“He showed me a knife and said they would kill me and no one would know or care”: a qualitative study into the experiences of transnational sex workers in Ghana

Abstract

Background

Sex work in Ghana is deeply intertwined with economic hardship, criminalization, and social stigma, which subjects female sex workers (FSWs) to significant vulnerabilities. In Ghana, many FSWs, particularly immigrants, face compounded challenges, including physical and sexual abuse, police harassment, and discrimination, which are exacerbated by their migrant status. This study aims to address the gap in understanding the specific lived experiences of transnational FSWs in Ghana, with a focus on the intersection of gender, migration, and economic vulnerability.

Methods

This study utilized a qualitative phenomenological approach to explore the lived experiences of transnational FSWs in Ghana’s two largest cities, Accra and Kumasi. Participants were purposively selected through snowball sampling technique until thematic saturation was achieved, interviewing fourteen FSWs. In-depth interviews were conducted in English. Data collection took place in November and December 2024, with basic demographic data gathered at the beginning of each interview, and thematic analysis was employed to analyze the anonymized transcripts.

Results

Economic necessity was the primary driver behind migration and entry into sex work for FSWs, with many revealing that promises of legitimate employment often led to coerced involvement into the trade. Participants also reported high levels of violence, including physical assault, theft, and sexual coercion from clients, often in isolated locations. They also experienced harassment and exploitation by law enforcement, which compounded their vulnerability. Additionally, discrimination based on nationality also exacerbated their vulnerability, as foreign FSWs were often treated more harshly than their Ghanaian counterparts by clients, police, and the public.

Conclusion

This study’s findings highlight the urgent need for comprehensive policy reforms that address the root causes of migrant sex work, including better economic opportunities for women and the decriminalization or regulation of sex work to protect sex workers from the risks associated with its illegal status, such as police harassment, exploitation, and lack of legal protections.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1186/s12905-025-03816-x.

Background

Sex work is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon, deeply intertwined with economic, social, and cultural dynamics across the world. Many people view sex work through a lens of marginalization and criminalization, which leads to the stigmatization of those involved, especially women [1, 2]. Globally there are 52 million sex workers, and women account for 41.6 million (80%) of that population. The average age of entry is 14, reflecting deeply rooted gender inequalities that drive many into the industry for economic survival [3]. A national study estimated the number of female sex workers (FSWs) in Ghana to be 60,049, as of 2020, representing almost 1 in 100 of the estimated adult female population aged 15–49 years [4]. Sex work in Ghana largely operates in the shadows due to criminalization and societal stigma [5]. This invisibility increases the vulnerabilities of FSWs, exposing them to violence, exploitation, and limited access to healthcare and legal protection [5, 6]. The criminalized and clandestine nature of sex work forces FSWs into hiding and restricts their access to basic rights and services [6–8]. This legal framework also impedes efforts to provide the necessary support services, reinforcing inequality and deepening the marginalization of sex workers. Many FSWs in Ghana enter the trade due to poverty, unemployment, or family responsibilities, often after dropping out of school [9, 10].

Globally, between 45% and 75% of FSWs experience some form of violence, primarily at the hands of clients, intimate partners, or law enforcement [11]. This widespread abuse is often driven by moralistic perceptions that frame sex work as immoral, which, in turn, normalize the violence FSWs endure [12, 13]. The violence takes many forms, including physical, sexual, psychological, and economic abuse, and is perpetrated by clients, intimate and non-paying partners, law enforcement, family members, and pimps [12]. In Ghana, the situation mirrors global trends. One in four FSWs faces sexual violence, and one in ten suffers physical abuse [12]. Many live in constant fear of violence, with some recounting personal stories of friends murdered while working [10]. This violence is often exacerbated by clients’ refusal to use condoms, despite awareness of the importance of condoms in preventing HIV and other sexually transmitted infections (STIs). Under threat, many feel unable to insist on protection due to fear of physical and sexual violence [14]. In addition to physical harm, FSWs in Ghana report emotional abuse, confinement, gang rapes, and even murder [15]. They also experience financial exploitation by police, brothel owners, and youth groups, who demand money for “protection” from arrest [9]. This intersection of criminalization, societal stigma, and systemic exploitation leaves FSWs vulnerable to persistent violence and abuse, with few avenues to legal or emotional support.

Immigrant and transnational FSWs face additional layers of marginalization and vulnerability due to their immigrant status. Globally, immigrant sex workers encounter language barriers, lack of social support, and live in constant fear of deportation. These realities intensify their exploitation and increase their exposure to violence [16–18]. Criminalization and the absence of legal protection leave migrant FSWs especially vulnerable to police abuse and discrimination in both healthcare and legal settings [15, 19, 20].

Although studies have explored the vulnerabilities of sex workers in general, few focus specifically on transnational FSWs. Much of the literature tends to generalize the experiences of all sex workers, failing to account for how migration status uniquely shapes their exploitation and marginalization. Many studies also neglect to examine how migration interacts with gender and economic precarity in ways that intensify vulnerability. In the Ghanaian context, the paucity of research on sex workers in general and transnational FSWs in particular is especially concerning, as immigration status, criminalization, and social stigma intersect in ways that significantly shape migrant women’s health and safety.

This study draws on Crenshaw’s intersectionality theory [21] to understand how overlapping systems of oppression, particularly gender, migration, and poverty, shape the experiences of Nigerian sex workers in Ghana. Intersectionality allows us to examine how these interconnected identities and structures produce unique forms of vulnerability and exclusion.

This study therefore aims to address these gaps by focusing specifically on the experiences of immigrant FSWs in Ghana, particularly their encounters with violence, exploitation, and discrimination. By exploring these intersecting factors in a country where sex work is criminalized, we seek to contribute new insights into how migration status compounds the marginalization of sex workers and shapes their health and safety.

Methods

Study area

The study was conducted in the two largest cities of Ghana, Accra and Kumasi, where FSWs often alternate based on demand and safety concerns. Accra and Kumasi are the capital cities of Ghana’s Greater Accra Region and Ashanti Region respectively. Greater Accra is the most populous region in the country, with a population of 5,455,692, and is home to a diverse population, including a significant number of migrants and FSWs. The Ashanti Region with a population of 5,440,463, serves as another key location for FSWs activities. These two regions are also major hubs of economic activity and industry in Ghana [22].

Study design

This study utilized a qualitative phenomenological approach to deeply investigate and understand the participants’ lived experiences and the meanings they attach to their daily realities. Through this method, we were able to collect comprehensive, context-rich data that provided in-depth insights into their challenges, coping mechanisms, and interactions within their social and structural environments.

Study population

All transnational FSWs operating in Accra and Kumasi comprised the study population. The inclusion criteria for participation were that the women had been engaged in sex work for at least one month, were nationals of countries other than Ghana, were aged 18 years or older, and were willing to share their lived experiences.

Sampling and sample size

Accessing this population was challenging due to the illegal nature of sex work in the country, as well as the stigma and legal risks associated with it. To navigate these barriers, the snowball sampling technique was employed, following the methodology outlined by Heckathorn et al. [23] and Rao et al. [24]. The recruitment process began with the purposive identification of a key informant, a trusted individual within the community who met the study’s inclusion criteria. This key informant then introduced the research team to two additional participants. Subsequent participants were identified through referrals from earlier participants, creating a snowball effect that facilitated access to a broader network while maintaining trust and confidentiality.

We continued selecting participants for interview until thematic saturation was achieved [25]. Saturation was reached after ten interviews, as no new themes emerged. However, recruitment continued until a total of 14 participants had been interviewed to ensure a comprehensive dataset and to confirm that no additional themes were likely to emerge.

Data collection methods and tools

From our pretest, it became evident that FSWs preferred to remain anonymous, prompting the use of phone interviews. We conducted all the in-depth interviews (IDIs) via recorded audio calls using an interview guide, and no personal identifiers such as names were collected.

At the beginning of each interview, basic demographic data were collected, including the participant’s age, level of education, occupation outside of sex work if any, marital status, number of children, and religion. A semi-structured interview guide was developed specifically for this study to ensure that key themes related to the lived experiences of transnational female sex workers (FSWs) were explored in depth. The interview guide is attached as Supplementary File 1. Interviews were conducted in English. Data collection took place in November and December of 2024.

Research team and positionality

The research team consisted of three male Ghanaian researchers with training in qualitative methods and backgrounds in public health. One member had prior experience working in the study setting and with sex workers, which facilitated access and rapport with participants We acknowledge that our professional experiences and cultural familiarity may have shaped both the framing of interview questions and the interpretation of participants’ narratives.

Data analysis

The recorded interviews were digitally transcribed and then organized, following a review against the consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative research (COREQ) to ensure comprehensive, literature-backed reporting of the qualitative data [26]. A thematic analysis approach was employed to analyze the data, following the six-phase approach outlined by Braun and Clarke [27]. We employed a hybrid coding strategy, drawing on both deductive codes informed by the main questions in the interview guide and inductive codes that emerged from the data. Codes were developed manually using by identifying key statements, repeated patterns, and salient ideas across the interviews. For example, codes such as “financial burden,” and “false job promises” were developed to capture participants’ descriptions of economic hardship and deception in migration. These codes were then grouped into a broader conceptual category (“The path into sex work”) through iterative comparison and reflection. To enhance rigor and credibility, two authors (ASI and AZ) independently coded a subset of the transcripts and compared their coding frameworks. Minor discrepancies were discussed and resolved through consensus, ensuring a shared understanding of the data.

Ethical considerations

This study received ethical approval from the Committee on Human Research, Publication, and Ethics of Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (No. CHRPE/AP/1208/24) prior to commencement. The research was conducted in full accordance with the ethical principles outlined in the Declaration of Helsinki.

Before data collection, we obtained verbal informed consent from all participants, which was recorded for documentation. Participants were fully informed of the purpose, potential benefits, and risks of the study. In appreciation for their time and participation, each participant received a compensation of GH 250 ($16), transferred via mobile money at the end of the interview. The amount was based on standard local research compensation practices and was intended to cover participants’ time and phone-related costs, without creating undue inducement.

Participants were also informed of their right to withdraw from the study at any point, without the need to provide a reason, even after data collection had begun.

Confidentiality was strictly maintained throughout the data collection process. To ensure anonymity, each participant was assigned a numerical pseudonym, which was used to identify responses. All data were securely stored on a password-protected hard drive, accessible only to the authors.

Results

Background characteristics

The background characteristics of our study participants are presented in Table 1. Our study consisted of 14 FSWs, with a mean age of 24 years (± 2.7). Half of the participants were aged 24 or younger, ranging from 20 to 33 years. The average duration of sex work was 7 months (± 3.9), ranging from 1 month to 12 months. The majority (71.4%) had attained senior high/secondary school. All participants reported being single (never married or widowed). Most of them (78.6%) had children, with the highest proportion having either one child (45.5%) or two children (45.5%). We found that 92.9% identified as Christians. All our participants were Nigerian nationals.

Table 1.

Background characteristics of participants included in the present study

Characteristic	Frequency	Percent
Age years (mean ± SD)	24 (± 2.7)
≤ 24	7	50.0
> 24	7	50.0
Mean number of months as sex worker (± SD)	7(± 3.9)
Highest level of education
Senior high /secondary	10	71.4
Tertiary	4	28.6
Partnership status
Single (never married/widowed)	14	100.0
In partnership (married or cohabiting)	0	0.0
Has children
No	3	21.4
Yes	11	78.6
Number of children ( n  = 11)
1	5	45.5
2	5	45.5
3	1	9.0
Religious affiliation
Christian	13	92.9
Muslim	1	7.1
Nationality
Nigerian	14	100.0

Emerging themes and subthemes

Through IDIs, a cross-section of Nigerian FSWs shared their experiences. The results from these IDIs revealed the complex realities of transnational FSWs in Ghana. They highlight the economic, social, and structural factors that shape the experiences of these sex workers. We present these experiences under four major themes with corresponding subthemes. Our narratives illustrate the reasons these women have for engaging in sex work and their experiences as sex workers, including exposure to violence, relationships with law enforcement, particularly the police, and the burden of social stigma.

The path into sex work

For many women, engaging in sex work was not a deliberate choice but rather a response to economic necessity, amplified by their migration status, limited legal protections, and the unmet expectations that shaped their movement across borders. Their narratives illustrate how deceptive migration pathways, and the structural limitations faced upon arrival in Ghana narrowed their choices, making sex work appear as the only viable survival strategy.

Economic hardship and financial need

Economic instability was a primary driver for many women’s involvement in sex work. The decision was often influenced by financial struggles and the need to support themselves or their families, especially their children. Several participants shared that they struggled to find alternative employment, and this difficulty was compounded once they migrated, due to their foreign status and lack of documentation, which limited access to formal work. Others cited worsening financial conditions in their home country as a major reason for their involvement.

One participant explained:

“Because of the hardship in my country and the many responsibilities I have, the money I earn is not enough to take care of my home. I’m a single mother and the firstborn in my family, so I have to support my siblings and parents as well. The burden was just too much, and my job didn’t pay well. That is why I came here [Ghana] and started doing this job [sex work]” - R10.

This narrative reveals how economic desperation at home intersects with a perceived opportunity abroad. Yet, upon arrival, being undocumented or unfamiliar with the local job market reduced her alternatives, leaving sex work as a last resort.

Another respondent shared her experience, which supported other claims:

“I came to Ghana because of my daughter. When I got pregnant, her father wasn’t around to take responsibility, so we both struggled. I had to find a way to survive, so a friend told me to come to Ghana, saying there were job opportunities here. I didn’t know it was actually hookup work [sex work]. When I arrived, I found myself in this situation, and since I had no money or means to return home, I decided to accept it for now. I told myself I would work for a while and then start on my own later.” - R4.

This story illustrates how mobility does not always equate to empowerment. The participant’s migrant status placed her in a situation of dependency and constrained her options, making it nearly impossible to leave or return without engaging in sex work.

Deception and false job promise

In some cases, they were lured into sex work through deception. Some of our participants recounted being misled, often through promises of employment in other sectors. These promises came from acquaintances, friends, or strangers who presented attractive job opportunities in hospitality or domestic service. However, they discovered later that the nature of the work was different from what had been promised. For those who found themselves in this situation, the lack of alternatives left them with no option but to engage in sex work for survival. As migrants with limited support systems or legal recourse, they often had no choice but to comply.

“When I was coming, they didn’t tell me I would be doing this [sex work]. They said I was coming to work as a salesgirl, so I assumed it was in a boutique. But when I arrived and found out what the job really was, I had no choice but to do it.” - R12.

“She told me I was coming to work in a hotel, that she owned a big restaurant and bar. But when I arrived, I realized that wasn’t the case, and I was expected to do hookup work [sex work] instead.” - R7.

These narratives highlight how deceptive recruitment practices intersect with cross-border movement, trapping women in situations where they lack the social capital, legal status, or financial means to exit.

Pursuit of business aspirations

Despite the initial reluctance, some women adapted by viewing sex work as a temporary means to an end. They viewed the trade as an opportunity to accumulate capital for starting their own businesses. This motivation was particularly strong among younger women who had entrepreneurial aspirations but lacked initial investment capital. One of the respondents explained:

“I was a seamstress back in Nigeria, but I didn’t have enough money to buy my own machine and start my business. That’s why I came to Ghana—to work and save enough to complete what I started. This job is helping me raise the money I need.” -R9.

Experiences as a sex worker in Ghana

Exposure to violence of various forms

Violence emerged as a significant concern among FSWs, with many sharing stories of physical assault, theft, and sexual coercion, often in the hands of clients.

Physical abuse and robbery by clients

Several participants reported instances where clients physically attacked them, often stealing their money or personal belongings, including mobile phones. Their migrant status limited their access to redress, encouraging clients to act with impunity. Physical abuse and sexual exploitation were particularly common when women followed clients to their homes or secluded locations.

“Yes, they beat me up, took my phone and the money I had, and one of them even threatened to stab me. I have been a victim of physical violence twice since coming to Ghana.” - R4.

This sentiment was echoed by others who acknowledged the dangers:

“Yes, sometimes when you go to a client’s house, they act friendly at first, wanting to hug or cuddle, then they turn violent, beat you up, and take your phone and other belongings.” - R4.

Another respondent shared her experience on her very first encounter, where she was taken to an uncompleted building and threatened:

“He said he wants me for a night. We boarded a bus to Kwabenya [community in Accra] bus stop, then we got to an uncompleted building, and he pulled me to the building. This was after we were talking nicely on the way there. So he then told me that his boss paid him money to get a girl for rituals. It was at that point that I realized that it was serious. The kind of fear that ran through me, I couldn’t even move. So I started pleading with the guy, telling him this was not what we agreed on. He said he has other people on standby and he will call them. He showed me a knife and said they would kill me and no one would know or care. I continued begging. He finally let me go after talking all the money I had made that day.”– R10.

This participant’s fear of death stemmed not only from the threat of physical harm but also from her undocumented status as a migrant sex worker. She believed that if anything happened to her, no system would respond or care.

One participant recalled hearing about a colleague who was killed by a client, with her body mutilated:

“There was this instance they picked up a girl and killed her. They killed her and took her private parts.” - R2.

Sexual coercion and exploitation

Some women reported experiences of clients refusing to pay after sex or forcing them into acts they did not consent to.

“There are times when clients ask you to come over to their place, and once you arrive, they force you into sexual acts you didn’t agree to. Afterward, they refuse to pay and ask you to leave. When you try to speak up or protest, they start threatening your life.” - R2.

For migrant FSWs, this coercion reflects not just gender-based violence, but a systemic vulnerability tied to their lack of legal recourse or support. Clients know that these women are unlikely to report abuse for fear of arrest, deportation, or humiliation.

Some FSWs reported being coerced into engaging in unprotected sex with clients. While some are firm in refusing such requests due to concerns about their health and safety, others feel compelled to agree to make more money. For some, charging higher fees is a way to maintain control over the situation, while others, under financial pressure, may consent to unprotected sex simply to secure their livelihood.

One respondent clearly affirms her stance on engaging in unprotected sex with her clients:

“God forbid it! Even if you pay me more money, you will have to use a condom. I can’t speak for others [sex workers], but as for me, I don’t do that [engage in unprotected sex].” - R2.

However, others acknowledge the difficult choices they face:

“Sometimes I charge more for unprotected sex, but I still feel scared. It’s not easy to say no when you’re in need.” - R7.

Another respondent shares a more detailed experience, revealing the financial pressures that led to her decision:

“Yes. A soldier came and said, ‘You know you are my friend,’ and I said yes. Looking at him from head to toe, he looked healthy, so I decided to have sex with him without a condom. I thought, for today, I will take the risk because he was offering 200 cedis ($13). I don’t normally do this, but I decided to do it so I could get the money to pay off my debts and go back [to Nigeria] to see my children. I’ve slept with clients without protection, like five people, but I did that all because I need the money.” - R13.

This story highlights the difficult decisions migrant women face. The pressure to send remittances, repay debts, or visit their children back home drives them to take health risks they might otherwise avoid.

Impact of exposure to violence on FSWs

A few of the participants who had experienced violence in their line of work shared that it has had a significant negative impact on them. These experiences have not only instilled a sense of fear but have also affected their mental well-being. Some participants explained how fear from such experiences can prevent them from taking on new opportunities:

“It [exposure to violence] really affects you because you can get a job [client], but after experiencing all the violence, you’re too scared to go.” – R3.

“At times, you get scared to go out. I get scared because I don’t know how the day will turn out. Will I face violence? Will something bad happen? It’s like you never know what to expect, and that makes you feel constantly anxious. You have to go out to work, but you never know if you’ll come back safe or if the day will end in trouble.”– R7.

Another participant explained how exposure to violence affected her psychologically:

“Yes, sometimes it does affect my mental well-being, because I’m human. There are days when it gets too much, and I just cry. It’s hard to carry the weight of all the violence and mistreatment, and sometimes it feels like too much to bear. It really takes a toll on your emotions and your peace of mind.” – R4.

Experiences of violence led some FSW to seek safer alternatives, such as online booking, to minimize physical risks. By limiting meetings to secure locations, they sought to protect themselves from harm. One participant, who was lured to an unfamiliar location, physically assaulted, and robbed of her phone and personal belongings, had this to say:

“After what happened, I hardly go out. I mostly work online. If you’re not coming to my house or booking a hotel, I won’t meet you.” – R6.

Police relations

The narratives from FSW interactions with the police were largely negative, with many of them reporting harassment, extortion, and a general lack of protection from the police. Migrant FSWs described a heightened sense of fear and injustice in their encounters with police, often being targeted more aggressively than their Ghanaian counterparts.

Avoidance of Police due to fear and mistrust

Despite the prevalence of violence, many FSWs deliberately avoided any interaction with the police. They viewed law enforcement, particularly the police, as a threat rather than a source of security. As a result, incidents of violence or exploitation often went unreported. Many believed that police officers would not take their complaints seriously or, worse, blame them for the abuse.

One participant expressed this distrust, saying, “Who should we report to? The police? We don’t go to them because they are the ones always harassing and arresting us.” - R2.

Others shared similar experiences, highlighting how language barriers and discrimination further discouraged them from seeking help. As another participant explained:

“Some of them [the police], because the ones I know, there was this instance where they arrested some of us, but when the Ghanaians spoke Twi [a Ghanaian language] to them, they let them go. I was with two Ghanaian girls and three Nigerian girls when the police arrived and asked us some questions, which we all answered. But the Ghanaians answered in Twi and even asked the police why they were disturbing us. It was only the three of us Nigerians they took, while they let the Ghanaian girls go. We had to call someone to come bail us.” - R4.

This incident reflects how migrant FSWs are more likely to be targeted by police, particularly when they cannot communicate in the local language. Language barriers, combined with nationality, often influence who is arrested and who is allowed to go free.

Harassment, arrests, and extortion by Police

The majority of our participants reported instances of police harassment, including sexual harassment, arrests, and extortion. Some participants described experiences where police officers arrested them and demanded money for their release.

“When the police come, they arrest people, chase them, and scatter the place. There was one instance when they even broke our door.” – R3.

A participant recounted her experience of sexual harassment at the hands of the police:

“Yes, sometimes when they [police] arrest you, they touch your breasts and call you names like ‘ashawo’ [derogatory term for sex worker]. One time they [police] arrested me and on our way to the police station, one of them started touching my breasts. When I wanted to complain, they said that I don’t respect.” – R4.

One participant shared her experience of being arrested by the police, highlighting the practice of paying a bribe for release:

“I was arrested once, and when that happened, they told me I had to pay for bail. I didn’t have anyone to help me, so I had to pay it myself. I used the money in my mobile money account to send the bail. I sent 500 cedis [$32] to the police officer before they let me go. It’s not always like that, but if you don’t have someone to help, you have no choice but to pay them to be released.” – R2.

FSW reliance on informal safety and support networks to mitigate violence and exploitation

The narratives further revealed the existence of informal support systems that FSWs use to navigate risks. The results highlighted their use of informal safety networks like “protection boys” and reliance on influential figures (“Big people”) to mitigate the risks of physical abuse and sexual exploitation and address issues with the police.

Use of ‘protection boys’ to mitigate physical abuse and sexual exploitation

To reduce the risks of physical abuse and sexual exploitation, many FSWs relied on informal security systems, including ‘protection boys’- individuals who provided safety in exchange for money or other favors. These individuals played a critical role in preventing attacks, intervening during disputes, and sometimes retrieving stolen items.

“Yes, at the places where we usually work, we have those boys who take care of us. When you’re going out, you tell them where you’re going, so if they call or check on you later and you’re not back, they’ll come and check on you.” – R8.

This informal arrangement reflects how migrant FSWs are forced to create their own security structures in a context where the formal system excludes or endangers them. Their inability to rely on the police has turned protection into a commodity one they must negotiate and pay for out of pocket.

Dependence on influential figures (‘big people’) to address issues with the Police

Additionally, when dealing with issues related to the police, some FSWs turn to influential figures they refer to as landlords or madams, to intervene on their behalf. These individuals, often referred to as ‘big people,’ played a role in settling disputes with the police or negotiating the release of FSWs when arrested or detained.

A participant noted:

“There are these ‘big people’, people with influence. When we run into problems with the police or anyone else, we call them. These ‘big people’ have the power to step in and help resolve issues for us. They can either negotiate with the police or settle things in a way that gets us out of trouble. We rely on them because they have the connections and authority to make things easier for us, especially when the police are involved.”- R3.

Social stigma and discrimination

There were mixed responses regarding social stigma among FSWs. While some reported minimal discrimination or none at all, others described being stereotyped, mistreated, or harshly spoken to in public. Participants often traced these experiences not only to their engagement in sex work but to their identity as foreign nationals living in Ghana without strong local ties.

“Sometimes when I’m walking with my fellow Nigerians, you hear Ghanaians insulting us, even in English. They call us names, but to avoid trouble, I just overlook it. I’m in someone else’s country, so I don’t react. If I were back in Nigeria, it would be a different story. I wouldn’t tolerate it, but here I just move on because if I retaliate, the police will side with them.” – R4.

“Most of the time, they speak to us rudely, but I don’t see it as a big deal anymore. I’ve gotten used to it, and it doesn’t hurt me because they’ve been saying it for so long.” - R6.

However, the results also showed that this stigma sometimes is based on their nationality rather than their involvement in sex work.

One participant remarked:

“It’s mainly about the pricing. When you want to buy something, you’ll notice the price is different because they know you’re Nigerian. They’ll charge you more than they would for a Ghanaian.” - R7.

This assertion was supported by another participant

“Yes, especially in the market. When they notice you’re not Ghanaian, they won’t even respond to you. Even with your own money, they’ll ignore you and serve others instead. They look down on you and refuse to engage with you.” - R8.

These examples demonstrate how migrant FSWs experience everyday forms of social exclusion. Discrimination extends beyond their work into daily life, where their nationality often shapes how they are perceived and treated.

Coping mechanisms and resilience strategies against social stigma

Despite the challenges, some FSWs found ways to navigate the stigma. They claimed they had developed coping mechanisms and were largely indifferent to public judgment by focusing on their financial goals. Some expressed a strong sense of resilience, refusing to let societal attitudes define them.

“I just don’t mind them. I don’t understand most of their language, so it doesn’t bother me. When they’re done talking, they shut up. If I were to retaliate, it would just make things worse, so I stay silent and move on.” – R2.

“I don’t really have time for their insults. There’s a saying that the world is free, given to us by God, so they can talk all they want, but it won’t stop me from doing what I’m doing. I’m not doing this because I want to, but because of circumstances, and one day, I will decide to stop. Their insults can’t stop me.” – R4.

These participants described how they built emotional distance as a survival strategy. For migrant FSWs who lack legal protections or community support, developing a thick skin becomes a practical necessity.

Discussion

This study applies Crenshaw’s intersectionality theory [21] to analyze how gender, migrant status, and economic precarity shape the lived experiences of Nigerian FSWs in Ghana.

These women face multiple layers of vulnerability, resulting in a complex web of marginalization and exploitation. Their status as migrants intensifies their vulnerability, especially within a legal and social system that criminalizes sex work and denies protection to non-citizens. This criminalization and exclusion amplify their exposure to violence, exploitation, and police harassment, and deepens the risks they face in the sex trade.

The demographic profile of our participants highlights the intersecting vulnerabilities tied to age and migration status. The mean age of participants is 24 years, with half of them being 24 or younger. This suggests that many women enter sex work at a relatively young age, typically in early adulthood, which is a period marked by economic vulnerability and limited employment opportunities. Our findings are consistent with previous research in Ghana which report a mean age of entry into sex work of 23.7 years [7]. The educational status of our participants highlights the intersectional vulnerabilities faced by Nigerian FSWs in Ghana. In our study, 71.4% of participants completed secondary school, while 28.6% had attained tertiary education. This finding slightly contrasts with other studies conducted in Ghana, where FSWs typically report a maximum educational level of secondary school [7, 10]. However, this discrepancy is not surprising as a study conducted among FSWs in a Ghanaian university reveals that many had been sex workers prior to enrolling, with 63% of participants being Nigerians [14]. These trends suggest that higher education does not shield migrant women from economic hardship, especially when they lack legal residency or access to the formal job market.

Additionally, the average duration of sex work in our study is 7 months, indicating that many women have entered the trade relatively recently. This pattern reflects the short-term urgency that drives migration and the limited employment options available to newly arrived migrants [10]. For many participants, economic necessity quickly narrows into sex work as the only accessible livelihood, shaped by both their undocumented status and their lack of social networks in Ghana. As foreigners, they encounter unique barriers that affect their interactions with law enforcement, access to healthcare, and their ability to negotiate fair working conditions, which collectively deepens their exploitation within the sex trade.

The primary motivator for many Nigerian women entering sex work in Ghana is economic instability. As seen in other migrant populations, women often migrate in search of economic opportunities. However, many participants report that false promises of legitimate employment ultimately coerce them into sex work. Some participants recount being misled into sex work with promises of jobs in hospitality or domestic service, reflecting the push and pull factors of migration [9, 10]. These promises often go unfulfilled, compounded by a lack of social support and economic instability in Ghana, making sex work the only viable option.

Many Nigerian FSWs in Ghana engage in sex work to support their families, particularly their children and elderly parents. Confronted with economic precarity, they often resort to sex work as a survival strategy, and seek better opportunities abroad, despite the inherent risks involved. Their decisions reflect broader societal pressures that place the burden of caregiving on women, often at great personal cost. These dynamics align with findings from a study on migrant FSWs in Ghana, which highlighted that care responsibilities and financial need are key factors pushing women into the sex trade [9].

This pattern of deceptive migration promises and economic vulnerability mirrors findings from other studies, which show that Nigerian immigrant women frequently perceive Ghana as a destination for business and employment opportunities. Yet these expectations often remain unmet, and sex work becomes their only option. Similarly, studies emphasize how poverty and migration significantly drive women into sex work, particularly when initial migration hopes remain unfulfilled and survival becomes the primary concern [28, 29].

Our study’s findings show that abuse, particularly from clients, is a major risk faced by Nigerian FSWs in Ghana. This abuse can be verbal, sexual, or physical. Many women report experiencing physical assault, threats of murder or bodily harm, theft, and sexual coercion during interactions with clients. These behaviors reflect gendered power dynamics, where FSWs are viewed as disposable objects within the economic exchange with clients. This aligns with similar experiences reported across other African countries, where clients often use violence, including rape, as a tool to assert dominance and extort money from FSWs [29]. These power dynamics are further compounded by conservative gender norms, where women’s autonomy is undermined, and sexual exploitation is normalized [30, 31].

Abuse and exploitation also extend beyond clients to law enforcement. The FSWs report frequent police extortion, threats, and sexual abuse under the guise of enforcing anti-sex work laws. Their criminalized and migrant status amplifies their vulnerability, as it silences their ability to report abuse or seek legal protection. Foreign FSWs report discriminatory treatment by the police, where Ghanaian FSWs are often allowed to go free while Nigerians are targeted for harassment and extortion. This reflects findings from Scorgie et al. [19], which emphasize how foreign nationals face disproportionate targeting, discriminatory treatment and increased vulnerability from law enforcement.

Police harassment and sexual exploitation are a critical risk for these women. These experiences further complicate their ability to navigate public spaces safely or seek justice. The most frequently reported occurrence involves police frequently organizing raids and rounding up FSWs. They then detain them and release them only when they pay bribes ranging from GH¢100 to GH¢500 ($6.5 to $32). If they cannot pay, officers threaten them with court action or deportation.

Nigerian FSWs in Ghana live in constant fear, with one respondent even narrating the brutal murder and mutilation of a colleague. These women face the terrifying reality that violence is not only common but often deadly. The fact that law enforcement officials, who hold the responsibility to protect the public, including FSWs regardless of immigration status, sometimes perpetrate the very violence and exploitation that endangers these women is an unconscionable injustice. This systemic abuse not only leaves FSWs vulnerable to death and sexual violence, it also silences their ability to seek justice, as the law enforcement system itself remains complicit in their oppression. Similar experiences of homicide have been shared by FSWs in Ghana and globally, especially in countries where sex work is heavily criminalized [11, 29].

Our study finds that transnational FSWs in Ghana often experience harsher treatment than their Ghanaian counterparts from not just the police, but clients as well. Nigerian FSWs frequently report verbal abuse and discrimination once their nationality becomes known, positioning them as vulnerable outsiders. This worsens the social stigma they already endure, as many clients perceive them as easier to manipulate, more likely to accept unprotected sex, or less able to demand payment. This finding is consistent with research that highlights the heightened vulnerability of foreign FSWs globally, who face greater risks of violence and client-perpetrated abuse due to economic and social barriers not experienced by local workers [6, 32, 33].

In addition to violence and police discrimination, foreign FSWs also encounter stigma from the general public, largely because of their foreign status. Participants report verbal abuse, mistreatment, and harsh judgment in public spaces when others discover their nationality. This stigma reflects broader gendered and xenophobic prejudices, where migrant women are seen as outsiders and receive little public empathy or protection. Some respondents share that members of the public often assume young Nigerian women to be “ashawo”, a derogatory term for sex worker. These societal attitudes reflect structural systems that marginalize women, particularly those who are migrant and criminalized, limiting their autonomy and increasing their exposure to exploitation.

Violence and stigma against FSWs remain critical issues that have significant implications for their health and safety, and by extension, the health of the general public. Studies highlight the connection between violence and reduced condom use, showing that FSWs who experience physical or sexual violence are less likely to use condoms consistently, exposing them to HIV and other health risks [12, 29]. In addition to the physical toll, many participants in our study report severe mental health consequences, including heightened fear and anxiety, which sometimes impair their ability to work. This fear, stemming from violence and discrimination, leaves them vulnerable to further exploitation. A similar pattern was observed in a study conducted by Antwi et al. [34], where it was found that fear of violence significantly affects the mental well-being and operational capacity of FSWs.

Despite the numerous challenges they face, FSWs in our study exhibit remarkable resilience, developing coping strategies to navigate the violence, stigma, and risks inherent in their daily lives. These women, who endure multiple layers of marginalization, have learned to reframe their experiences, often focusing on their financial goals and building emotional resilience in the face of adversity. FSWs from our study, much like those in a study by Scorgie et al., redefine their agency, refusing to let societal judgments and gendered stigma define their worth [19]. Rather than retaliate, many deliberately ignore insults, withdraw emotionally, or choose to stay silent as a protective measure. For migrant FSWs without legal protection or community support, this emotional distancing became a practical and necessary survival strategy.

In addition to these personal strategies, many FSWs in our study also rely on influential figures, such as “landlords”, “madams”, or “protection boys”, to intervene on their behalf during police encounters. These individuals play a pivotal role in negotiating their release or settling disputes with authorities, further highlighting the power imbalances and lack of legal recourse that FSWs face in their interactions with law enforcement. However, these informal networks come at a cost: FSWs report paying between 10 and 20 GH¢ ($0.65 to 1.30) per week for protection, indicating the diverse sources of exploitation they face within the trade. This situation further underlines how migrant FSWs, in particular, often lack formal legal protection and must rely on informal safety nets to ensure their safety and well-being [6, 19].

Limitations

While our study provides valuable insights into the lived experiences of transnational FSWs in Ghana, some limitations must be acknowledged. First, the sampling method and relatively small sample size of 14 participants limit the generalizability of the findings. Although the study provides a rich, qualitative account of the experiences of FSWs, a larger sample would offer a more comprehensive understanding of the diversity within this population. Additionally, this study focuses on two major cities, Accra and Kumasi. As a result, the findings may not fully represent the experiences of transnational FSWs in other parts of Ghana, where local dynamics may differ.

Although the study initially aimed to recruit a diverse group of transnational FSWs from various countries, all 14 participants were Nigerian. This outcome was not anticipated, but the snowball sampling method likely resulted in a homogenous sample, as referrals primarily occurred within specific networks composed of Nigerian sex workers. Therefore, the findings may not be applicable to transnational FSWs from other nationalities. The study also relies on self-reported data, which introduces potential biases, especially given the sensitive nature of the topic. Despite efforts to create a safe space during interviews, participants may have been reluctant to fully disclose their experiences of abuse and violence due to the emotional distress these topics can cause. This may have resulted in underreporting of certain forms of abuse.

Future studies should explore the experiences of transnational FSWs from a broader range of countries and cultural contexts. Furthermore, comparing the experiences of migrant and local sex workers would help clarify the unique factors influencing marginalization and vulnerability. While our study highlights the intersectional factors that contribute to the vulnerability of migrant FSWs, it does not delve deeply into the long-term psychological or health consequences of their experiences. Future research should focus more on the mental health impacts and HIV-related outcomes, which are critical areas where migrant FSWs may face heightened risks.

Conclusion

This study highlights how migrant status, in combination with gender and economic precarity, shapes the lived experiences of Nigerian female sex workers in Ghana. Participants report exposure to multiple forms of violence, discriminatory policing, social stigma, and economic exploitation. These vulnerabilities are closely linked to their foreign identity, undocumented status, and lack of legal protections.

The objectification of women, especially migrant FSWs, is amplified by gendered conservatism and religious fundamentalism prevalent across much of Africa, where sex work is viewed as deviant. This systemic marginalization increases the vulnerabilities of migrant FSWs, particularly those with limited access to legal protection and social services, and leaves them more susceptible to violence, exploitation, and discrimination.

Our findings point to the urgent need for the decriminalization of sex work as a critical step toward improving the safety, well-being, and human rights of both Ghanaian and transnational FSWs in Ghana. Decriminalization would create a pathway for regulation, allowing authorities to track, educate, and protect sex workers. This shift would have far-reaching effects including protecting minors, providing critical healthcare, and offering sustainable alternatives beyond sex work as a livelihood. Furthermore, it would dismantle the power imbalances that allow police extortion and client exploitation to persist. This aligns with global advocacy efforts in countries such as the Netherlands and New Zealand, where legalization or decriminalization has significantly improved the safety, well-being, and human rights of FSWs.

Addressing the structural inequalities that drive migration and economic vulnerability is essential to ensuring that migrant FSWs are not forced into sex work. The Nigerian authorities should develop and implement policy measures that offer better economic opportunities for young women, so that they do not feel compelled to travel abroad and risk their lives and well-being engaging in illegal or potentially dangerous jobs. The country must, as a matter of urgency, crack down on the pimp and human trafficking networks that send unwitting young ladies across borders to engage in sex trade. In the same vein, Ghanaian authorities must strengthen their response to gender-based violence; treat sex workers with respect and dignity and enforce tighter border protections, paying closer attention to the trafficking of girls and women for sex work.

Sex work has existed for millennia and will continue to persist whether legal or not, and if pushed to operate in the shadows as is the case now, FSWs would operate under little to no rights and protections available to them. Unscrupulous persons would perpetrate physical and sexual violence against them with no consequences; the police would retain the unchecked power to persecute and exploit them; minors would be pushed into the trade; human traffickers and pimps would thrive; and HIV transmission will only heighten. Decriminalization would allow for greater regulation, improved access to services, and ultimately the protection of the health and rights of FSWs.

Electronic supplementary material

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Abbreviations

AIDS

Acquired immune deficiency syndrome

FSW(s)

Female sex worker(s)

HIV

Human immunodeficiency virus

IDI

In-depth interview

STI

Sexually transmitted infection

UNAIDS

Joint united nations programme on HIV and AIDS

WHO

World health organisation

Author contributions

ASI: Conceptualization, study design, writing – original draft, writing – review and editing.AMZ: Conceptualization, study design, data collection, writing – review and editing.MB: Conceptualization, study design, data analysis, writing – review and editing. All authors reviewed and approved the final manuscript for publication. They confirm full access to all data and accept responsibility for the manuscript submission. The corresponding author affirms that all authors meet the criteria for authorship.

Funding

The authors declare that no funding was received for this study.

Data availability

The minimal data required to interpret and replicate our study are contained within the manuscript.

Declarations

Ethics approval and consent to participate

Before data collection, we obtained verbal informed consent from all participants, which was recorded for documentation. Participants were fully informed of the purpose, potential benefits, and risks of the study. They were also informed of their right to withdraw from the study at any point, without the need to provide a reason, even after data collection had begun. The study protocol was reviewed and approved by the Committee on Human Research, Publication, and Ethics of Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (No. CHRPE/AP/1208/24) prior to commencement of the study. All procedures were conducted in accordance with the ethical standards of the committee and with the 2013 Declaration of Helsinki.

Consent for publication

Consent for publication was obtained from all participants of this study prior to data collection.

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.