against homophobia, biphobia, and transphobia (Callahan & Loscocco, 2023) are insufficient, especially given that Italy, along with Turkey, has the highest rate of transgender and gender diverse murders in Europe in 2023 (TvT Research Project, 2023). Furthermore, within the current legal framework, there is a predominant recognition of binary and medicalized pathways, marginalizing nonbinary identities and alternative experiences. Institutional gender affirmation pathways are often perceived as rigid, anchored to a transnormative and stereotypically binary view of gender (Lorusso et al., 2023). Notably, Italian legislation does not provide legal or administrative alternatives for genders beyond the male/female dichotomy.

Additionally, Italian is an extremely gendered language: nouns and pronouns have a grammatical gender (masculine or feminine) that reflects the gender of the person or object. The Italian language lacks neutral articles, pronouns, or nouns, which puts nonbinary individuals at a high risk of being misgendered. To address this issue, there are few (and inconvenient) neutral options (Baiocco et al., 2023). While some neutral words are valid in written language (e.g. particular desinences, such as asterisks or the schwas “ə”), they are rarely used in speech (Catarinella et al., 2022; Scotto di Carlo, 2020). This is different from English, where nouns do not have a grammatical gender marker, and the neutral pronoun “they” is used to refer to nonbinary people.

In this framework, the present study aims to delve into the experiences that have characterized the journey to self-awareness of gender identity in a sample of young adults identifying as nonbinary within the Italian context. By focusing on young adulthood, we seek to retrospectively investigate the experiences and challenges related to this process. Indeed, young adulthood is a period marked by new challenges that contribute to the construction of one’s identity, involving reflection on past experiences and the influence of external factors. This exploration encompasses their encounters with gender normativity within their families of origin and the broader social milieu, as well as an examination of the presence and characteristics of the gender dysphoria they have experienced. Furthermore, we seek to understand the facilitators and barriers related to understanding and affirming one’s nonbinary identity, alongside identifying significant milestones in their identity development. To accomplish this, we have employed the consensual qualitative research (CQR) methodology developed by Hill (2012), allowing us to analyze the narratives of our participants. The aim is to cast light upon the stories of this underrepresented population, to increase knowledge and counter their invisibility.

Methods

Procedure and positionality

The research team was comprised of individuals with a variety of positionalities regarding their academic role, age, gender identity, and sexual orientation (e.g. nonbinary, cisgender, queer, bisexual, lesbian, gay, heterosexual, full professor, researcher, psychologist, intern). All interviews were conducted in person, with an average duration of 90 min, and were administered by qualified students and researchers with a nonbinary identity and/or a queer sexual orientation. At the beginning of each interview, interviewers positioned themselves and disclosed their nonbinary identity and/or queer sexual orientation. In this way, it was possible to create an inclusive and safe environment, and increasing the motivation of the participants to take part in the study. Within CQR principles and guidelines (Hill, 2012), we adopted an interview approach aimed at facilitating participants’ open narratives, allowing them to freely share their stories. The interview protocol was structured to begin with broad and general questions, followed by more specific sub-questions to assist participants in delving deeper into their experiences. The interviewers managed response time without rushing additional questions, ensuring the opportunity for content to emerge, providing summaries, and rephrasing when necessary. In fact, direct interaction with interviewees helped minimize the likelihood of unclear answers or avoidance of certain responses. Prior to the data collection, all participants were informed about the study procedures and confidential data handling, and provided signed consent. The interviews were audiotaped and transcribed verbatim, with all sensitive data encrypted in the process. The interview excerpts presented in the results section were initially translated into English and subsequently back-translated into Italian by two of the authors, who are competent Italian and English speakers. The study was submitted for approval to the Ethical Committee of the Department of Developmental and Social l Psychology, Sapienza University of Rome (protocol number: 0001088; date of approval: September 9, 2021).

Participants

The study inclusion criteria required that participants: (a) had a nonbinary gender identity, and (b) were aged 18 years or older. Recruitment was carried out through online announcements posted on social media (i.e. Instagram) as well as the research group’s personal networks. Interviews were conducted with 20 nonbinary Italian participants aged 19 to 36 years (M = 26.61; SD = 4.9). Forty percent (n = 8) also identified as trans. Table 1 describes participants’ pronouns, age, and gender identity. In honor of the definition given to one’s identity by a participant in the study by Galupo and Pulice-Farrow (2017) as “like a constantly flowing river,” and keeping in mind Virginia Woolf’s “The Waves” (2004) quote “I am rooted, but I flow,” we have decided to use river names for our participants. Of the 20 interviewees, 13 were assigned female at birth (AFAB) and 7 were assigned male at birth (AMAB). In response to the question “How old were you when you started to question your gender identity?” participants reported ages in the range of 3.6 to 35 years (M = 18.36; SD = 8.08). Only 40% (n = 8) disclosed their nonbinary identity in all social contexts. Regarding educational levels, the majority held a high school diploma (n = 10), followed by a bachelor’s degree (n = 7), a master’s degree (n = 1), and a doctoral degree (n = 2). In terms of socioeconomic status, most of the sample (n = 15) indicated an average condition, followed by a few indicating low (n = 3) and high (n = 2) socioeconomic status.

Table 1.

Demographics.

Pseudonym	Pronouns	Age	Gender identity
Danube	he/him, she/her, they/them	22	fluid
Nile	he/him	33	nonbinary
Ganges	he/him, they/them	25	nonbinary
Tigris	she/her, they/them	30	nonbinary
Murray	he/him, they/them	26	nonbinary
Mekong	he/him, they/them	34	nonbinary transmasculine
Amazon	he/him, they/them	19	nonbinary
Yangtze	he/him	24	genderqueer, nonbinary
Mississippi	she/her, he/him	25	agender
Rio Grande	they/them	36	third gender
Zambezi	she/her	25	nonbinary, demigirl
Sepik	he/him, she/her, they/them	21	nonbinary
Euphrates	he/him, they/them	26	nonbinary, transmasculine
Elbe	he/him, they/them	30	nonbinary
Rhine	she/her, he/him	32	nonbinary
Seine	he/him, she/her, they/them	24	agender, genderless
Lena	she/her	22	nonbinary
Congo	he/him, she/her, they/them	29	nonbinary, bigender, fluid
Paraná	she/her, he/him	26	nonbinary
Indus	she/her, he/him	19	genderfluid

Measures

A questionnaire was administered to collect demographic data on participants’ ages, nationalities, and assigned genders at birth (optional). Subsequently, the Italian translation (Mirabella et al., 2022) of the Gender Diversity Questionnaire (GDQ) (Twist & de Graaf, 2019) was administered to collect qualitative and quantitative data on participants’ gender identities (e.g. use of labels and pronouns, identity descriptions, ages of first questioning, social contexts in which they had disclosed their gender identity). A semi-structured interview was created ad hoc by the research team, based on the literature investigating gender identity construction in the nonbinary population, in accordance with the recommendations proposed by Hill (2012). A section of the interview protocol, specifically addressing the experiences of nonbinary clients in psychotherapy, had already been used in a previous study (Rosati et al., 2022). For this study, different sections were analyzed that explored different aspects of the nonbinary identification process, ranging from the internal experience of gender identity (e.g. “Can you tell me in your own words the relationship you have with your gender or gender identity? Start from where you want to”) to gender expression (e.g. “How do you define your gender identity? Do you use one or more labels to define yourself?”), across time and in different contexts (e.g. “Can you tell me when you first realized you were [gender identity label]? How was your journey of awareness and affirmation of your gender identity?”). The questions explored different life contexts, including the family (e.g. “Can you tell me something about the topic of ‘gender’ within your family?”), the LGBTQIA + community (e.g. “In your gender affirmation path, did it help you to be part of an LGBTQIA + group?”), romantic and sexual relationships (e.g. “Concerning your gender identity, how do you experience your sexual orientation?”), and the broader social context (e.g. “Was there someone or something that played an important role in discovering your gender identity?”). The corresponding author will share the interview protocol, upon reasonable request.

Data analysis

All transcripts were analyzed according to the CQR (Hill, 2012). This involved a multi-phasic, structured construction of domains and, subsequently, of the core ideas of the single interviews. In the current study, domains were initially derived from the thematic areas of the interview questions. The stabilization of final domains occurred progressively as a profound understanding of the participants’ experiences was developed. Subsequently, core ideas within each domain were constructed, then clustered by affinity, and categorized. The data were repeatedly discussed and approved by consensus between each research team member who had previously worked independently on a transcript. This work was supervised and revised at each stage by experienced members of the research team. Within the framework of CQR, the researcher’s subjectivity, interpretative activities, and biases are recognized as inevitable influences in data interpretation (Hill, 2012). To faithfully represent participants’ experiences and mitigate the impact of personal biases on the results, the team’s biases were extensively discussed throughout the research process within a supportive and non-judgmental environment, embracing a gender-affirmative framework. While explicit acknowledgment of these biases does not guarantee their neutralization, it fosters accountability among team members, aiming to minimize their impact on data analysis. The CQR methodology is recommended for any in-depth examination of complex and under-explored topics. In the present study, it yielded comprehensive yet clear and detailed descriptions of the experiences under investigation. Domains constituted broad themes shared by all respondents and categories described subjective experiences that emerged with varying frequency among the interviewees: general (i.e. all cases but one), typical (i.e. more than half of the cases), variant (i.e. three cases to half of the cases), or rare (i.e. one or two cases). The frequency, itself, was subject to analysis. Hence, the representativeness of each category in the sample could be deduced.

Results

As outlined in Table 2, four domains emerged from the analysis of the transcripts concerning the pathway of awareness of nonbinary gender identity: (1) growing up in a binary world, (2) gender dysphoria, (3) nonbinary awareness, and (4) looking forward. The first three domains delineate the interplay between the interpersonal realm and the subjective experiences of the participants in their process of self-awareness concerning their gender identity, spanning both the past and the present. The fourth domain concerned participants’ images and fantasies of their future selves, which contributed to their processes of identity construction. Each domain includes different categories, as explained below.

Table 2.

Domains and categories.

Domain	Categories	Frequencies
Growing up in a binary world	Descriptions of gender normativity	Typical
	Lack of models	Typical
Gender dysphoria	Body dysphoria	Typical
	Social dysphoria	Typical
Nonbinary awareness	Sexual and/or romantic relationships	Typical
	Friendships and aggregative spaces	General
	Social media, mainstream media, and literature	General
	Deconstruction and synthesis	General
Looking forward	Fantasies and desires about the medical gender-affirming pathway	Typical
	Negative expectations	Variant
	Self-realization	Typical

Growing up in a binary world

The first domain, narratively embracing the stages of childhood and youth, provides a retrospective of the experience of growing up in a cultural context in which representations of the masculine and feminine are often polarized and in which there is a lack of alternative models. Participants describe the complexity of the transition from the freedom of childhood to the progressive tightening of prescribed roles as adolescence approaches and the limitations imposed on following one’s non-stereotypical inclinations, expression, and preferred activities.

Descriptions of gender normativity

The narratives reveal the preponderance of gender segregated perspectives and regulatory models on gender and gender roles across various reference contexts, from the family to more comprehensive, everyday social settings. Many respondents recall feeling the partition between masculine and feminine as excessively rigid from early childhood onwards, not feeling a strong sense of belonging to either binary category and/or adopting behaviors stereotypically considered to pertain to another gender.

When I was little, I didn’t see the difference [between genders], I always saw boys with boys, girls with girls, and I was always in the middle. (Danube, 22 years old)

In kindergarten, I insisted on wearing the blue apron and playing only with kids who didn’t accept me, which was quite frustrating. My mother tells me that when she dressed me, she always kept her spare tracksuit handy because she knew I would freak out and tell her, ‘Get this trap off me.’ (Mekong, 34 years old)

Participants’ experiences of gender-related expectations in particular contexts varied in their levels of strictness, ranging from fairly descriptive (concerning qualities, roles, and behaviors) to prescriptive (discouraging or condemning non-adherence to the norm).

I remember that when I was in primary school, I wanted to dress up as a Barbie princess for the carnival, but my parents didn’t quite approve at the time. They gave me a little speech: ‘Oh no, you’re a boy, you have to wear this’. (Mississippi, 25 years old)

Once, I was walking in the courtyard of my grandmother’s house in a very feminine way, and then I suddenly turned around and saw a person looking at me with a disgusted expression. It was at that moment I realized that the thing I was doing, which felt completely natural to me, was not for many people. (Yangtze, 24 years old)

The familial models described, in many cases presented a hierarchical structure in which roles and tasks were defined based on the gender assigned at birth. Many participants depicted paternal figures as representative of a “macho culture” and a masculinity that cannot allow itself emotional displays.

In my family identity does not exist, not even gender identity, identity itself. If you have a uterus you need to have children, if you have a penis you need to go to work, it is not a matter of identity. (Rio Grande, 36 years old)

My father has huge problems with chauvinism, because of his family, which has always been very violent, characterized by these traditional separations: women should shut up and cook, men should be in the streets imposing themselves. (Ganges, 25 years old)

Other interviewees portrayed a more balanced context, in which however, despite the greater flexibility, a traditional, cis-hetero-normative view of gender and relationships often persists. This also resonates in other areas of life, especially within the school context. Indeed, participants reported feelings of inadequacy in response to their environment, both in early childhood and particularly during adolescence, a stage when entering the social world leads to more significant pressure to conform (e.g. to binary gender roles).

I used to feel upset whenever someone made it clear that femininity in relation to me was undesirable and something to be ashamed of. (Yangtze, 24 years old)

My arrival at secondary school was a very traumatic event. I was bullied. I felt for the first time uncomfortable in the social world in relation to who I was. Once, for example, my classmates told me, “So you are a lesbian, what are you?” as an insult, and I told them “No, I am a female born with a male heart,” because it was very complex for me at 11 years old, in the world where I came from, to give myself a definition. (Tigris, 30 years old)

This led several interviewees to feel wrong and internalize experiences of shame. Moreover, gender role stereotyping often intersected with social understandings of sexual orientation. Many participants’ social contexts were confused over the differences between roles, identities, and sexual orientations.

On my 16th birthday, instead of wanting the usual pink candles, which I was pissed off about at the time, I wanted light blue candles; so, I got light blue candles. One of my aunts said to me “What are you, a lesbian?” For light blue candles. (Zambezi, 25 years old)

Lack of models

The predominance of binary gender roles and representations, both within the family and across various areas of society, fails to offer suitable images for self-representation. Indeed, the interviews revealed a lack of non-normative gender models in which to recognize themselves and through which to interpret their own experience.

At the age of 19 […] I started asking myself uncomfortable questions, questions that are never pleasant to deal with. I would have paid gold to have all the information that there is now. I would have saved myself a lot of misery. (Murray, 26 years old)

This often adds to the lack of words and information to label their feelings, leading interviewees to feel confused and uncomfortable. The absence of a shared language that describes and allows for the expression of different experiences related to gender can hinder clarity in self-understanding.

My way of defining myself has changed over time, but for a matter of a lack of cultural references. I have always been like this. (Nile, 33 years old)

For some, early questioning was accompanied by a temporary recognition of—or doubt about—the possibility of having a binary gender identity that did not match one’s assigned gender at birth. In fact, some participants reported having thought that they were a binary transgender person; this was described as a turbulent experience—a period of crisis or transition before they found the “right words” to describe themselves.

Before I understood, before I found the words to describe myself, before I really understood my identity, there was a moment when I asked myself… “Do I want to change sex?” There was such a lack of awareness of means to navigate my sexual constellations, that I came to ask myself if I wanted to change, to transition (Zambezi, 25 years old)

For a few months, I believed I was a trans woman. I was almost convinced to continue down this path, only there was something holding me back, and then I finally discovered, I mean, this nonbinary world, this androgynous view of the world. I found myself much better. (Ganges, 25 years old)

When reflecting on their feelings about gender, a small portion of the interviewees questioned the truth of their identity experiences and reported a fear of claiming spaces that were not their own.

Sometimes I ask myself: “Am I an impostor? Is this something that everyone experiences, or not?” But when I think back on my journey, I realize that, no, I don’t think everyone experiences the feelings that I did concerning gender. Maybe everyone is a combination of male and female, but they are more in line with what is expected of them, their biological sex. Perhaps the main indicator of this non-conformity is the discomfort I have experienced in certain circumstances, even in relation to my body, sometimes even regarding my genitals—that is, I don’t know. (Yangtze, 24 years old)

In this sense, the lack of alternative gender narratives not only hinders the ability to embrace the nonbinary label but also the capacity to validate one’s nonbinary experience.

Gender dysphoria

Feelings of discomfort and inadequacy described in the narratives about growing up in a binary world also extended to experiences of gender dysphoria. Although it is widely acknowledged that not all nonbinary people experience gender dysphoria and that it should not be the sole perspective from which to interpret one’s exploration of gender identity, all participants reported such experiences. This second domain brings together the descriptions concerning experiences related to both body and social gender dysphoria, that for many have been central to questioning and understanding one’s gender identity.

Body dysphoria

Participants’ accounts revealed the extent to which the body relayed essential information about their gender identity and constituted an object of reflection about their belonging (or not) to a gender. For some, it was precisely this discomfort that triggered reflections about their gender identity. Some participants reported episodes of body dysphoria dating back to early childhood, while others experienced the onset of body dysphoria during puberty.

Around the age of 3, at a certain point, I stopped using the bidet because it disgusted me [my genital area], and I wanted to pretend it didn’t exist. I ended up with an infection, and my mother found out about it. I told her I didn’t want it. Then, as I grew up, when I had my period, with painful menstruation, the pain intensified, and there were moments when I would cry and say to my mother, ‘I never wanted it, why don’t they remove it from me?’ (Congo, 29 years old)

At the age of 16, I realized I was dysphoric like hell. It took a few years to then come to the awareness of being trans (Euphrates, 26 years)

The dysphoric experience may relate to different body districts with varying degrees of intensity. In particular, participants mentioned the chest, body shape associated with a particular gender, and hair.

I simply realized that what I was looking for was not just to be fit with my body, but it was something else. I started thinking about all the times when even as a teenager I went jogging, I did crazy diets and, in front of the mirror, I tried to level out my hips, to cover my breasts, and I said, “Ah gee, maybe it’s not just being in line, there’s something else too.” (Mekong, 34 years old)

Participants who experienced genital dysphoria displayed a tendency to cognitively exclude their own genital organ. In some cases, they had difficulty recognizing or validating their own experience as dysphoria.

I can’t tell if it was dysphoria I was feeling. More than discomfort, I could not see my genital organ, which is a different thing. It was just as if it wasn’t there. (Murray, 26 years old)

I didn’t see anything; I wasn’t curious at all about what I might have or not have down there. I didn’t even give it a name; I knew it was there, and that was it. It was fine like that. (Danube, 22 years old)

Some participants reported a history of eating disorders. Among these participants, some traced the discomfort back to their gender identity, interpreting their eating disorder as an attempt to achieve their imagined bodily ideal by trying to make their body as neutral as possible.

When I was 14, I became anorexic, and suddenly I had a very androgynous body, and I felt great there and then, because my breasts were almost [gone], I had no ass, I had no hips, it was the neutrality that I had always sought and that I would still like to have. (Seine, 24 years old)

In others, experiences of body-related discomfort had resulted in self-harm.

As a transgender person, there are moments when I hate certain parts of my body because they are feminine. I think that, in a way, having had eating disorders and overcome them has helped with this. Even self-harm, as a bodily practice, I did everything to my body to try to annihilate it, and now it’s still here and supports me, and I’m grateful to it. (Elbe, 30 years old)

Social dysphoria

From the narratives, it emerged how discomfort and dysphoria were often elicited by interpersonal contexts and linked to an awareness of the social meaning attributed to bodily characteristics, which participants otherwise perceived as “degenderized.” In fact, the body by some was not seen as bound to and expressive of personal identity. Sometimes the distress is attributed to the internalization of societal expectations related to the body.

I have no desire to change my body, I would never want breasts. My sexual organ suits me and does not cause me so much dysphoria. It causes me a little, but more because of what it symbolizes in society than with respect to my body. At home I don’t have any problems: when I go out and I know that my organ is associated with other things, there begins a dysphoric relationship with my body. (Lena, 22 years old)

If I didn’t have to interact with people calling me “ma’am,” I would be perfectly fine with my body, I guess. (Nile, 33 years old)

Especially in individuals assigned female at birth, experiences of discomfort regarding one’s own body are often linked to an awareness of the sexualizing gaze of others.

I’m comfortable with my body, I’m fine in the body I was born in, I love my body. But they have sexualized it so much, for example, the breasts, the vagina, that the idea of being with another person instead of my current girlfriend disgusts me, it really makes me feel unwell. (Danube, 22 years old)

Furthermore, experiences have been reported in which the discomfort felt is not related to the body but is instead attributed to the ease with which others make inferences about the gender assigned at birth, behaving subsequently according to a culturally established script. In this case, unease is thus linked to experiences such as misgendering or gender-related expectations.

The only times I feel dysphoria are very social, when a person has a very easy time attributing a gender to me and especially behaving accordingly, because it wouldn’t be too much of a problem if then there wasn’t the second part, whereby once you are identified as a specific gender it changes the way people approach you. That’s what I would like to eliminate from my life and so no, actually my body and I are pretty much friends. (Ganges, 25 years)

Nonbinary awareness

The trajectories of participants’ self-identities were delineated by a constellation of fundamental determinants, propelling them toward an exploration of their gender identity and the realization of their nonbinary status. This domain encapsulates the profound influence of sexual and romantic affiliations, interpersonal relationships, societal environments, as well as the omnipresent realms of social media, mainstream media, and literary works. These multifaceted elements served as pivotal agents in the deconstruction of conventional gender paradigms, facilitating the attainment of a coherent and personally synthesized gender identity.

Sexual and/or romantic relationships

For some interviewees, the process of questioning their gender identity started with reflecting on their sexual orientation. Participants reported that it was often initiated by an experience of non-heterosexual romantic and/or sexual attraction, either immediately or through a retrospective re-reading.

My relationship with gender changed because then, at a certain point, I started to have relationships with girls, and I thought I had found the key—around the age of 20, of a wonderful world. And then, after a few more years, I realized that it wasn’t just a matter of lesbian identity. I felt there was something different about me—as much as it’s part of my history, and I also claim that path there. (Nile, 33 years old)

Relationships and social contexts often allowed participants to overcome the lack of information and role models. For some, sexual and/or affective relationships represented a safe space for experimentation in which they could come to know and understand their bodies and find their concerns embraced in a framework of intimacy—be it emotional and/or sexual. This gave participants a greater sense of security and validation.

She helps me in understanding myself by asking me questions, which is something I don’t do. I tend to kind of ignore things that make me feel bad and pretend they don’t exist. She always tries to make me feel welcome. It gives me the foundation to be able to open up. It’s very nice. She always tells me that I’m fine the way I am, that what’s important to her is that I’m fine; it’s secondary what I look like or how I identify. She stands by me, tells me I’m fine that maybe that’s what I need most because sometimes it’s not what I feel. (Paraná, 26 years old)

Some participants were pleased that they could also test the use of alternative pronouns with their partners. Moreover, the relational space made it possible for them to break down gender binaries in different ways, and even change their ways of approaching sexuality. Perceiving their own body and the body of the other, breaking out of gendered sexual scripts, and using sex toys had led some to a real revelation, suggesting that relationships may be one of the fundamental fields of experience of “gender euphoria.” However, difficulties in the relational sphere—which also emerged in participants’ narratives (though to a lesser extent)—constituted a clear signal and driving force for insights and thoughts in relation to one’s gender identity, prompting a felt need for change.

Friendships and aggregative space

Participants’ accounts revealed that, in certain instances, friendships also led them to a greater discovery of themselves, cementing any insights gained through personal reflection via feedback within a safe space.

My second family, which is the most important one, the closest, are my friends […] I owe a lot to my network of friends, for the moral and physical support, for the possibility of being vocal about these experiences, thus having a feedback, a genuine acceptance, which does not have to depend on: “But what are their values? But will they let me stay at home?” (Ganges, 25 years old)

Having the opportunity to relate and grow in the affective realm with others who shared similar feelings about gender emerged as another key element of participants’ path of self-discovery and self-awareness. Indeed, within social contexts, participants attributed significant value to their encounters with transgender and nonbinary individuals and queer communities. In many cases, even participants who were already acquainted with the word nonbinary reported that it was not until they came into direct contact with someone who defined themselves using this label that they reached a true awareness of and deeper reflection on certain aspects of themselves.

When I started to meet trans people, I started to think about what it means to “feel” one gender or the other and to try to understand how I felt. […] Surely it plays a role to be able to mirror yourself with someone else who has the same narrative of things as you do or, if not the same, just outside the table of women and men there is another one. I have met these people with whom I feel most kinship, the third table where I would sit comfortably. (Mekong, 34 years old)

For many participants, walking through political collectives (e.g. queer and transfeminist spaces) was crucial. These spaces were described as places of understanding and being seen, where participants could share in a common narrative and reflect on difficulties, while experiencing a plurality of representations that facilitated a broadening of views. In these spaces, some participants had the opportunity to meet queerness for the first time, in a place where exploring was “normal.”

I am part of a university trade union-type association and a trans-feminist collective. This helped me a lot on my path because […] it made me—for the first time—understand what it means to have your own representation, and your own space. And so it also gave me the strength to say “You can be here in this world, on this land, it’s yours, nobody can take it away from you. You exist, you don’t have to ask permission for anything.” (Lena, 22 years old)

Social media, mainstream media, and literature

In their journey of nonbinary awareness, the interviewees’ accounts underscored the importance of social media, mainstream media, and literature. Many participants described that these tools facilitated introspection, and thereby encouraged their processes of understanding and constructing a nonbinary identity. Participants were able to access relevant content on social media, where they could also encounter a network of other individuals who shared their experiences.

I think compared to the past, social [media] help a lot, because when you are disoriented the only thing you want is to see a person like you, who feels like you, who understands you, who says the things you want to hear, so that you can understand what you are, so definitely social [media] help. (Sepik, 21 years old)

While the mention of film and/or television personalities was relatively rare, participants frequently emphasized the importance of literature in their awareness journeys. Some described the experience of reading certain books as meaningful and emotionally resonant, as the books reflected their inner feelings. Many of the interviewees cited examples from written sources—be they narrative, autobiographical, or non-fictional—often mentioning authors such as Judith Butler and Leslie Feinberg.

I understood, rather than discovered, my gender identity very intellectually. In my first year of university […] I remember falling into this vortex reading Judith Butler, and then this professor posted Leslie Feinberg’s Stone Butch Blues in a Facebook group. Reading this book, I remember quite traumatically understanding the concept of nonbinary gender, because I identified with transition, non-transition—it’s a visceral description of dysphoria, isn’t it? That was one of the moments I precipitated. […] While reading I realized that the thing that terrified me about transition was the binarism of transition. I had no models of nonbinary gender. All the information was telling me that if you make a transition it has to be binary and I didn’t fit into that system in any way. I couldn’t tear myself away [from reading] […]. I cried throughout the book, so that was one of the key moments in my transition, in my awareness. (Euphrates, 26 years old)

Deconstruction and synthesis

For almost all of the interviewees, the questioning process went through the deconstruction of cultural meanings attributed to gender. Many participants described the importance of critical reflections on the rigidity of social roles and dynamics. Their encounter with and recognition of a nonbinary possibility constituted a defining moment of harmonization and an a posteriori re-signification of their previous experiences of non-conformity and discomfort—the causes of which had been impossible for them to identify. In this sense, the questioning culminated in a moment of identity synthesis.

I don’t remember what words I used before, but I remember during my teenage years saying that I was neither male nor female. I remember when I read and encountered the image of nonbinary gender, or genderfluid and no gender, I thought it was a relief. It was liberating to find a word that was shared that didn’t just highlight my personal condition. (Elbe, 30 years old)

Words are just words, but they can have a positive effect, and so now I identify very lightheartedly as trans, a trans nonbinary person, and it’s just an almost indescribable feeling of freedom and freshness. (Ganges, 25 years old)

For some, being nonbinary represents a liberating alternative to the rigid constraints of male and female.

When they mistook me for a man, it bothered me. When they mistake me for a woman, it’s something I don’t is mine […] I feel that both don’t belong to me. I am now 26 years old. I identify as a nonbinary person. (Murray, 26 years old)

For others, self-determination as a nonbinary person led to the integration of elements that had previously been experienced with conflict.

Self-determining myself as a nonbinary person, paradoxically or not, has reconnected me with the feminine. Like I can finally wear pink again because I am not female. (Elbe, 30 years old)

Speaking of fluidity […] the moment I started to realize and accept it, it became more integrated and therefore more harmonious. I also started to accept more my masculine side than before. So, it is as if everything has become a bit more balanced. (Yangtze, 24 years old)

For some participants, this newfound self-awareness also paved the way for a more positive and conscious relationship with their bodies.

Looking forward

Interviewees’ nonbinary path and identification were not only confined to the present moment, but also extended into images, desires, and fears concerning the future. Within this last domain, images related to fantasies and desires about the medical gender-affirming pathway, negative expectations, and self-realization are gathered.

Fantasies and desires about the medical gender-affirming pathway

Many participants characterized their future in the form of fantasies about and desires for body modification. In fact, many expressed a desire to get closer to their bodily ideal (often ascribable to a mix/synthesis of masculine and feminine elements), which more closely reflected their identity. In many cases, the hormonal gender-affirming pathway (almost always involving microdosing or the use of blockers) was considered for the long term.

I would like, in the future, to try a somewhat androgenizing path, but not because I have a discomfort or I can’t stay in my body, but just to synchronize a little bit of things in my head and mainly first for me and then also for how I am perceived by others, because in my case anyway the idea is to be a bit confused, a bit visibly trans. (Ganges, 25 years old)

A desire for gender-affirming surgery was less present in participants’ narratives. Where this came up, it mostly related to top surgery. Of note, in several cases, wishes for hormone therapy and surgery were accompanied by ambivalence—particularly regarding the hormonal gender-affirming pathway. In fact, most narratives portrayed a sense of caution and fear toward the possible effects of hormones and the possibility of polarizing the body as exclusively male- or female-presenting.

I have thought about starting hormone therapy, but for some things I really want to start it and for others I don’t. I don’t think you can choose the effects. (Tigris, 30 years old)

In general, I have a good relationship with my body. Sometimes I have thought that I would like a flat chest, without breasts. I often think I would really like to have a very full beard, but sometimes I don’t know if I could see myself in it. Sometimes I think I would like to have a penis, but sometimes it makes me sick. (Paraná, 26 years old)

However, in planning and picturing the medical pathway, some participants mentioned a variety of constraints that they experienced as discouraging. The most frequently reported constraints related to finances and the forced intervention in all life contexts (i.e. family, work). Furthermore, some participants reported not wanting to undertake a medical gender-affirming pathway because they considered it too stressful or binary.

There are some friends of mine who had really bad experiences […]. They were told they were not really male, really trans, really men, and these things are terrible and I don’t want to have to go through that. […] I don’t feel like having to be super convincing, having to explain myself, having to be enough to earn it. I think I have the right to experiment with my body and my gender without it being someone else’s business. (Paraná, 26 years old)

Negative expectations

For some participants, the imagined future was studded with obstacles and fears about the impossibility of leading a calm and satisfying life, in terms of relationships, work, and self-fulfillment. Their negative expectations concerned the barriers and challenges they might face in the future as a nonbinary individual, especially in the Italian sociocultural context. Many participants reported a desire to move to a foreign country.

Sometimes I felt I had to leave here because Italy is not ready. If I want to be myself here, I can’t do it comfortably and that’s pretty bad. I’m comfortable with a lot of things here, but I don’t want to carry the burden of making things change, and I feel that at the moment I’m either very exposed or I have to hide who I am. (Paraná, 26 years old)

Self-realization

Projections of the self into the future were often associated with a desire for self-realization. In some cases, participants reported a desire for autonomy and independence, which would allow them to live freely, consistent with their individual subjectivity in any life context. Participants conceived of economic independence as a fundamental step toward making freer choices, including starting hormonal treatment and being out. Economic autonomy was also described as a way of stepping away from an intensely oppressive and invalidating family context.

I imagine myself with financial stability […] with the possibility to make freer choices […] like talking to the family, and then maybe I see myself also completely out, I see myself starting maybe even the hormonal path. What I imagine: a little more serene person, a little more fulfilled, a little more confident in life. (Ganges, 25 years old)

In imagining themselves in the future, participants often manifested a generative tension—an orientation to make a personal contribution to the construction of more favorable living conditions for generations to come. This generative tension was expressed toward younger people in the queer community, and it involved a willingness to actively engage in education and the creation of more inclusive spaces. Moreover, some participants expressed a hope to live more peacefully in the sexual and affective sphere, with intimate relationships with partners who could understand their experience and with whom they could build a relationship. Some also desired to create their own family—not necessarily in traditional terms, but in some cases as a queer collective.

I am fascinated by the idea of starting a family. I don’t know how, I don’t know when, I don’t know why, but for so many years I hadn’t even imagined it was possible. And now I realize that it might be possible, that I am beginning to imagine a possibility, a dream. (Euphrates, 26 years old)

Discussion

Only a few studies have investigated the experiences that characterize the pathway to gender identity awareness in nonbinary people (Fiani & Han, 2019; Losty & O’Connor, 2018; Tatum et al., 2020). To the best of our knowledge, the present research was the first qualitative study to explore this topic in the Italian nonbinary population. In Italy, nonbinary individuals are exposed to multiple forms of discrimination and have low social, legal, and linguistic visibility (Baiocco et al., 2023). Thus, in this context, nonbinary people face many challenges and obstacles along their path to identity affirmation.

The present results confirm the findings of previous studies concerning the late identification of nonbinary individuals, compared to transgender men and women, as well as the lack of models and words that adequately capture the experiences and difficulties encountered by nonbinary individuals in the social context (Fiani & Han, 2019; Losty & O’Connor, 2018). However, as some studies report (Clark et al., 2018; Mirabella et al., 2022), especially in younger generations, nonbinary identification may occur earlier.

In addition, the present findings also contribute new knowledge on less-studied aspects of this population, particularly with regard to the relationship between body dysphoria and social dysphoria and the relevance of culture and sociopolitical reflections for nonbinary identification.

Participants’ narratives communicated the complexity of their journeys to awareness, with keywords including exploration, uncertainty, deconstruction, and validation. They portrayed childhoods characterized by gender-creative behavior (i.e. behavior not typically associated with one’s assigned gender at birth; Ehrensaft, 2016) and genuine spontaneity in their expression of authenticity. As they aged, this freedom was replaced by a pressure to conform to gender roles, which resulted in shame and discomfort due to reactions from the outside world. Indeed, participants’ developmental contexts provided few coordinates to help them understand themselves outside of male and female schemas. Some found it difficult to tolerate their uncertainty regarding gender, feeling a personal and social push to align with one of the highly segregated binary gender “boxes.” In some cases, this led to moments of crisis, triggering questioning about whether one’s feelings were a sign of transmasculine or transfeminine identification. Consistent with the literature (Darwin, 2020; Garrison, 2018), interviewees reported a feeling of being an “impostor” or not “trans enough.” This can be interpreted within the transnormativity framework (Johnson, 2016), rooted in the dominant cisheteronormative paradigm, which only recognizes the experiences of transgender men and women as valid (Bradford et al., 2019).

For some interviewees, questioning occurred through intimate experiences and personal reflections on their sexual orientation. Previous studies (Diamond & Butterworth, 2008) have shown that nonbinary identification can, over time, lead to a changed perception of sexual and/or romantic attraction; thus, these two aspects of identity appear to interact. The present results reveal a specific dynamic, whereby the questioning of one’s gender identity may arise from reflection over one’s (non-heterosexual) sexual orientation. Through their non-heterosexual relationships, participants felt they could break down gender binaries and perceive and experience themselves in other guises. For some, their nonbinary identification led them to question and abandon previously used categories (e.g. gay, lesbian). Others maintained their sexual orientation label and used it alongside their nonbinary definition, without considering these mutually exclusive (e.g. nonbinary lesbian identities) (Hord, 2022). This inclusivity between lesbian and nonbinary has often a political value, because it embraces two identities stigmatized by patriarchy that are sometimes conceptually contrasted by trans-exclusionary radical authors (Worthen, 2022).

Participants’ identity paths were rich in reflection and deconstruction of the meanings associated with being a man or a woman in modern Italian society. Some of the discomfort they reported related to gendered social expectations. Thus, participants’ narratives revealed interesting topics that may expand current understandings of gender dysphoria, thereby contributing to the emerging literature on nonbinary individuals’ unique experiences of gender dysphoria (Galupo & Pulice-Farrow, 2020; Galupo et al., 2020; Galupo, Cusack et al., 2021; Galupo, Pulice-Farrow, et al., 2021).

As evidence of the variety of forms in which gender dysphoria can be experienced, participants reported different levels of intensity and different associations with particular regions of the body. For some, gender dysphoria also manifested in eating disorders and self-harm behaviors. This is consistent with the findings of previous qualitative and quantitative research (Cusack et al., 2022; Galupo, Cusack et al., 2021; Galupo, Pulice-Farrow, et al., 2021; Huisman et al., 2023; Mirabella et al., 2020; Pulice-Farrow et al., 2020; Ristori et al., 2019). Of note, participants reported that experiences of bodily distress often began in social interactions, including both intimate and/or sexual interactions and daily interactions with strangers in public spaces. These findings add to the literature investigating the social components of gender dysphoria (Anzani et al., 2022; Galupo et al., 2020).

The concept of social dysphoria usually refers to gender dysphoria initiated by external triggers, such as misgendering and gender-related social expectations (Galupo et al., 2020; Galupo, Pulice-Farrow, et al., 2021). However, a deeper analysis of the meanings emerging from participants’ narratives may allow for a nuanced understanding of social dysphoria, integrating components of body dysphoria. In the present study, body discomfort is related to the ways in which the body is seen and perceived by others, which is conditioned by gender expectations. Participants did not perceive their sexual characteristics as foreign or alien (Di Ceglie & Freedman, 1998). Instead, such characteristics created feelings of dysphoria based on symbolic and cultural value, and adherence to social expectations of gender. For example, some AFAB participants reported feeling discomfort regarding their breasts, which they associated with objectification and sexualization by others. Similarly, some AMAB participants reported feeling that their penis symbolized male toxicity and patriarchal power. This underscores a complex relationship between the body, gender, and identity, heavily influenced by social and political factors. Of note, this relationship was observed in nonbinary individuals within the binary culture of Italy, which imposes rigid gender expectations (as evidenced by the limited linguistic options available beyond masculine and feminine categories) (Anzani et al., 2023; Baiocco et al., 2023).

Importantly, some participants expressed satisfaction and ease with their body, and did not wish to intervene with it. Some felt ambivalent about the possibility of starting a medical gender-affirming pathway, mainly due to a fear of polarizing the body in a binary sense (Galupo, Pulice-Farrow et al., 2021). Furthermore, the most commonly reported obstacles were economic barriers, the disclosure that hormonal or surgical intervention would entail, and expectations that the medical gender-affirming pathway would be too stressful. As demonstrated in the literature, nonbinary individuals may struggle to access general healthcare and gender-affirming healthcare (e.g. hormone therapy, gender-affirming surgeries), due to a lack of knowledge and understanding among healthcare professionals regarding nonbinary identities (Baldwin et al., 2018; Clark et al., 2018; Goldberg et al., 2019; Kearns et al., 2021; Lykens et al., 2018; Rosati et al., 2022).

Consistent with previous research (Galupo, Pulice-Farrow et al., 2021; Johnson et al., 2020; Matsuno et al., 2022), the present study confirmed that the interpersonal context is often experienced as invalidating by nonbinary people. Previous Italian studies (Garro et al., 2022; Rosati et al., 2022; Scandurra et al., 2021) had already highlighted that nonbinary individuals are at a heightened risk of stigma and invisibility. Indeed, participants felt unseen and discriminated against, both during childhood and adolescence and in the present day. However, they reported that it was through interaction with and access to LGBTQIA + spaces, online networks, and literary works that they were able to find mirroring. Thus, interpersonal relationships may provide opportunities for nonbinary individuals to validate their experiences and achieve subjective comfort, well-being, intersubjective security, and gender euphoria.

Participants reported that meeting transgender and nonbinary people, and accessing queer spaces and transfeminist realities, allowed them to broaden their understandings of gender. Reflecting on and being in touch with others’ experiences often led them to deconstruct culturally attributed and previously internalized meanings of gender. The third table, at which one can sit comfortably, represents a space where individuals can, in the company of others, finally recognize and name themselves. At this table, personal “epiphanies” can be processed collectively and become shared narratives. Indeed, for our participants, encounters and identification with the nonbinary category constituted moments of opportunity to redefine past experiences of non-conformity or discomfort and harmonize and integrate elements that were previously experienced as conflicting. This personal synthesis and sharing of one’s own experiences subsequently encouraged the emergence of future-oriented thinking from a generative perspective. In line with other research (Rosati et al., 2021), the present study found that this future-oriented thinking aimed at contributing to creating more advantageous living conditions for future generations, not only for nonbinary people, but also for the queer community, itself.

Limitations and future research

The present study involved some limitations, which should be addressed in future research. First, the recruitment of participants through announcements posted on social networks and the personal contacts of the research team may not have reached people with sufficiently varied backgrounds. For this reason, and given the relatively small group of participants, the results cannot be generalized to all nonbinary people. Finally, while the present study retrospectively explored pathways toward identity awareness in a sample of nonbinary young adults, future qualitative studies could focus on the experiences of nonbinary adolescents, in order to expand knowledge and address clinical work with this population.

Conclusion

The path to self-awareness as subjectivity “beyond the genders” is a dynamic process that branches out from—and does not end—in the four domains we extracted. The findings of this study indicate that the awareness of one’s gender identity is a relational process, aptly described by Adrienne Harris (2008) as a soft assembly, shaped by ongoing interactions between the inner self, the external environment, and aspirations for one’s future self. In the context of a predominantly binary society like Italy, the process of negotiating one’s identity with the societal context may lead to a pronounced manifestation of what we have identified as a fusion of bodily and social dysphoria. Deeper knowledge and understanding of identity journeys of nonbinary individuals and the sociocultural contexts in which these occur may contribute to improving psychological care for gender minority individuals. The challenges and difficulties of living and navigating in a binary world are often encountered in healthcare and clinical settings, with negative repercussions on both physical and psychological well-being. These difficulties may include adopting a transnormative approach and a stereotypical, binary view of gender. Therefore, it is pivotal for healthcare professionals to recognize the diversity of individual pathways and promote individually-tailored approaches. This includes the need for healthcare workers, when working with nonbinary individuals and their families, to provide a safe space for the sharing of authentic narratives that encompass both the euphoria and uncertainty that may characterize the journey to self-awareness of gender identity.

Contemporary nonbinary identities represent a relatively new reality that involves new constructions of gender, body, and identity. Nonbinary individuals must have the freedom to explore these constructs as a key aspect of their psychological care. For those seeking a more comfortable seat and in need of psychological support, considering the diversity of identity paths often characterized by attempts and experimentation, the consultation or therapy room could become the third table where exploration is supported, and uncertainty is embraced (Giovanardi et al., 2021; Pellegrini & Saketopoulou, 2019). There, subjectivities may be accompanied by the discovery and understanding of creative and generative possibilities of attributing new meanings and finding new freedoms in self-expression and relationships. To be rooted and to flow.

Funding Statement

The author(s) reported there is no funding associated with the work featured in this article.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).