Young, purposed, and Black: Understanding purpose in low‐income, urban‐residing Black adolescents

Abstract

Part of the identity‐formation process in adolescence includes acquiring a purpose. Although purpose is developmentally adaptive, it may be particularly valuable for Black adolescents who are navigating the complexities of development in high‐stress, under‐resourced environments. However, little is known about the individual and contextual factors associated with purpose among Black, urban‐residing youth from low‐income communities. This study uses multivariate regression to identify correlates of purpose in a sample of 132 Black adolescents (ages 14–18) living and attending school in a low‐income, urban community. Study findings suggest that conscientiousness was positively associated with purpose at the individual level. Additionally, students who reported high motivation were more likely to indicate having a purpose. Related to contextual factors, students who felt they mattered to an adult in their school reported a higher sense of purpose. Contrary to expectations, students who felt their neighborhoods had less social capital reported a greater sense of purpose. This study aligns with a phenomenological understanding of identity development for Black youth and supports a greater understanding of positive development among Black low‐income youth in urban neighborhoods.

INTRODUCTION

Adolescents must answer at least two important life questions: (1) who am I? and (2) what am I going to do with my life? (Eccles, 2009). The first question is a question of identity; the second is a question of purpose. The answers to both questions have crucial implications for the route that adolescents take in their transition to adulthood. A sense of purpose is associated with higher academic achievement, positive coping skills, and lower substance abuse usage (Ishida & Okada, 2006; Scales et al., 2006; Yeager et al., 2014). Finally, youth who have a sense of purpose also have greater clarity regarding future occupation (Tryon & Radzin, 1972).

Though researchers have studied youth purpose and related constructs as part of positive psychology since around the turn of the 21st century, only more recently has attention been paid to the experience of purpose among minoritized adolescents and other socially disadvantaged populations (Machell et al., 2015; Nayman et al., 2019). Studies examining purpose specifically among Black¹ youth living in urban, racially, and economically stratified communities are less common. The dearth of research about purpose among Black youth in low‐income contexts is problematic, as it ignores potential avenues to foster and enhance positive youth development for marginalized populations. Notably, few studies explore how various contexts influence purpose development. These gaps in our understanding of purpose leave us in the dark regarding positive developmental trajectories afforded to youth, which can lead to healthy identity development, even amidst various adversities associated with being Black in lower socioeconomic contexts. The current study is significant in exploring individual and contextual factors associated with purpose in a sample of Black adolescents living in an urban, low‐income context. Study findings can assist with building optimal developmental opportunities to support resilience despite systemic challenges associated with racism and oppression faced by Black, urban‐residing youth.

The relative absence of attention to individual and contextual factors influencing Black youths' purpose is problematic, given that their transition into adulthood is often beset with the challenges of navigating systemic and institutional barriers that complicate developmental trajectories (Smith‐Bynum, 2022). Detrimental to healthy development, systemic and structural barriers associated with racism are risks that affect many aspects of becoming adults, including disproportionate exposure to poor quality education and housing (Adams‐Wiggins & Taylor‐García, 2020), as well as risks such as over‐policing in schools and neighborhoods (Jindal et al., 2022). Such messages can suggest that Black youths' lives have less value. The added burdens in Black adolescents' process of becoming adults amplify the importance of considering purpose as a developmental asset that supports psychological well‐being and facilitates the transition to adulthood (Malin et al., 2014; Ryff & Singer, 2006; Scales et al., 2000; Sumner et al., 2014).

Studies show that purpose is higher among African American adolescents than youth of other races (Bronk, 2013; Malin et al., 2019), suggesting that it might represent a cultural strength of the Black community (see Cokley & Williams, 2005). Understanding and adopting a sense of purpose can support marginalized youth in their attempts to imagine a future where they flourish and enjoy lives imbued with meaning. Based on Frankl's (1959) seminal conceptualization, purpose imparts value and is important as an avenue for people to thrive despite adversity. This may be especially relevant considering the hardships faced by Black adolescents living in economically disadvantaged urban enclaves. Such spaces are designed to limit access to experiences that can support coherent pathways into a future self (Fauth et al., 2007; Wilson, 2012). These distinct ecological contexts have physical, cultural, political, and chronological realities that communicate messages to young people and can shape their sense of self and their thinking about their place in the world. Therefore, it is critical that we understand what developmental assets, such as purpose, look like in these particular contexts.

This study seeks to provide insights into positive developmental trajectories in Black communities (Mattis et al., 2016) by exploring individual and contextual factors that may be associated with purpose among Black youth residing in a low‐income urban community. Importantly, by framing the study of purpose in a race‐conscious ecological systems theory, we address purpose in the experience of Black youth who must navigate the realities of racism, systemic oppression, and various forms of adversity as a part of their identity development process (Spencer et al., 1997; Sumner et al., 2018). Insights from this study can support interventions that foster purpose within Black youths' school and community contexts.

A systems perspective of purpose

McKnight and Kashdan (2009) define purpose as “a central, self‐organizing life aim that organizes and stimulates goals, manages behavior, and provides a sense of meaning” (p. 242). Scholars in psychology describe purpose as having three components: commitment, goal‐directedness, and personal meaningfulness (Bronk, 2013, p. 4). These conceptualizations suggest that youth with a sense of purpose have identified an aim that guides their goals and behavior and allows them to feel that their life is meaningful. In other words, youth with purpose intend to do something meaningful in life which informs their decisions, pursuits, and outcomes.

Erikson (1968) suggests that commitment to purpose in adolescence is psychosocially advantageous and that, ideally, purpose emerges concurrently with identity. In other words, the presence of purpose promotes positive development during adolescents' central identity development processes. The connection between identity and purpose suggests the relevance of a sense of purpose for those in middle to late adolescence – the developmental span associated with identity development processes (Damon et al., 2003; Negru‐Subtirica et al., 2016). Middle‐to‐late adolescents develop a sense of self with attention to racial/ethnic identities, gender identity, and religious identity, all of which emerge in the context of families, schools, and neighborhoods (Blume & Zembar, 2007; Nakkula & Toshalis, 2006).

Research suggests that purpose can provide youth with a meaningfully engaged route through adolescence and guide development into a psychologically healthy, motivated, and engaged adult self. Purposeful young people are happier, report a greater sense of hope, and experience less anxiety than their counterparts (Bronk et al., 2009; Burrow & Hill, 2011; Kiang, 2012). Further, youth who report a sense of purpose often demonstrate a desire to make a unique contribution to the world (Damon, 2008). They are also more likely to be prosocial in pursuing activities that lead to the collective good (Klar & Kasser, 2009; Thoits, 2012).

Purpose development is influenced by personality, context, and culture (Bronk, 2013; Burrow et al., 2021; Mariano, 2014). As such, the Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory (PVEST) (Spencer et al., 1997) represents an especially valuable theoretical framework to situate the study of purpose in the lived realities of low‐income, urban‐residing Black adolescents. PVEST invites us to consider how race, sex, SES, neighborhoods, schools, social supports, family dynamics, and other social variables might correlate with purpose development for adolescents. Using an identity‐focused cultural ecological lens, PVEST theorizes development as guided by adolescents' perceptions of their contexts and group membership. Accordingly, Black adolescents' identity formation is guided by how they make meaning of various contexts, cultural influences, self‐perceptions, and social experiences (Velez & Spencer, 2018). These processes have implications for behavioral outcomes such as civic engagement (Hope & Spencer, 2017).

The importance of perceptions is core to PVEST. Spencer et al. (1997) assert that “the processing of phenomena and experiences influences how one gives meaning and significance to different aspects of oneself…it is not merely the experience but one's perception of experiences in different cultural contexts that influences how one perceives oneself.” Although understanding lived experience is important, attending to people's perceptions of those experiences is critical. For Black adolescents, perception influences developmental realities, which can influence a sense of purpose and communicate existential value or lack of value. Those perceptions are influenced by the various environments that young people frequent and the messages communicated in those environments that speak to a person's value, abilities, or position. In other words, family interactions, schools, and communities will communicate messages about the presence and the potential content of purpose in the lives of young people (Bronk, 2013).

Black youths' identity development processes are influenced by the realities of structural constraints, including constraints resulting from marginalization, oppression, and other barriers (Coll et al., 1996; Spencer et al., 1997). These societal barriers can cause many young people to experience stressors and ultimately hinder healthy development. However, a more complete picture of Black youth acknowledges the great cultural strengths in communities of color that often provide a buoyancy effect to uplift youth and increase resilience. The research findings on higher purpose in Black adolescents (see Malin et al., 2019) underscores the importance of exploring the associations between purpose and Black adolescents' experiences, as purpose may serve as a cultural strength (Yosso, 2005) that can be cultivated in Black youth and can counter historically dominant narratives of racial inferiority.

Development occurs as an interplay of the individual and their context. The interweaving of culture and biology shapes adolescents' developmental processes (Lee, 2010). Some aspects of Black adolescents' experiences in families and communities may support healthy identity development and foster purpose. However, we know little about the internal and dispositional traits that co‐occur with a sense of purpose in Black adolescents. To understand purpose as linked to personological dispositions (McAdams, 2013), we need to understand the role of personality or inter‐individual traits. To more fully understand factors associated with purpose in populations of low‐income, urban‐residing Black youth, it is important to understand those individual variables alongside perceptions of contextual realities that might support positive development.

Purpose and inter‐individual characteristics

Multiple dimensions of identity interact to inform social and developmental experiences (Jones & McEwen, 2000). However, most research on such developmental assets studies the experiences of White adolescents. Absent exploring multiple identities, such as race and sex, we have limited insights into developmental experiences. PVEST supports our understanding of the impact of diverse social identities on development. Given the tenets of PVEST, in this study we examine the relations between social identities and inter‐individual factors, particularly at the level of personality (i.e., conscientiousness and hope) and motivation.

Conscientiousness and hope

Studies of purpose in adolescence have suggested that purposeful youth, described as those with “intense commitments” to accomplish something meaningful in life (Bronk & Finch, 2010), share certain personality traits, including conscientiousness and hope. Conscientiousness is characterized as a need for achievement or commitment to work (Costa et al., 1991). Individuals who score higher on meaningfulness/ purposefulness are described as “hardy.” That is, they (1) welcome challenges, (2) exert control over difficult events, and (3) make lasting commitments amidst uncertainty and change (Kobasa et al., 1982; Maddi, 2002). Importantly, these attributes of hardiness are defining features of conscientiousness, a component of the five‐factor personality model. This link between hardiness and purpose suggests that conscientious youth may have a high achievement orientation, potentially causing them to be more likely to make purposeful commitments (Komarraju et al., 2011).

Research suggests that purpose has a strong positive relationship with hope (Burrow et al., 2010). Hope, as a psychological construct, is also a cognitive construct rooted in goal‐oriented behavior (Snyder et al., 2002). Hope has two distinct components: pathways and agency. The pathways component of hope refers to individuals' perceptions that they know how to achieve a goal. Agency refers to individuals' motivations or drives to reach a goal. Consistent with the assertion that purpose is associated with hope, Bronk (2005) highlighted that adolescent purpose exemplars exhibited goal‐oriented behaviors and were able to create strategies to overcome obstacles. Few studies have examined hope among African American/Black youth. However, one study of hope among African American adolescents demonstrates that the agency dimension of hope was associated with school belonging, academic self‐concept, goal valuation, attitude toward teachers, and academic motivation/self‐regulation, and the pathways dimension was only a significant predictor of goal valuation and academic self‐concept (Dixson & Stevens, 2018). Fraser et al. (2024) found that hope varied by race and sex, and context. In particular, they found that Black and Latinx females scored significantly lower on hope levels than males across all ethnicities. Further, unlike their counterparts from other racial groups, Black adolescents who believed that their families were struggling financially were less hopeful. This finding maintained regardless of actual family income, suggesting that perceived financial precarity has an especially powerful association with hope for Black adolescents. Fraser and colleagues concluded that, given differences in hope across groups, researchers and interventionists interested in hope among adolescents must attend to and account for race/ethnicity and context. We take up that charge in this study.

The current study explores how personality factors, particularly conscientiousness and hope, correlate with a sense of purpose among Black adolescents—living with the complexities of poverty and urbanicity (Coll et al., 1996; Smith‐Bynum, 2022). This adds to the extant literature about purpose, emphasizing the experiences of Black adolescents with individual dispositions and personalities. Although there is nascent evidence linking conscientiousness and hope, as well as the underlying characteristics of hardiness and goal setting, to purpose, no empirical studies have explored these connections in Black youth—particularly for low‐income, urban‐residing Black youth.

Motivation

Motivation, as linked to purpose, is described as “the relations between a person's goal‐directed action and ‘the kind of person’ he or she is or may become” (Kaplan & Flum, 2009, p. 74). In other words, that which motivates can support the identification of purpose. When one has identified what highly motivates and has an achieved identity or sense of self, purpose discovery is within reach.

Studies by Yeager et al. (2014, 2017) suggest a positive relationship between students being motivated in school and wanting to make a positive difference in the world. Their research uses a “self‐transcendent” purpose for learning concept, which is defined as “a motive for learning in school that has both long‐term benefit to the self and a positive effect on some component of the world beyond the self” (Yeager et al., 2017, p. 442). Experimental studies demonstrate that an intervention to support motivation for learning as connected to a “self‐transcendent aim” (or purpose) led to improvement in grades (Paunesku et al., 2015; Yeager et al., 2014). The effects of this motivation and purpose‐linked intervention were twice as strong for students who previously earned lower grades.

Purpose and context

Analyzing purpose in Black youth requires some insights into how these youth perceive and experience developmental spaces. The family, school, and neighborhood contexts represent salient microsystems for adolescents and may foster or inhibit purpose development. Studies about purpose should consider youths' perceptions of their family, school, and community and how those perceptions associate with their sense of purpose (i.e., their sense of meaning and goal‐directedness).

Family religion and spiritual practice

Parental socialization shapes adolescents' beliefs about many aspects of identity, including race, sociopolitical practices, spirituality, and other social identity factors (Bañales et al., 2021; Boykin, 1986; Gutierrez & Mattis, 2014). Although several family socialization practices may be important in helping youth develop purpose, studies have identified religion/spirituality as a source of meaning and may be especially significant in cultivating a sense of purpose in the lives of adolescents (DeVogler & Ebersole, 1981; Sumner et al., 2018). Using a community cultural wealth lens (Yosso, 2005), we can surmise that spiritual and religious traditions in families may inform purpose for Black adolescents.

Religion and spirituality are important in the lives of Black Americans (Taylor et al., 2004). Although no studies to date have explored the link between religiosity, spirituality, and purpose among Black youth, there are good reasons to anticipate that this link between purposefulness and spirituality may be especially significant for Black adolescents—particularly low‐income Black youth. As a psychological strength, purpose is spiritual and tied to historicity and collectivism (Mattis et al., 2016). According to the National Survey on Youth and Religion, Black youth are more likely than any other racial/ethnic group to say that religious faith is important in their lives (Smith et al., 2002). Additionally, low‐income adolescents (across race/ethnicity) are more likely than their high‐or middle‐income counterparts to say that religious faith is important in shaping daily life (Smith & Denton, 2009).

Cultural messages in religious/spiritual families may support notions of purpose. Such messages are rooted in cultural beliefs related to transcendence — defined as “coherent beliefs about the higher purpose and meaning of the universe and one's place within it” (Peterson & Seligman, 2004, p. 533). Black Americans' historical and contemporary struggles support narratives of transcendence, paralleling Biblical narratives of escape from slavery. These spiritual/religious narratives, often passed down intergenerationally, are aligned with meaning borne out of struggle and survival relevant to the Black experience (Williams & Dixie, 2003).

Mattering in school

Outside of the home, school is the place where adolescents spend a significant number of waking hours. Though numerous school context indicators influence psychosocial development, relationships between adolescents and adults in school may be associated with purposefulness. In particular, the experience of mattering to adults in school may have relevance for developing purpose in adolescence. Mattering is defined as the psychosocial experience of feeling significant to others (Dixon, 2011). Mattering to adults at school is a measure of school climate that has particular relevance in the experience of African American adolescents (Tucker et al., 2010). Because mattering imbues a sense of significance and value, purpose may be more attainable for adolescents in schools where they feel like they matter.

Tucker et al.'s (2010) qualitative study of African American male high school students suggested that mattering to adults in school “likely helped…build a strong foundation of self‐efficacy and self‐confidence from which they have found a sense of purpose and an enduring sense of intrinsic motivation and drive for continued school engagement and academic success” (Tucker et al., 2010, p. 135). Additional research suggests that mattering is an indicator of social support, and two studies also suggest possible connections between mattering and purpose. In one study, researchers identified mattering as a predictor variable that significantly reduced dropout for high school students (Lemon & Watson, 2011). Mariano et al. (2011) conducted a qualitative study demonstrating that when youth felt social support from adults in their schools, they reported higher levels of purpose. Both studies included samples of predominantly White adolescents. This exploration uses a quantitative approach to empirically examine the extent to which the perception that mattering to adults in school is associated with purpose for Black male and female students.

Neighborhood social capital

Safe and socially connected neighborhoods may create avenues for adolescents to engage in activities that support the development of purpose. Safe neighborhoods, with supportive adults and opportunities for involvement, have been identified as an asset for adolescents (Urban et al., 2009). Neighborhoods high in social capital (i.e., safe, socially connected neighborhoods) provide contexts where young people can engage through meaningful interactions with community members and access multiple opportunities for participation in activities. Opportunities for activity involvement in the community can support motivation (i.e., self‐efficacy in activities and valuing activities), which may support purpose development.

Conversely, neighborhood disadvantage may inhibit developmental outcomes due to fewer opportunities for young people to explore and develop interests (Evans, 2006). Empirical studies have associated neighborhood disadvantage with poor well‐being outcomes and poor health (Booth et al., 2018; Rankin & Quane, 2002). Neighborhood violence, which sometimes is associated with neighborhood disadvantage, is linked to lower levels of purpose among Black adolescents (DuRant et al., 1994). Additionally, a longitudinal study found a negative relationship between exposure to violence and a sense of purpose for Black youth (DuRant et al., 1995).

Current study

This study examines individual and contextual correlates of purpose for a sample of Black adolescents attending high school in a low‐income urban community in the Midwest. Studies of adolescent purpose development address important questions about psychosocial well‐being and potential trajectories into adulthood. Significantly, this study counters common deficit‐oriented tropes of Black adolescents by examining positive developmental assets among youth who are Black, urban‐residing, and from low‐income communities in the US.

Using PVEST as a conceptual frame for understanding Black adolescents' perceptions of their context, this study considers how family, school, and neighborhood factors are associated with a sense of purpose for Black youth. Two research questions drive this study:

1. How are inter‐individual characteristics associated with purpose among Black, urban‐residing adolescents in low‐income communities?

   1. How are conscientiousness and hope associated with purpose among Black, urban‐residing adolescents in low‐income communities?
   2. How is hope associated with purpose among Black, urban‐residing adolescents in low‐income communities?
   3. How is motivation associated with purpose among Black, urban‐residing adolescents in low‐income communities?
2. How are contextual characteristics associated with purpose among Black, urban‐residing adolescents in low‐income communities?

   1. How are family religious practices associated with purpose among Black, urban‐residing adolescents in low‐income communities?
   2. How is neighborhood social capital associated with purpose among Black, urban‐residing adolescents in low‐income communities?
   3. How is mattering at school associated with purpose among Black, urban‐residing adolescents in low‐income communities?

The following hypotheses guide the inquiry:

1. Inter‐individual characteristics (i.e., conscientiousness, hope, and motivation) will significantly associate with purpose among Black, urban‐residing adolescents in low‐income communities such that higher levels of inter‐individual characteristics will correlate with higher levels of purpose scores.

2. Contextual characteristics (i.e., family religious practices, neighborhood social capital, and mattering at school) will significantly associate with purpose among Black, urban residing adolescents in low‐income communities such that more positive perceptions of contextual characteristics will correlate with higher levels of purpose scores.

METHOD

Setting

The context for the study is a public high school in a Midwest urban center. The neighborhood in which the school is located is 94% Black. Most students in the school live in the immediate community. Seventy‐seven percent of students qualify for free or reduced‐price lunches, which is an indicator of the poverty level. The median family income for the community at the time of the study was $31,330, which was about half the median family income in the United States for the 2010 census. At the time of data collection, the unemployment rate for families in this neighborhood was 15% — three times higher than the national average. Further, one of every five housing units in the neighborhood was vacant. In sum, this urban school exists in an educational ecology marked by structural poverty and racial inequality. This study seeks to understand how individual characteristics and sociocultural experiences in families, schools, and communities are associated with a sense of purpose in low‐income Black adolescents living in this particular type of urban context. The Institutional Review Board approved all study procedures associated with this investigation.

Participants

Study participants were 10th‐12th grade students who attended the school during the 2015–2016 school year. Ninety‐nine percent of the students who attended the school that year were Black/African American (nces.gov). A total of 151 students completed the survey, representing about half of the school's population. Ninety‐five percent identified as Black or Black combined with another racial/ethnic group; 52% identified as male. Although the respondents ranged in age between 14–18 (M = 16.07, SD = .88), most participants were in the 11th grade, representing 48.3% (n = 73). Tenth graders, representing 25.8% (n = 39), and twelfth graders, representing 25.8% (n = 39), equally split the rest of the sample.

The first author collected original survey data for this study. Students were invited to participate in the study at the beginning of the school year. Teachers sent students' families a letter describing the study. Signed consent forms were collected by the teachers and provided to the researcher. Each student who participated received a $15 gift card as an incentive. The study investigator administered the survey in classrooms or a school computer lab.

Measures

Survey measures, inter‐correlations, and descriptive statistics are reported in Table 1. The survey was administered on paper or electronically, based on logistical reasons. Of the 151 students who completed the survey, 132 completed the paper version (87%) and 19 completed the online version (13%).

TABLE 1.

Psychometric properties of study variables (N = 151).

	M	SD	α	Range		Skew	Kurtosis
				Possible	Actual
Demographic variables
Sex	0.48	.50	–	1–2	1–2	.068	−2.023
Age	4.071	.88	–	1–6	2–6	.098	−.078
Grade level	3.01	.72	–	1–4	2–4	.010	−1.047
Study variables
Purpose	4.71	.76	.82	1–7	2.26–6.26	−.264	.329
Motivation	3.82	.69	.93	1–5	1.00–5.00	−.601	.724
Hope	4.26	.91	.77	1–6	1.83–6.00	−.290	−.438
Conscientiousness	3.29	.58	.60	1–5	1.56–4.89	.194	.203
FRP	3.04	1.03	.86	1–5	1.00–5.00	−.191	−.508
Mattering	2.99	.89	.88	1–5	1.00–5.00	−.053	−.534
NSC	2.94	.89	.79	1–5	1.00–5.00	.089	−.178

Abbreviations: FRP, family religious practices; NSC, neighborhood social capital.

Purpose was measured using The Revised Youth Purpose Survey (RYPS), created by the Stanford Center on Adolescence (Bronk et al., 2009; Burrow & Hill, 2011). The instrument's design is informed by multiple measures that ground theoretical understandings of purpose, meaning in life, and well‐being (Crumbaugh & Maholick, 1969; Keyes et al., 2002; Steger et al., 2006). The RYPS is a 20‐item scale with a 15‐item “purpose commitment” and a 5‐item “purpose exploration” subscale. Sample items for this scale include “I understand my life's meaning” and “I am seeking purpose or mission for my life.” All items on the scale are measured from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). This study uses a combined purpose measure because the scree plot in factor analysis indicated a single factor. This aligned with our theoretical position. Purpose commitment without exploration is suboptimal (Reilly & Mariano, 2021). A higher mean score of exploration and commitment represents a reliable measure of purpose that considers how the respondent both considered and committed to purpose. A previous study using this measure reports a composite standardized alpha of α = .81 (Bundick et al., 2006). However, that sample had few Black adolescents. For this sample of Black youth, the reliability for purpose as a composite was α = .82.

Individual‐level factors

Conscientiousness

Conscientiousness is a dispositional trait included in the Big Five Index (BFI) (John et al., 2008). Conscientiousness, measured with nine items, is described as a “socially prescribed impulse control that facilitates task‐ and goal‐directed behavior” (John et al., 2008, p. 120). The items for this scale are statements in response to the phrase, “I see myself as someone who…”. Example items from the conscientiousness subscale include: “Does a thorough job” and “Can be somewhat careless” (reverse coded). Items are rated on a scale ranging from 1 (“disagree strongly”) to 5 (“agree strongly”). Items were scored as a mean.

Conscientiousness has demonstrated good reliability in studies of young adults (α = .78) (Soto et al., 2008). In a sample of African American college students, internal consistency was reported to be above .70 for each of the five BFI factors; however, the reliability for conscientiousness was not specified (Worrell & Cross, 2004). With the present sample of Black adolescents, the reliability for conscientiousness was low but acceptable (α = .60).

Hope

The Children's Hope Scale (Snyder et al., 1997) is a six‐item measure that assesses the presence of hope in children and adolescents. Snyder and colleagues conceptualize hope as a cognitive trait encompassing pathways and agency related to goals. The items in the scale measure one's beliefs in his or her “capabilities to produce workable routes to goals (the pathways component), as well as the self‐related beliefs about initiating and sustaining movement toward those goals (the agency component)” (Snyder et al., 1997, p. 401). Three items measure pathways, and the other three measure agency. Sample items include “I think the things I have done in the past will help me in the future (agency),” and “When I have a problem, I can come up with lots of ways to solve it” (pathways). Items are scored on a Likert‐type scale with 1 = “None of the time” to 6 = “All of the time.”

The Children's Hope Scale has been found to have good reliability, with alphas ranging from .72 to .86 (Snyder, 2002). According to the author, the studies included did not show differences in hope between races. However, the comparison was only between two studies with a small sample of African American students (n = 12 and n = 26). In the current study, with an all‐Black sample, the reliability for hope was acceptable (α = .77).

Motivation

Motivation is measured using an expectancy‐value conceptualization (Eccles, 2009; Eccles & Wigfield, 2020). This understanding of motivated behavior uses both expectation and value for tasks to measure adolescents' motivation. Expectation is assessed by the four‐item Ability Self‐Perceptions scale, and value is measured by the six‐item Subjective Task Value scale (Eccles et al., 1983; Jacobs et al., 2002). Each expectation and value item asked about three specific domains: school, extracurricular activity, and workplace. In this study, only motivational identity around school and extracurricular activity are assessed because few students indicated employment in the survey. Example items from this measure include, “How well have you been doing in the following areas (school, extracurricular activity)?” (expectancy); “How much do you like what you do in the following areas of life (school, extracurricular activity)?” (value). Traditionally, these items have been used to measure self‐perceptions about ability and value in subject‐specific areas or tasks (e.g., math, music). Osborne and Jones (2011) suggest that the expectancy‐value framework can be used with domains (e.g., academics) and not just tasks or subjects. Items were scaled on a five‐point Likert scale with 1 = lower indicator (e.g., not good at all) and 5 = higher indicator (e.g., very good), depending on the specific question. Scores are calculated as a mean.

In motivation studies, Cronbach's α range from .89–.91 (Eccles et al., 1983; Jacobs et al., 2002). Motivation variables (school and extracurricular activities) had strong internal consistency for this sample. The composite motivational identity scale (expectancy and value) for school had a reliability of .87; motivational identity for extracurricular activity had a reliability of .90. The composite score of expectancies and values for school and extracurricular activities was used in the study and had an internal consistency of α = .93.

Contextual factors

Family religious practices (FRP)

This measure was developed for the current study and assessed family practices and values that align with religious/spiritual commitment. The scale consists of five items. Sample items include “Religion/spirituality is important in my family” and “My family often attends religious services.” The FRP measure borrows items from the Brief Multidimensional Measure of Religiousness/Spirituality (Fetzer Institute, 1999). The measure used in this study situates faith‐related practices as a dimension of family‐based cultural experience. Items are on a five‐point Likert scale with 1 = “I disagree a lot” to 5 = “I agree a lot.” Scores are calculated as a mean. In this study, the reliability of this scale was strong α = .86.

Neighborhood social capital scale (NSC)

This measure comes from the Health Behavior in School‐aged Children (HBSC) and assesses neighborhood characteristics. This index has been used to determine the quality of community contexts from the standpoint of children and adolescents (Boyce et al., 2008). The NSC has five items. A sample item is, “You can trust people around here.” Each was measured on a five‐point Likert scale with 1 = “I disagree a lot” to 5 = “I agree a lot.” The scale also includes a sixth item assessing how often respondents feel safe in the neighborhood, with 1 = “Never” and 5 = “Always.” The NSC score is calculated as a mean of the six items. With this study sample, the neighborhood social capital scale had a Cronbach's α of .79.

Mattering

We use measured student perceptions of mattering at the school level to understand the extent to which young people feel they are important or special to adults at the school. For this study, questions from the Mattering to Others Questionnaire (MTOQ) (Marshall, 2001) were altered to ask mattering questions specifically about adults at school. The original measure consists of 11 items. The prompt reads, “Each person has ideas or feelings about how other people see them. I am interested in how you think people think about you. Choose the rating you feel is best for you and circle the number provided.” Items 1–9 follow a consistent format for rating. For example, “I feel special to my ____________.” In the original study, the survey designer would indicate “mother” or “friend” as the person the respondent should think about in answering the items. For this survey, the items were adjusted to consider an adult in the school. For example, “I feel special to an adult at school.” Items 10 and 11 of the original scale were removed because the question format differed from the other nine items by requiring the respondents to rank themselves as related to other individuals in the reference person's life. This comparison aspect was not relevant to our exploration. This was scored on a five‐point Likert scale and was measured as a mean score. In a previous study, Cronbach's α from the general mattering scale was .74 (Rayle, 2005). Items are on a five‐point Likert scale from 1 = “Not much” to 5 = “A lot.” Scores are calculated as a mean. With the current sample, the alpha for the index of mattering was strong (α = .88).

Statistical analysis

We used the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) version 22 (IBM Corporation, New York) to conduct most analyses. To assess the sample size needed for power, we used nQuery Advisor (Elashoff, 1996). Based on the variables in the original set of studies with the sample, the test indicated a minimum sample size of 124. With 151 participants, the study sample met power expectations for the planned analysis.

As part of the data‐cleaning process and checking for adherence to the assumptions of ordinary least squares regression, we checked for multivariate outliers using Mahalanobis distances and Cook's distance (Tabachnick et al., 2013). Over 90% of the cases had complete data across the variables in the study. Missing values were excluded pairwise in the calculation of scales and subscales. After assessing the missingness in the data, we ran analyses to determine whether there was a pattern of missingness in the data.

We used Little's MCAR test to determine whether the data was missing completely at random (MCAR). The test was not significant, indicating that the data were likely missing completely at random (Chi‐Square = 9373.51, df = 9405, p = .589). Thus, the mean scores were summed based on the number of complete cases (n = 132). Preliminary descriptive analyses were performed to examine means, standard deviations, skewness, and kurtosis for all continuous variables and the frequency of all categorical variables (see Table 1). All assumptions were met for statistical analyses. Assumptions test results indicated that multicollinearity was not a concern. No multivariate outliers were identified in the model output. To assess the internal consistency of measures in the study, we used Cronbach's α with an acceptable cut‐off of α > .70 (DeVellis & Thorpe, 2021). Conscientiousness had a Cronbach's α = .60, which is lower than the threshold of .70. However, since .60 falls in the range of marginally acceptable reliability and because of the wide use of conscientiousness as one of the Big Five factors (John et al., 2008), it was included in further analyses.

After running descriptives, we used correlational and multivariate regression analyses to examine associations between purpose and inter‐individual and contextual variables. Regression analyses were initially performed with the entire group and then separately by sex of participants.

RESULTS

Preliminary analysis

T‐tests were used to examine whether mean differences in the study variables exist between male and female students (see Table 2). Sex was scored as male = 1 and female = 2. Results indicated sex differences in motivation, with females reporting higher motivation than males. No significant mean differences were found between male and female participants' purpose, conscientiousness, family religious practices, mattering, or neighborhood social capital. Pearson correlations were used to examine bivariate relations among the study variables (See Table 3). Many of the variables were significantly correlated in the positive direction, indicating good convergent validity. For example, purpose was significantly and positively correlated with motivation, r = .49, p < .001, conscientiousness, r = .36, p < .001, hope, r = .30, p < .001, and mattering, r = .36, p < .001. The correlation between purpose and family religious practices was trending toward significance, r = .16, p = .051. Correlations were in the low to moderate range, with lower correlations indicating discriminant validity. Purpose and neighborhood social capital had the lowest correlation at r = .00.

TABLE 2.

Independent sample t‐test: Sex and study variables.

Study variable	Mean (SD)		t (2,151)	F (2,151)	p
	Male	Female
Motivation	3.73 (.79)	3.92 (.56)	−1.64**	7.18	.01
2Hope	4.35 (.82)	4.19 (.99)	1.09+	3.46	.07
3Conscientiousness	3.31 (.58)	3.26 (.59)	.52	.02	.90
4Family religious practices	3.15 (.99)	2.96 (1.05)	1.13	.21	.65
5Mattering	2.91 (.85)	3.10 (.93)	1.30	.52	.47
6Neighborhood social capital	3.04 (.93)	2.89 (.90)	1.02‐	.07	.80
7Purpose	4.62 (.81)	4.83 (.69)	−1.68	.38	.54

TABLE 3.

Correlations among and descriptive statistics for key study variables.

	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9
1. Sex	–	.07	.14	.14*	−.04	−.09	−.09	.11	.09
2. Age			.02	−.05	.06	−.09	.03	.07	.03
3. Purpose				.49**	.36**	.30**	.16*	.36**	.00
4. Motivation					.32**	.37**	.24**	.27**	.19**
5. Conscientiousness						.24**	.11	.01	.01
6. Hope							.24**	.23**	.30**
7. FRP								.31**	.25**
8. Mattering									.401**
9. NSC

Abbreviations: FRP, family religious practices; NSC, neighborhood social capital.

*p < .05, **p < .01

Multivariate regression

Research questions were examined using ordinary least squares regression, with purpose as the dependent variable and the motivation, personality, and contextual variables as the predictor variables (see Table 4). We entered age and sex into the model as controls. We did this in order to explore possibilities of significant differences by age and sex, since previous studies have found differences in developmental assets by demographic categories (Benson et al., 2011; Scales et al., 2006).

TABLE 4.

Regression models predicting purpose (N = 132).

	Model 1	Model 2		sr2
	β (SE)	β (SE)	95% CI
Age	.05 (.07)	.06 (.06)	[−.07, .16]	.05
Sex	.09 (.13)	.02 (.10)	[−.19, .23]	.01
Motivation		.35 (.09)**	[.20, .53]	.30
Conscientiousness		.26 (.09)**	[.13, .49]	.24
Hope		.09 (.06)	[−.05, .20]	.08
FRP		.03 (.05)	[−.09, .12]	.02
Mattering		.29 (.06)**	[.11, .36]	.25
NSC		−.20 (.06)**	[−.28, −.04]	−.18
R 2/ΔR 2	.01/.01	.41/.38
F/ΔF	.67/.67	10.87/14.14

Abbreviations: FRP, family religious practices; NSC, neighborhood social capital.

^** p < .01.

Results indicated that motivation, conscientiousness, mattering in school, and neighborhood social capital were significantly associated with participants' purpose. An R ² value of .41 (adjusted R ² = .38) indicates that motivational, personality, and contextual factors account for 40% of the variance in adolescents' purpose. Table 4 displays the standardized regression coefficients, R ², and F statistic. The multiple correlation significantly differed from zero, F(8,131) = 10.87, p < .000, with R ² at .40 and 95%. For the four regression coefficients that differed significantly from zero, motivation was a significant, positive correlate of purpose (ß = .35, p < .000); conscientiousness positively correlated with purpose (ß = .26, p = .001); mattering also emerged as a significant, positive correlate of purpose (ß = .29, p = .000); and, finally, neighborhood social capital was a significant, negative correlate of purpose at (ß = −.20, p = .012).

Post‐hoc analyses

The same regression model was performed as an exploratory follow‐up after filtering the data set by sex. The predictors were age, motivation, hope, conscientiousness, family religious practices, mattering, and neighborhood social capital. Because each of the separate models by sex had fewer cases, we used GPower (Buchner et al., 2007) to run a post‐hoc power analysis to determine power for this set of analyses. The male sample achieved a power of 79%, with seven predictors, a sample of 77, and an effect size of R ² = .20. The female sample included 72 cases and seven predictors. With the same effect size indicator, power in this analysis was 75%. Like in the original regression model, all variables were included in the post hoc regression models, regardless of the correlation pattern. Both models were underpowered, but the models were worth testing.

The regression models for females and males were significant; however, different variables were associated with purpose across the two models. In both sets of analyses, the assumption for non‐collinearity was met. Across both studies, tolerances ranged from .715 to .925. There were no outliers in the regression models for female or male participants.

Model statistics for the model predicting purpose among female participants was F(7,67) = 8.29, p = .000, with R ² at .50 (adjusted R ² = .44) and 95% confidence limits from .35 to .65. In addition to the coefficients that were significant in the combined sex sample (i.e., motivation, conscientiousness, mattering, and neighborhood social capital), age and family religious practices also significantly correlated with purpose for girls (see Table 5). Age was positively correlated with purpose for females, ß = .22, p = .027, with 95% confidence limits from .02 to .30. The family religious practices measure was a negative correlate of purpose (ß = −.25, p = .016), with 95% confidence limits −.30 and −.03.

TABLE 5.

Female and male participants regression findings predicting purpose.

	Female		Male
	B (SE)	β	B (SE)	β
Predictor variables
Age	.16 (.07)	.22**	−.14 (.10)	−.14
Motivation	.62 (.13)	.51***	.29 (.11)	.28**
Hope	.07 (.07)	.10	.09 (.11)	.09
Conscientiousness	.31 (.12)	.27***	.35 (.15)	.25**
FRP	−.17 (.07)	−.25**	.16 (.08)	.20*
Mattering	.30 (.09)	.40***	.21 (.10)	.22**
NSC	−.17 (.09)	−.22*	−.21 (.09)	−.24**
R 2	.50		.46
Adjusted R 2	.44		.40

Abbreviations: FRP, family religious practices; NSC, neighborhood social capital.

^* p < .10.

^** p < .05.

^*** p < .01.

The model predicting purpose among male participants was significant F(7,72) = 7.624, p < .001, with R ² at .46 (adjusted R ² = .40) and 95% confidence limits from .31 to .61. For young men, motivation (ß = .28, p = .013) and conscientiousness (ß = .25, p = .025) were correlated with purpose; neighborhood social capital and mattering were not significantly correlated with purpose. However, the measure of family religious practices was a marginally significant positive correlate of purpose for males (ß = .20, p = .058).

In sum, higher motivation and conscientiousness correlate with purpose in Black adolescents for the entire sample. Additionally, mattering to adults in school and neighborhood social capital was associated with higher purpose. When the sample was split by sex, results revealed that age was significantly correlated with purpose for female students; on average, an increase in age was associated with .25 higher purpose scores among female students. For female adolescents, the measure of family religious practices was negatively correlated with purpose, as each unit increase in family religiosity for female participants was equivalent to a .25 decrease in purpose scores. In the male sample, family religious practices emerged as a marginally significant positive correlate of purpose, as each unit increase in family religiosity for male participants was equivalent to a .20 increase in purpose scores.

DISCUSSION

The current study examined how individual and contextual factors are associated with purpose in the lives of urban‐residing Black adolescents. Centering PVEST, an identity‐focused cultural ecological model, we situate Black adolescents' contexts (family, school, and neighborhood) as important for purpose, in addition to individual‐level factors (personality and motivation). Previous literature about purpose in adolescence has predominantly focused on personality or other individual‐level correlates of purpose. Considering the connection between individual and context, explorations of adolescent purpose that ignore the relevance of context represent a limited vantage point. This research advances current knowledge about adolescent purpose by exploring the individual‐level correlates and contextual characteristics of urban‐residing Black adolescents. Importantly, this study contributes a more nuanced and asset‐based understanding of Black adolescents living in poverty. This ecologically grounded exploration of purpose for Black youth is significant due to the need for schools and community contexts to support thriving despite the reality of oppressive societal factors that can negatively influence Black youth's learning, development, and life trajectories. Purpose has the potential to serve a buffering effect, protecting Black youths' identities from the impact of a racist society. Thus, it is important to understand factors that might support purpose.

Purpose is aligned with the identity formation process, which is central to adolescent development. As adolescents explore and commit to an identity (who they will be), many also consider possibilities for purpose (what they will accomplish). All adolescents engage in identity formation processes and eventually commit to aspects of a coherent identity. Research shows that only about 20% of adolescents commit to a purpose (Bronk & Finch, 2010). In previous studies of purpose, Black youth scored higher on measures of purpose than White, Asian, and Latinx counterparts (Hatchimonji et al., 2021; Malin et al., 2019).

The current study, which only included Black adolescents, did not find differences in purpose by age when considering the entire sample. When the sample was split by sex, we found that older Black female students reported higher purpose scores than younger Black female students. Study participants were all high school students ages 14–18, spanning middle and late adolescence. The lack of differences in purpose by age among the entire sample suggests that adolescents across middle‐ and late adolescence vary little in commitment to purpose. This is not surprising considering findings related to individual differences in identity formation processes and identity statuses between middle and late adolescence (Meeus et al., 2010). Our identification of a significant difference by age with female students represents an interesting twist. It is not clear that an age‐sequenced developmental pattern exists for purpose, as an aspect of identity formation. Future studies might explore whether or not purpose development follows a developmental trajectory between various stages of childhood through emerging adulthood.

Personality and purpose

Important findings emerged in exploring the associations between purpose and personality traits, namely conscientiousness and hope. Our original hypothesis was partially supported. Analyses revealed that conscientiousness and purpose were positively associated at the bivariate level and in the regression analyses. Hope is correlated with purpose at the bivariate level, but it is not a significant independent correlate of purpose in the regression model.

Although previous studies have demonstrated an association between purpose and conscientiousness (Schmutte & Ryff, 1997; Schnell & Becker, 2006), this study is the first to empirically demonstrate that highly conscientious Black youth in a high‐poverty context are also more likely to report having a sense of purpose. The direction of the association between conscientiousness and purpose is not clear. In other words, it is not clear whether youth who are conscientious are more likely to commit to a sense of purpose, as suggested by Komarraju et al. (2011), or if youth who believe that their life has purpose are more likely to behave conscientiously as a means of ensuring that they can achieve their purpose (see Costa et al., 1991). Developmental science will benefit from longitudinal investigations of the relations between conscientiousness and purpose and the ways that conscientious youth respond to adversity, uncertainty, frustration, and change.

As noted earlier, contrary to our hypotheses, our multivariate analyses indicated that hope was not associated with purpose for the youth in this study. Previous studies have reported a relationship between hope and purpose in populations of White adolescents (Bronk et al., 2009; Burrow & Hill, 2011). Though hope was a reliable measure in this study, the lack of relationship between hope and purpose for this sample of low‐income, urban‐residing Black youth may suggest that structural and developmental realities disrupt the relations between agency and goals for Black youth in low‐income communities. More specifically, inequitable opportunities and the realities of racialized and gendered discrimination may mean that for Black youth, hope (i.e., optimism, plans, and the perception that one has the capacity to achieve one's goals) may be necessary but not sufficient to fuel purpose. Lateef et al. (2023) discuss the need to center Afrocentric cultural norms in discussing goal orientation among Black youth. In their study, Ubuntu, a value related to social connection, mediated the relationship between goal orientation and social competence. Other factors (e.g., access to mentors) may mediate the relationship between hope and purpose in this population. Future studies of purpose and Black youth should test for possible mediational relations.

Conscientiousness was significantly and positively associated with purpose in this study of Black adolescents. In other words, Black youth who embody self‐discipline and a high achievement orientation are more likely to report having purpose in life. The question may arise of why conscientiousness was associated with purpose but hope was not. Conscientiousness was likely associated with purpose in this study because conscientiousness embodies a notion of commitment, which may lead one to embrace a life purpose more readily. Although hope and purpose both hinge on the centrality of goals, the findings suggest that defining and perhaps achieving one's purpose requires more than optimism, planning, and a sense of agency. Instead, defining and achieving one's purpose depends on discipline, commitment, and focus. This may be especially true for Black youth living in under‐resourced families and communities. Black adolescents may be more inclined to have purpose when they have a personality disposition toward commitment and achievement than when they self‐identify as having clear goals. This finding is consistent with the tenets of PVEST, which suggests that net vulnerability consists of risk and protective factors associated with net stress. In sum, our findings support the notion that although Black youth in low‐income contexts have higher net stress, some cultural resources and some dispositions (e.g., conscientiousness) can be a protective factor leading to developmental assets (e.g., purpose). This finding has implications for interventions in that it suggests that programs aimed at helping youth live purposeful lives must do more than cultivate hope; they must also cultivate and support conscientiousness among youth.

The absence of a direct association between hope and purpose also raises important questions about the conceptual relations between these two constructs and whether other factors may mediate this relation. Spirituality/religiosity may be an important mediator of this relation for Black youth. Indeed, conceptual and empirical research demonstrates that hope is fueled by religiosity and spirituality (Mattis & Mattis, 2011; Goodwill & Hope, 2024; Harley, 2015). Youth who believe in God, those who pray, and those who benefit from connection to religious communities and religious social networks have a greater sense of optimism about the future. These youth may come to expect that God will provide them not just with a sense of purpose, but with the vision, the pathways, and the resources to achieve that purpose. In this study, we explored the connection between family religiosity and purpose. However, future studies should explore the direct relations between youth's personal (i.e., subjective) religiosity and spirituality and purpose and the extent to which subjective religiosity and spirituality mediate the relations between hope and purpose. Further, to the extent that youth's religious and spiritual traditions suggest that achieving purpose requires not just personal agency and volition but divine agency and intervention, future studies should expand the constructs of hope and purpose to account for perceptions of the role of the divine in establishing a sense of purpose, and in the conviction that this purpose can be achieved.

Motivation and purpose

In support of our second hypothesis, Black adolescents who report higher motivation are more likely to report having a greater sense of purpose. For this study, motivation was situated in an expectancy‐value conceptualization that incorporates an individual's expectation for success and value in distinct domains, namely, school‐related and extracurricular activities. Significantly, motivation for school‐related and out‐of‐school time (OST) activities is associated with higher purpose. As this study demonstrates an association between motivation and purpose in a sample of Black, urban‐residing youth, schools and out‐of‐school youth‐serving organizations should explore opportunities for engaging youth that employ relevant curricula and create opportunities that optimize student motivation by emphasizing cultural relevance, interests, and values.

It is paramount for youth to identify avenues for motivation as they progress through adolescence and into adulthood, as motivation informs the identity process (Eccles, 2009). Given PVEST, some youth might use school motivation as an adaptive coping strategy, driving them to pursue school success with hopes of escaping aspects of the environment. This coping strategy may connect to the development of purpose. The connection between purpose and motivation invites a closer look at the structural antecedents to motivation in schools, including interpersonal, instructional, and institutional opportunity structures (Gray et al., 2018).

Mattering in school and purpose

Several findings emerged regarding the link between purpose and context. In alignment with the original hypotheses, adolescents who indicated that school was a place where they mattered to an adult reported higher purpose than peers who did not believe they mattered in school. This finding suggests that schools that successfully foster strong relationships between students and adults in the school are more likely to be spaces where young people have a sense of purpose. The connection between mattering and purpose represents the possibility of social support as an adaptive coping strategy aligned with Spencer's PVEST model (Cunningham et al., 2023; Spencer, 2006).

Mattering to adults may be related to purpose through two different mechanisms. First, adolescents' positive relationships with non‐familial adults have been shown to support positive identity (Nakkula & Toshalis, 2006; Steger et al., 2012) and mental health (Hurd et al., 2012; Hurd & Zimmerman, 2010). These relationships may affirm identity and enhance students' sense of self. In other words, a student knowing they are seen as valuable to a non‐familial adult in school may suggest to them the potential for significance in the broader world. This sense of significance in the broader world is the essence of purpose. White et al. (2021) found that natural mentors foster purpose through affirmation, cultivation, and guidance. As adults in school and out‐of‐school contexts engage and encourage youth, those young people are more likely to have a sense of purpose that can guide them into adulthood.

A second mechanism through which mattering may support purpose may be through the content of the conversations that unfold between caring adults and adolescents. Noddings (2012) indicated that different types of conversations between adults and adolescents in schools are critical to social and emotional development in adolescents. One type of conversation, the “immortal” conversation, may be especially relevant to fostering purpose. The “immortal” conversation invites dialogue about “big” questions, such as the meaning in life and the purpose of human existence. These conversations are more likely to happen when adults and students in schools are relationally connected (Rhodes et al., 2006).

Mattering to adults in school may increase the likelihood of adolescents engaging in meaningful, immortal conversations with caring adults. These conversations can foster purpose in adolescents. It may be that mattering cultivates purpose through conversations adults have with youth. However, it is also possible that youth with a sense of purpose tend to attract the attention and care of adults in their environment. Future studies should qualitatively explore interactions between adolescents and caring adults to analyze the mechanisms through which mattering might lead to purpose.

Neighborhood and purpose

The exploration of purpose and neighborhood context produced a finding that contradicted the expected findings. Black students who saw their neighborhoods as unsafe and less socially cohesive reported a greater level of purpose than did their peers who felt the neighborhood was safer and socially cohesive. This unexpected finding can be interpreted as a resilience approach for young people living in urban, low‐income contexts. Resilience is a “dynamic process encompassing positive adaptation within the context of significant adversity” (Luthar et al., 2000, p. 543). Resilience occurs when someone experiences trauma or adversity and consequently experiences growth and transcends challenges. Adolescents who grow up in high‐poverty, socially marginalized communities are more likely to experience life events that represent significant adversity. It is possible that the adolescents in this study, who experience and acknowledge unsafe neighborhoods, were able to adapt, possibly using those events to find meaning and motivation. This aligns with PVEST's acknowledgment of differential coping strategies to adverse experiences, as well as with studies that highlight the presence of resilience in urban youth exposed to neighborhood‐level violence (Jain & Cohen, 2013; Spencer, 1986). The qualitative exploration of Gutowski et al. (2017) indicates the influence of stress on youth of color in low‐income communities. It suggests that youth have opposite responses to stress in their environment. For some, living in poverty hinders development or purpose. For other youth in the same context, environmental stress becomes a motivator to escape the conditions of poverty. This study, which gauges students' perception of their environment, supports the “stress as motivator” experience for urban‐residing Black youth in a low‐income community.

Family religious practices and purpose

Contrary to expectations, family religious practices, as a measure of religiosity/spirituality in the family context, did not correlate with purpose for adolescents in this study. However, sex emerged as a significant part of the story of purpose and faith. Young men in the study who reported a higher level of family religiosity indicated higher purpose than their male counterparts who reported low family religiosity. This association between family religiosity and purpose was marginally significant but was anticipated. Religion and spirituality are protective factors for adolescents, supporting positive developmental assets such as purpose (Davis et al., 2003). However, family religiosity was a significant but negative correlate of purpose for females in this study. This suggests the usefulness of intersectionality theories in the relationship between purpose and family religious/spiritual practices. Faith communities differ significantly in how they situate sex roles and communicate messages about sex. Religious institutions and families that adhere to more patriarchal religious ideologies may communicate messages that support meaning and purpose to young men while unwittingly undervaluing or undermining purpose among young women. Drawing from our central theory for this study, Velez and Spencer (2018) emphasize intersectionality as interconnected with PVEST, emphasizing how aspects of adolescents' views of power structures and social positions inform their perceptions of their context and influence development.

LIMITATIONS

Study findings were somewhat narrow in that the data was cross‐sectional and explored purpose in one school setting. Focusing on one high school setting was helpful because it allowed for an in‐depth exploration of a single context and gathered data from most students in the school. Additionally, with one school, the relatively small sample size presented some limitations in available analytic methods. For example, the post‐hoc analysis of the relationship between family religious practices and purpose by sex was underpowered. Reduced power has the potential to skew results. Secondly, the multiple iterations of analyses performed on data increased the risk of a Type I error. These analytical concerns give reason for some caution in interpreting the study findings. Exploring manifestations of purpose across multiple settings and with a larger sample size would offer a broader perspective, thus further advancing our understanding of developmental assets in urban‐residing adolescents.

Stronger measures of purpose have been developed (Bronk et al., 2018; Hill et al., 2015) and could be used in future studies with this population. As an additional analytic concern, the direction of the relations between the variables could not be assessed because of limitations in the study design. In other words, it is unclear if highly motivated adolescents are more likely to have a purpose or if more purposeful adolescents tend to be more motivated. Using a longitudinal approach in future studies of adolescent purpose would allow for more robust analytical approaches that might determine the nature of the relationship between variables in this study.

CONCLUSION

Future research examining purpose and other psychological strengths in urban‐residing Black adolescents may benefit from employing mixed methods designs to develop a more nuanced understanding of positive strengths. An exploratory sequential approach that begins with qualitative methods to develop a grounded theory of purpose and then develops new measures and interview protocols may be needed to construct a culturally centered theory of purpose in urban‐residing Black youth in low‐income environments. A mixed methods approach can lead to the development of psychosocial interventions to support the identity processes for youth who may have to navigate certain socioecological obstacles en route to adulthood infused with purpose and opportunities to make meaningful contributions to the world.

The findings on the association between motivation, personality, and context paint a picture of purpose that is more complex than conceptualizations linking purposefulness solely to dispositional traits. The discussion of purpose can be too easily mired in an individual‐level focused framework that suggests that youth are wholly responsible for their own purposefulness or lack of purpose. This study demonstrates that context is an important consideration in understanding purpose in adolescence. Based on this study, family religious context influences purpose, albeit differently for males and females. Adolescents' relationships within the school context are associated with a sense of purpose, with mattering in school positively associated with purpose. Further, neighborhood‐level characteristics are also associated with purpose in urban‐residing adolescents, with Black students from less cohesive neighborhoods more likely to have a sense of purpose. These findings contribute to a more nuanced, ecologically grounded understanding of purpose and positive development of Black adolescents in low‐income, urban environments.

This study has implications for practice that can support positive developmental trajectories for Black adolescents. Our understanding of purpose as a potential protective factor for urban‐residing youth in high‐stress environments should lead to interventions that might increase the likelihood that Black youth explore and commit to purpose. The finding related to mattering in school has particular implications for practice. Developmental relationships are central to identity formation processes, but this study suggests that connections between caring adults and adolescents can also foster a sense of purpose. Knowing the connection between mattering and purpose should lead to designing schools and community‐based programs that emphasize the importance of youth mattering to adults.

FUNDING INFORMATION

Funding was obtained by the Horace H. Rackham School of Graduate Studies, University of Michigan.

CONFLICT OF INTEREST STATEMENT

No conflict of interest exists for this study.

Osai, E. R. , & Mattis, J. S. (2025). Young, purposed, and Black: Understanding purpose in low‐income, urban‐residing Black adolescents. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 35, e70038. 10.1111/jora.70038

DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.