Exploring Latino Cultural Factors from the Perspective of Sexual Minority Men in the USA

Abstract

Existing research on Latino cultural factors mainly focuses on gender and nationality, often overlooking sexual orientation and giving limited attention to the experiences of Latino sexual minority men in the USA. This study addressed this gap by exploring how sexual minority men identify, describe and experience Latino cultural factors. Between April and December 2019, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 28 men (ages 18–40, 43% non-US-born) in the greater Miami, Florida area to explore their engagement in HIV prevention and behavioural health services. Secondary qualitative analysis examined five Latino cultural factors (personalismo, machismo, familismo, fatalismo and curanderismo), informed by the existing literature for initial coding and supplemented by the use of an inductive approach, yielding 14 subthemes. Findings revealed that although participants often described cultural factors in their traditional interpretations within the Latino community at large, they also highlighted unique experiences, particularly for relationship-oriented factors like personalismo, machismo and familismo. Sexual orientation stigma shaped participant’s experiences of these cultural factors. This study enhances knowledge about Latino sexual minority men’s lived experiences in the USA, underscoring how cultural factors are perceived both traditionally and uniquely, and emphasises the need for nuanced, culturally tailored assessments in future research.

The Latino¹ community, the largest ethnic minority in the USA, comprises 19% of the population (USCB 2023). This group is diverse in race, immigration status, national origin, gender identity and sexual orientation (Zong 2022). Latino sexual minority men – including gay, bisexual and other men who have sex with men – face unique challenges due to their intersectional minoritised identities, linked to their positionality within both Latino and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) communities (Cyrus 2017; Parra and Hastings 2018). These men specifically experience dual marginalisation, enduring racism and ethnocentrism from the wider society, as well as biases within heteronormative Latino culture (Patrón 2021c; Toomey et al. 2018). These compounded oppressions significantly affect Latino sexual minority men’s mental and physical well-being (Barrington et al. 2019; Eaton and Rios 2017; García et al. 2022; Mayo et al. 2023; Reisen et al. 2013).

Culture, defined by shared values, beliefs and practices, deeply influences health behaviours and outcomes (Napier et al. 2017; 2014). In the Latino community, five major cultural factors impact health and well-being (Barrera and Longoria 2018; Caballero 2011; Flores 2000; Gloria and Peregoy 1996; Interian and Díaz-Martínez 2007). Personalismo emphasises trust in relationships, improving patient-provider communication but potentially deterring care from unfamiliar providers (Barrera and Longoria 2018; Caballero 2011; Interian and Díaz-Martínez 2007). Machismo, with its focus on masculine pride, can discourage seeking help for perceived weaknesses, yet may prompt action if health issues hinder responsibilities (Barrera and Longoria 2018; Caballero 2011; Gloria and Peregoy 1996). Familismo prioritises family support, aiding treatment adherence but possibly creating stress if family expectations conflict with health needs (Barrera and Longoria 2018; Caballero 2011; Flores 2000). Fatalismo, the belief in fate’s control, can hinder preventive care and increase distress but may also offer a coping mechanism (Barrera and Longoria 2018; Caballero 2011; Flores 2000; Interian and Díaz-Martínez 2007). Curanderismo, which links to the value of traditional healing, can complement or delay conventional treatment depending on its use (Barrera and Longoria 2018; Flores 2000; Gloria and Peregoy 1996). However, due to the diversity within the Latino community, these cultural factors may not be uniformly experienced across subgroups (Castro, Berkel, and Epstein 2023).

Research on Latino cultural factors often overlooks the community’s diversity, primarily focusing on gender and nationality while neglecting sexuality and sexual orientation (Barrera and Longoria 2018; Caballero 2011; Flores 2000; Gloria and Peregoy 1996; Interian and Díaz-Martínez 2007), thus reinforcing a heteronormative perspective. Although research with sexual minority men is growing, much of it emphasises machismo and familismo (De Santis et al. 2019; Patrón 2021a; 2021b; Patrón and Harper 2024; Patrón and Rodriguez 2022; Rivera, Brady, and Blashill 2021; Surace, Levitt, and Horne 2017). Quantitative studies using traditional Latino cultural definitions show that machismo and familismo impact sexual minority men’s sexual health and psychological well-being (De Santis et al. 2019; Rivera, Brady, and Blashill 2021; Surace, Levitt, and Horne 2017). In contrast, qualitative research reveals conflicts between queerness and traditional definitions of machismo and familismo (Patrón 2021a; 2021b; Patrón and Rodriguez 2022; Patrón and Harper 2024), highlighting the need for intersectional research to understand how sexual minority men experience and navigate these Latino cultural factors. Thus, considering the cultural nuances of oppression (Delucio and Villicana 2021; Yang et al. 2007), this study aimed to explore how traditional Latino cultural factors are shaped by the at least dual minority status of Latino sexual minority men, stemming from their intersecting identities of Latino ethnicity and sexual minority status.

Theoretical Framework

Originally developed to address the dual oppressions of race and gender affecting Black women (Crenshaw 1989), intersectionality theory has since expanded to encompass other social identities, including ethnicity and sexual orientation (Cho, Crenshaw, and McCall 2013; Cole 2009). The theory emphasises analysing how multiple identities interact within systems of oppression such as racism, ethnocentrism and heteronormativity – each of which poses challenges for Latino sexual minority men (Cyrus 2017; Parra and Hastings 2018). Research applying intersectionality theory has highlighted the unique health disparities Latino sexual minority men face, especially with respect to mental health, substance use and HIV-related outcomes, compared to their non-Latino and heterosexual peers (Barrington et al. 2019; Mayo et al. 2023; Reisen et al. 2013; Schmitz et al. 2019). In cultural research, intersectionality is crucial for understanding how cultural phenomena arise from the interaction between individual identities and systemic forces (Delucio and Villicana 2021). This approach helps uncover the distinct experiences of subgroups, recognising intracultural variations (Delucio and Villicana 2021; Viruell-Fuentes, Miranda, and Abdulrahim 2012). While earlier research on sexual minority men and Latino cultural factors may not have explicitly used an intersectional framework, its findings often emphasise the need for this perspective to fully grasp men’s unique cultural experiences (Patrón 2021a; 2021b; Patrón and Harper 2024; Patrón and Rodriguez 2022), which often contrast with the heteronormative norms of the broader Latino community.

The Present Study

This study addressed a gap in the literature on Latino cultural factors by focusing on sexual minority men, a group often overlooked due to the omission of sexual orientation in prior research. Using an intersectional framework, this qualitative study explored how men’s identities within both Latino and LGBTQ communities shape their interpretation of cultural factors, acknowledging potential differences from the broader Latino community. It specifically examined well-researched factors like machismo and familismo, as well as less studied factors such as personalismo, fatalismo and curanderismo, offering an in-depth understanding of sexual minority men’s unique Latino cultural experiences.

Methods

This study conducted a secondary qualitative analysis of data originally collected to investigate Latino sexual minority men’s engagement with HIV prevention and behavioural health services (Harkness et al. 2021). After the parent study’s analysis, the research team observed that participants often implicitly discussed cultural factors, such as machismo and familismo, despite no specific interview questions asked about this. This prompted a literature review to formally defined and identify the most relevant cultural factors in the Latino community (i.e. machismo, familismo, personalismo, fatalismo and curanderismo) for the more in-depth and systematic exploration detailed in this manuscript.

Participants and Procedures

Participants were recruited from two prior HIV prevention and behavioural health studies (Mimiaga et al. 2018; Pachankis et al. 2022). Eligibility criteria for the current study included identifying as: 1) gay, bisexual or a man having sex with men, 2) Latino or Hispanic, 3) HIV negative or unknown status, 4) a resident of the greater Miami, Florida area and 5) between 18 and 60 years. Participants were screened, consented and interviewed, receiving US$50 upon completion. All procedures were approved by the University of Miami’s Institutional Review Board.

All participants were cisgender men (n=28), mostly identifying as gay (n=23) and White Latino (n=19), with an average age of 29 years (range: 18–40). Most were born in the continental USA (n=16; all US states and territories, excluding Puerto Rico), followed by South America (n=6), the Caribbean (n=5; including Puerto Rico) and Central America (n=1). Over half spoke Spanish as their first language (n=16), although most preferred English (n=25). More detailed demographic information is reported elsewhere (Harkness et al. 2021).

Data Collection

Semi-structured Interviews

Between April and December 2019, trained staff conducted semi-structured individual interviews, averaging 57 minutes. Following an interview guide developed by the senior author [AH] for the parent study, these interviews explored participants’ perceptions of Latino sexual minority men’s involvement in HIV prevention and behavioural health services and research.² Open-ended questions addressed factors promoting and hindering utilisation and suggestions for improvement in HIV testing, pre-exposure prophylaxis, mental health counselling, substance use treatment and research participation. Although not part of the original guide, discussions concerning cultural factors arose spontaneously. Recorded interviews were transcribed and then audited by team members for accuracy.

Positionality Statement

The coding team comprised six authors—three Latino [DHAM, DM, RSA], two White [AH, MP] and one Black [CM]—who were directly involved in data analysis. The coding team included three cisgender men and three cisgender women, with three identifying as gay and the others as LGBTQ allies. The first author, according to the order in the author list, led the analysis and consensus discussions involving the second, third, fifth and seventh authors, with guidance from the senior author [AH]. The senior author, with extensive research and clinical experience with Latino sexual minority men in Miami, Florida, provided ongoing feedback. All members of the coding team were trained in qualitative research and health disparities affecting sexual minority and Latino communities, so as to promote a nuanced analysis informed by our diverse identities.

Qualitative Analysis

We used a mixed deductive and inductive approach to conduct our qualitative analysis. The deductive component utilised a directed content analysis approach (Hsieh and Shannon 2005). An initial codebook was developed based on five Latino cultural factors: personalismo, machismo, familismo, fatalismo and curanderismo. The coding team applied this codebook to identify relevant sections in all the interviews, focusing on narratives that implicitly referenced the identified Latino cultural factors, as operationalised in our current study.

The inductive component followed a thematic analysis approach (Joffe 2011), which involved involving data familiarisation, codebook creation, coding consensus and computer-assisted data analysis. Team members systematically reviewed the content associated with each cultural factor theme, leading to the inductive development of preliminary subthemes. With the senior author’s guidance, the team revised the codebook, which originally included five deductively identified themes (e.g. cultural factors), to encompass 14 additional inductively identified subthemes (focusing on participants’ interpretation of each cultural factor). Then, team members coded all the content identified from the deductive coding at the subtheme level. Periodic team meetings were held to establish consensus on subtheme coding, revise the codebook as needed and assess thematic saturation. The team collectively determined that saturation was reached once no new themes emerged via the coding process (Guest, Bunce, and Johnson 2016). Coding was recorded within NVivo 12 (Dhakal 2022), a qualitative analysis software.

To avoid broad assumptions about Latino cultural factors in the larger sexual minority men population, the study analysed narrative accounts within the constraints of the parent study’s sample. Specifically, it focused on spontaneous discussions of cultural factors related to participant’s relationship to HIV prevention and behavioural health services and research.

Findings

The data robustly represented the deductively coded Latino cultural factors, with nearly all participants referencing each of the five themes: personalismo (n=28, 100%), machismo (n=28, 100%), familismo (n=23, 82%), fatalismo (n=27, 96%) and curanderismo (n=28, 100%). These themes were further defined across 14 subthemes, each reflecting distinct aspects of how participants experienced these cultural factors.

Personalismo

All participants discussed personalismo during their interview. In this study, personalismo was represented through three subthemes: (1) warmth from personal and familiar interactions; (2) feeling connected based on shared identities; and (3) welcoming spaces that fostered trust and comfort.

Warmth from personal and familiar interactions

Many participants (n=25, 89%) emphasised how personal and familiar interactions fostered warmth and closeness in their relationships. For Latino sexual minority men who may face judgment or rejection due to heteronormative biases, these interactions—especially with trusted individuals—offered emotional support. For example, one participant shared that having friends accompany him to a clinic visit significantly eased his worry:

Even if it’s just a couple friends—someone who you feel good enough to talk to and be like, “Hey, I don’t really wanna go to this clinic by myself. I need a helping hand”—those are the kind of people that I feel like you should surround yourselves with instead of others who are gonna judge you for your mistakes. (White Latino gay man, early 20s, US-born)

Feeling connected based on shared identities

Participants (n=18, 64%) also noted the importance of connecting with others through shared identities and social, cultural or experiential backgrounds. These commonalities, particularly relating to ethnicity and sexual orientation, were helpful in building meaningful connections, especially in professional settings like healthcare. For example, one participant felt a sense of comfort when his healthcare provider shared his Latino background:

You feel like you have a connection like, “Oh, okay. They’re Latino too, and they kind of get where I’m coming from. They probably grew up [in a] similar culture—even though there’s a lot of different countries, but there’s a commonality there somehow.” I feel like sometimes, it’s more comfortable to deal with somebody who you feel like has that same background. (Multiracial Latino gay man, mid 30s, US-born)

Welcoming spaces facilitate comfort and trust

Nearly all participants (n=27, 96%) emphasised how welcoming spaces, particularly those that were inclusive of LGBTQ individuals, enhanced their comfort and trust. Environments free from unwelcoming or judgmental attitudes towards their sexual orientation facilitated the development of rapport. For instance, one participant mentioned that selecting a “gay-friendly” medical office improved his comfort and openness about his sexual health:

…the medical office that I chose apparently was very, very gay-friendly. I wasn’t going for that… [but] I figured, “Okay, it’s more comfortable” ‘cause I think it kind of promotes that sort of environment where you feel safe in saying, “Yes, I have had sex”…it’s always nice to know that someone understands, and you’re not going to be judged… (White Latino gay man, mid 20s, US-born)

Machismo

Machismo was often referenced in the context of participants’ sexual and mental health, as well as sexual orientation more broadly. Overall, they expressed a need to conform to masculine norms in the Latino community in order to avoid a sense of failure and stigma. Machismo was represented by three subthemes: (1) men should be stoic and self-reliant; (2) men should not show traditionally feminine characteristics; and (3) non-heterosexual identities are not masculine.

Men should be stoic and self-reliant

Many participants (n=23, 82%) discussed the strong emphasis in Latino culture on suppressing emotions and managing problems independently. Participants felt pressured to internalise their feelings and avoid seeking help to prevent appearing weak or reinforcing negative stereotypes about their sexual orientation. As one participant reflected:

You’re supposed to just endure and suffer through it and just kind of get over it and move on. It’s like, you don’t complain about it. Nobody wants to hear you complain. You’re being whiny. You’re being like a baby, like a brat… You’re a man, so you’re supposed to be able to deal with it and get over it and not cry about it and not whine about it. (Multiracial Latino gay man, mid 30s, US-born)

Men should not show traditionally feminine characteristics

A proportion of participants (n=13, 46%) reported the need to conceal behaviours perceived as flamboyant or feminine. This awareness was a strategy to counteract negative stereotypes about their sexual orientation and gain respect from within the Latino community. Latino sexual minority men often felt pressured to conform to these expectations to avoid appearing non-masculine.

I feel like gay guys are very aware of what is considered masculine and what is considered feminine in a weird way. Probably more than straight guys because they have to think about it more than a straight guy does. They’re kind of like hyperaware of it, and they really internalise that a lot (Multiracial Latino gay man, mid 30s, US-born)

Non-heterosexual identities are not masculine

The pressure to conceal their sexual orientation was prevalent among participants (n=24, 86%), particularly within the Latino community and during interactions with healthcare providers. Participants described the need to assert their masculinity to counter stigma associated with non-heterosexual identities. Some men avoided discussing their sexual behaviour to maintain their masculine identity in environments that viewed same-sex relationships as non-masculine.

…they [other Latino sexual minority men] don’t feel comfortable talking about it—the whole idea of being gay… Not even gay, just that they are not hetero. Because it’s that idea that, “Oh I can have sex with men if I’m penetrating them, and then I’m not gay. I’m not bisexual. I’m not anything.” They don’t accept it. They don’t view themselves as us. (Multiracial Latino gay man, mid 20s, South American-born)

Familismo

Latino sexual minority men frequently mentioned familismo in the context of their sexual orientation and health-seeking behaviours. Although participants described their family’s beliefs as a source of stress and stigma, they emphasised the importance of their family’s opinions and expressed the desire for their approval which was sometimes challenging in the context of familial homonegativity. In this study, familismo, was comprised of the following subthemes: (1) facing devaluation and stigma within one’s family; (2) building outside social support to avoid familial stigma; and (3) wanting the support of family.

Facing devaluation and stigma within one’s family

Participants (n=12, 43%) reported feeling devalued within their families due to their sexual orientation. Familial expectations of heteronormativity and masculinity often forced participants to hide their sexual orientation, as discussing same-sex relationships was taboo. These homonegative attitudes were rooted in the belief that their sexual orientation reflected poorly on the family, leading to feelings of diminished status. For example:

…family could be like “Oh, what’s wrong with you?” Or they don’t understand [your sexual orientation]. I know it is South Florida, but some people just they’re okay with their neighbour being gay. But when it has to do with their family then it’s a problem. (White Latino bisexual man, late 20s, US-born)

Building outside social support to avoid familial stigma

Some participants (n=12, 43%) had created a “chosen family” of friends, romantic partners, and peers to provide the understanding and affirmation missing from their families of origin. This chosen family became a vital source of emotional and social support amidst familial homonegativity.

I feel like our families don’t really help… they think, that being gay means that you have HIV… [But] I feel like having friends that know what they’re talking about helps [because] then you know, and then you’re educated… but I feel like a lot of guys start from that point with that stigma [from their families]… (Multiracial Latino gay man, mid 30s, US-born)

Wanting the support of family

Despite facing familial stigma, a significant number of participants (n=19, 68%) expressed the desire for their family’s support and approval. This longing, which often conflicted with the stigma they faced, highlighted the importance they placed on family opinions. Many continued to seek their family’s involvement, especially in healthcare and mental health.

…having them [Latino sexual minority men] talk to family members and be like, “Yo, I need help [for my mental health]. I’m getting the help I need [for my mental health], so I need you to support me” (White Latino gay man, mid 20s, US-born)

Fatalismo

Participants primarily referred to fatalismo when discussing sexual behaviour. For Latino sexual minority men, fatalismo was comprised of two subthemes: (1) fear and avoidance of catastrophic news; and (2) perceived lack of control over the future.

Fear and avoidance of catastrophic news

A significant number of participants (n=24, 86%) reported profound anxiety about potential catastrophic outcomes, especially related to sexual health. This fear was particularly acute during the waiting period for HIV test results, where concern about a positive result could be overwhelming. One participant shared his experience:

…I think it all goes back to just fear of [possibly] being [HIV] positive ‘cause, I mean, while you’re there waiting [for the HIV test], you’re fearing the result. That’s the longest two minutes of your life. It’s better when you know you fucked up [by being exposed to HIV]… I’ve been there a couple times and praying, “God, just get me through this one. I won’t do it again.” (Multiracial Latino gay man, mid 30s, Caribbean-born)

Perceived lack of control about the future

Many participants (n=20, 71%) reported feelings of helplessness about their future, which could lead to behaviours such as condomless sex, multiple partners, or substance use. This belief in the inevitability of negative outcomes made preventive measures seem futile.

Just fear of not being in control because, if you catch something you weren’t expecting, you’re not—how do you prepare for that? Especially if it’s something that can’t be fixed… at least for me, when you lose control of certain things like that, it’s not good, [it] causes fear. (Multiracial Latino man who has sex with other men, mid 20s, US-born)

Curanderismo

Among participants, curanderismo served a central role in their health beliefs and behaviours. In terms of current medical and scientific practices, they expressed hesitancy and mistrust informed by their upbringing and culture. Latino sexual minority men in this study experienced curanderismo in three ways: (1) cultural influence on illness beliefs; (2) preference for alternative medicine; and (3) scepticism of conventional medicine.

Cultural influence on illness beliefs

Many participants (n=22, 79%) observed how cultural beliefs influenced their understanding of physical and mental health, often resulting in the minimisation or dismissal of mental health issues in particular. They frequently faced scepticism or criticism from their families when discussing mental health, which reinforced the view that such problems were not genuine but rather signs of personal weakness.

…everything on the physical always trumps and it supersedes the mental… I think there is more movement towards like holistic patient [care], which it always should’ve been… Make people realise that probably everybody could benefit from a little bit of treatment—just to get to know yourself better and really get to the crux… (White Latino gay man, late 20s, US-born)

Preference for alternative medicine

Many participants (n=17, 61%) expressed preferences for the use of alternative medicine, including home remedies and wellness practices, finding them more culturally aligned and accessible than conventional treatments. They utilised holistic or homeopathic approaches for health concerns, either alongside or in place of traditional medicine.

I am very into wellness, and I watch a lot about what I put into my body… I like to live a very healthy and active lifestyle. That also includes [not] taking any sort of medication. Anything that’s not natural, I don’t like to put in my body… I don’t want to be tied to taking a pill every single day, and I don’t know what the consequences are gonna be on my body. (White Latino gay man, mid 20s, US-born)

Scepticism of conventional medicine

Nearly all participants (n=27, 96%) expressed scepticism toward conventional medicine, particularly regarding long-term effects and research validity. This mistrust often led Latino sexual minority men to favour alternative approaches over traditional treatments. Participants attributed their scepticism to cultural influences and personal experiences.

I feel like Latinos might be more hesitant to take medicines… [compared to] White people [who] are more addicted to prescription medications and they’re more open to “something’s wrong with me”—like, “I’m depressed. Give me pills.” I feel like Latino people are more like, “I’m gonna deal with my own problems, but without taking any medications or anything like that.” (White Latino gay man, mid 20s, US-born)

Discussion

This study highlights how Latino sexual minority men uniquely interpret relationship-oriented cultural factors—personalismo, machismo and familismo—as they navigate their identities within both the Latino and LGBTQ communities. For instance, personalismo, which traditionally emphasises close, trust-based relationships (Barrera and Longoria 2018; Caballero 2011; Interian and Díaz-Martínez 2007), was similarly valued by participants; aligning with previous research that underscores the importance of trust, support and empathy in facilitating discussions about LGBTQ identity and HIV prevention (Kanamori et al. 2019; Patrón and Rodriguez 2022; Rogers et al. 2024). However, our findings further revealed that for Latino sexual minority men, personalismo extends beyond trust to include navigating the complex dynamic of balancing openness about their sexual orientation with the heteronormative expectations of their social circles.

Similarly, Latino sexual minority men in this study echoed the traditional values of machismo, characterized by rigid gender roles and heterosexual norms (Barrera and Longoria 2018; Caballero 2011; Gloria and Peregoy 1996). However, they also reported internal conflicts with their masculinity, consistent with past research showing that Latino sexual minority men often minimise feminine traits and distance themselves from the LGBTQ community to conform to traditional ideals of masculinity (Patrón and Harper 2024; Patrón and Rodriguez 2022). Our study builds on this by demonstrating that these men are not only navigating the pressures of machismo but are also reshaping it to reflect their sexual identities, as they grapple with the tension between these cultural expectations and their sexual minority status.

Regarding familismo, participants emphasised conventional values of family loyalty and support (Barrera and Longoria 2018; Caballero 2011; Flores 2000). Yet, they also expressed tension between maintaining familial bonds and facing potential rejection due to their sexual orientation, a phenomenon that Patrón (2021a; 2021b) described as precarious familismo. Our findings support this concept, as Latino sexual minority men in our study noted that when their family of origin failed to provide the support they expect based on familismo, they often turn to a chosen family comprised of peers, significant others and mentors. Overall, the current findings highlight the importance of understanding the intersectional identities of Latino sexual minority men, both at the crossroads of ethnic and sexual identity, when examining relationship-oriented cultural factors among this population.

Interestingly, our study revealed that Latino sexual minority men maintained traditional interpretations of fatalismo—the belief in predestined outcomes—and curanderismo—which involves traditional and holistic health practices (Barrera and Longoria 2018; Flores 2000; Gloria and Peregoy 1996)—without any noticeable variation. As these cultural factors are rooted in personal beliefs, such as perceptions of fate and health, they appear less dependent on social dynamics, which may explain their alignment with the broader Latino community’s interpretation. These findings provide valuable insight into which cultural factors are shaped by both ethnic and sexual identities, and which remain consistent among Latino sexual minority men.

Lastly, the geographical context of the greater Miami, Florida area adds nuance to the cultural experiences in this study. The region’s Latino-majority population typically holds more socially and politically conservative views compared to other Latino communities in the USA (Aranda, Chang, and Sabogal 2016; Soto-Vásquez and Hazelton 2023), which may intensify traditional gender roles and family expectations. At the same time, Miami is home to spaces and events celebrating the intersection of Latino and LGBTQ identities (Zebracki 2018; Kenttamaa Squires 2019), potentially fostering a more affirming atmosphere for LGBTQ Latino individuals. This blend of conservatism and LGBTQ visibility creates a complex social environment for Latino sexual minority men, which may reinforce relationship-oriented cultural factors such as personalismo, machismo and familismo, as they navigate the tensions between cultural heritage and sexual orientation. Overall, our findings provide insights into the lived experiences of Latino sexual minority men, highlighting the ways that widely documented Latino cultural factors are experienced by this population.

Implications for Practice

This study’s findings underscore the importance of a nuanced approach to supporting the health and well-being of Latino sexual minority men by recognising the influences of both their Latino and LGBTQ identities. Health practitioners involved in HIV prevention and behavioural health interventions should seek to work with relationship-oriented cultural factors such as personalismo, machismo and familismo, as experienced by Latino sexual minority men. Tailoring interventions to acknowledge Latino sexual minority men’s unique experiences of these cultural values could enhance engagement and effectiveness (Gerena 2023; Harkness et al., 2022; Schmitz, Robinson, and Sanchez 2020), particularly as these values shape men’s interactions within both their ethnic and sexual identity communities. For instance, fostering trust and support within personalismo, while also addressing the conflicts men experience with machismo and familismo, could promote preventive health behaviours and provide a supportive environment for Latino sexual minority men.

Implications for Research

The study highlights the need for researchers to develop culturally sensitive measures that reflect the unique experiences of Latino sexual minority men, particularly in relation to the redefined cultural factors of personalismo, machismo and familismo. Current measures may not fully consider how one’s sexual orientation and ethnic identity together shape these cultural values (Davis et al. 2019; Arciniega et al. 2008; Sabogal et al. 1987), leading to gaps in understanding their impact on health outcomes. Future research might focus on adapting existing scales or creating new instruments that include items specific to Latino sexual minority men’s experiences of the cultural factors described in the current study. Moreover, expanding research to quantitatively assess variations in these factors across different Latino sexual minority men subgroups could provide a richer understanding of how cultural factors influence health among members of this population. This will not only bridge the gaps identified in the current literature but also offer a more accurate portrayal of the diversity of Latino sexual minority men’s experiences.

Limitations and Strengths

Although this study provides valuable insights, it is not without limitations. The sample, predominantly consisting of young, White Latino, college-educated gay men from the greater Miami, Florida area, limits the extent to which our findings may be generalisable to other contexts. Moreover, the geographic focus on Miami, with its unique cultural and social environment, may not fully capture the diverse experiences of Latino sexual minority men in other parts of the USA, potentially skewing understanding of the cultural factors explored. As a result, findings should be interpreted with caution, as they reflect the cultural experiences of a specific subgroup in a specific context.

Conclusion

In summary, this study sheds light on specific Latino cultural factors experienced by sexual minority men in the greater Miami, Florida area. The findings reveal that participants’ perspectives both align with and differ from traditional definitions of Latino cultural factors, particularly for relationship-oriented cultural factors, which are shaped by their sexual minority identity. The findings from this study lay the groundwork for future research examining the links between cultural factors, as experienced by Latino sexual minority men, and their health outcomes and behaviours.

Data Availability

The data are not available to the public due to their sensitive and potentially identifying nature.