Abstract
Objectives:
This study aimed to investigate the association between racial trauma and radical healing in Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians, and Pacific Islanders (AANHPIs). It was hypothesized that racial trauma symptoms would be positively associated with radical healing, which includes five components: critical consciousness, radical hope, strength and resistance, cultural authenticity and self-knowledge, and collectivism.
Methods:
Participants were 436 AANHPI adults who completed a cross-sectional survey comprising questionnaires that assessed each study variable. A multivariate regression was conducted to examine the association between symptoms of racial trauma and components of radical healing in AANHPIs.
Results:
Racial trauma was significantly associated with some components of radical healing, and not others. Specifically, racial trauma symptoms were positively associated with critical motivation, critical action–sociopolitical participation, collectivism, cultural authenticity and self-knowledge, and radical hope. Racial trauma was not associated with critical reflection - perceived inequality, critical reflection - egalitarianism, or strength and resistance.
Conclusions:
AANHPIs who experience racial trauma may respond to the oppressive nature of racism by engaging in radical healing. Findings suggest the importance of promoting radical healing through programs and interventions to support AANHPIs in healing from racial trauma.
Keywords: radical healing, racial trauma, Asian American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander
From verbal harassments (e.g., “Go back to Wuhan, [slur] and take the virus with you”), to physical assaults (e.g., an elderly woman being attacked and set on fire in Brooklyn), to mass shootings (e.g., 2021 Atlanta spa shootings), acts of violence rooted in white supremacist ideologies have targeted Asian, Asian American, Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander (AANHPI) communities (Stop AAPI Hate, 2021). Racist and discriminatory acts towards AANHPIs have increased drastically since early 2020, coinciding with the COVID-19 pandemic. Stop AAPI Hate, a national coalition that tracks racist incidents against AANHPIs, received 1,497 reports in its opening month in March 2020, and within a year, this number increased by 153% to 3,795 (Stop AAPI Hate, 2020; 2021). Importantly, these acts stem from historical and systemic realities in the U.S. that reinforce racial hierarchies and protect white people, in which AANHPI communities have long been subjected to racial oppression and political weaponization through racist economic, education, immigration, and labor laws (Kim, 1999). The cumulative impact of such stigma and discrimination are expected to leave significant marks on the wellbeing of AANHPI communities (Misra et al., 2020).
Black scholars and colleagues have been at the forefront of conceptualizing how race-based events impact communities of color (Bryant & Ocampo, 2005; Carter, 2007). Racial trauma - defined as the psychological, emotional, and physical injury that occurs from experiencing racism - is a potential consequence of race-based oppression (Carter, 2007). While racial trauma is phenomenologically distinct from post-traumatic stress disorder, it shares many of the debilitating effects such as nightmares, avoidance, and hypervigilance (Comas-Díaz et al., 2019). The study of racial trauma has led to the much-needed development of assessment tools (e.g., Carter et al., 2013; Williams et al., 2018; 2022) and interventions (e.g., Anderson et al., 2018; Metzger et al., 2021) that address racial trauma in communities of color.
Racial trauma remains understudied relative to other problems, especially in AANHPI communities – potentially stemming from the harmful myth that AANHPIs singularly overcome systemic barriers to achieve universal success as “model minorities” and thus do not experience racial wounds. Though, diversity science research examining how discrimination and racial trauma impact AANHPIs has been growing. For example, studies examining racial trauma using psychometrically validated assessment tools in AANHPIs have recently emerged (e.g., Ng & Chu, 2023; Yang et al., 2024) and one scoping review of 59 studies published between January 2020 and March 2023 examined the impact of COVID-19 related discrimination on AANHPI mental health (Ibrahim et al., 2024). At the same time, studies have also highlighted how society at large continues to ignore the effects of racial trauma on AANHPI communities (Ibrahim et al., 2024), leading to a lack of investment in prevention and treatment efforts. Thus, it is imperative to continually examine AANHPIs’ experiences of racial trauma and identify what services are needed to promote healing (Lee et al., 2023).
While the expansion of Eurocentric approaches to healing (i.e., individual psychotherapy services conducted by a licensed clinician delivering lab-developed treatments) is one possible response to support racial healing in AANHPIs, decades of research suggest that professional mental health services are less accessible to AANHPI communities (Atkinson & Gim, 1989; Eisenberg et al., 2009). Structural barriers such as cost, insurance, and lack of Asian-language proficient clinicians limit access to services (Kim et al., 2011). Furthermore, dominant individual-centered service models and treatments often lack cultural responsiveness that center Asian cultural values such as filial piety, harmony, and collectivism (Sue et al., 2012), though all AANHPI individuals and communities may not hold these cultural values in the same ways. Indeed, these barriers have contributed to AANHPIs having among the lowest utilization rates of mental health services compared to the general population (Abe-Kim et al., 2007). Additionally, narrowly conceptualizing healing within Eurocentric psychotherapy services and frameworks is epistemologically and clinically oppressive against people of color (Buchanan et al., 2021; Gone, 2022; Lee et al., 2023). This can result in the stigmatization and pathologization of AANHPIs’ perspectives on mental health expression and practices. To be clear, evidence-based treatments from dominant Western approaches, such as trauma-focused cognitive behavioral therapy and cognitive processing therapy, have been shown to be highly effective for treating post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) across diverse groups (Watkins et al., 2018). However, less is known about whether these treatments developed for PTSD are effective for addressing racial trauma, a distinct form of trauma powered by white supremacy that targets a collective identity. Moreover, experiences of racism are currently not captured within the PTSD diagnostic criteria due to their chronic and cumulative nature, leading to further questions regarding the suitability of PTSD treatments to adequately address racial trauma. As such, research that acknowledges the traumatic impact of racism and centers non-Eurocentric perspectives of healing may advance the development of culturally responsive racial trauma services.
Radical Healing
Radical healing is a psychological framework that defines a means of healing for people of color and Indigenous (POCI) communities who experience discrimination and oppression (French et al., 2020). Grounded in theories from social justice activism, Black psychology, liberation psychology, ethnopolitical psychology, and intersectionality, radical healing is a dialectic process by which POCI communities can simultaneously resist oppression and move towards liberation as an act of healing from, rather than coping with, racial and historical trauma (French et al., 2020). It recognizes that healing from racial oppression can occur beyond individual services, at the intersections of social justice and collective wellbeing. It includes five components: critical consciousness, radical hope, strength and resistance, cultural authenticity and self-knowledge, and collectivism (French et al., 2020). We define each component as articulated in French and colleagues’ pioneering article (2020).
The psychological process of radical healing from racial trauma begins with critical consciousness (French et al., 2020). Critical consciousness includes three elements that reflect an individual’s capacity to understand and intervene in social injustices: (1) critical reflection, or engaging in an analysis of sociopolitical realities, comprising awareness of perceived social inequalities and endorsement of societal equality; (2) critical motivation, or committing to addressing social injustices; and (3) critical action, or participating in sociopolitical action to rectify injustices (Diemer et al., 2017; Freire, 1973). Qualitative work has suggested that these elements support cognitive, intersectional, and behavioral growth processes in resisting racial trauma among Black individuals (Mosley et al., 2021). As noted in French et al. (2020), radical healing further necessitates radical hope, which is the belief that communities of color can heal from and work towards a just future despite the current oppressive state. Radical hope includes four pathways (Mosley et al., 2020): understanding history of oppression and resistance, embracing ancestral pride, envisioning possibilities for wellness and liberation, and having meaning and purpose focused on social justice. Radical hope has been found to support communities of color, such as Black mothers (Leath et al., 2023), Latinx immigrants (Chavez-Dueñas et al., 2019), and Indigenous Australians (O’Loughlin, 2008), in resisting traumatic stress. Hope can be maintained through recognizing the strength of oppressed people and having the internal strength to engage in transformative resistance against social injustices such as racial oppression (French et al., 2020). Furthermore, seeking cultural authenticity and self-knowledge – which honors ancestral roots, wisdom, and teachings – is an act of resistance against colonized knowledge and practices, and thereby healing to the self (French et al., 2020). Resistance against colonial views, which are embodied in acts of racism, may counteract the effects of racism (Adames et al., 2023; Alvarez & Farinde-Wu, 2022; French et al., 2020). Finally, radical healing involves collectivism, which emphasizes connectedness to a larger collective, specifically within one’s ethnic group and alongside the broader POCI community. Scholars have discussed how racial stress is a collective trauma, which necessitates consideration of how social connections to friends, family, and community can be healing (Ali et al., 2023).
The Present Study
Examining how AANHPIs engage in radical healing when experiencing racial trauma is timely and critically needed, as fields call for anti-racist scholarship that consider collective and culturally grounded frameworks to effectively address the needs of racially marginalized communities (e.g., French et al., 2020; Galán et al., 2021; O’Keefe et al., 2021). First, there is a need to empirically understand how communities of color engage in racial healing beyond Western dominant individual-level service approaches. Collectivistic and community-derived methods of healing may be more pertinent for identity-based wounds such as racial trauma. Second, delving into the experiences of racial trauma and radical healing in AANHPI communities can disrupt harmful myths, for example, that AANHPIs are immune to racialized struggles as the “model minority” or are not politically motivated or engaged. Third, there is currently little research that has examined racial trauma and radical healing in AANHPIs. While there has been some exciting work examining components of radical healing in Black adults (Brooks Stephen et al., 2024) and AANHPIs (Chang et al., 2023), research has yet to leverage the full radical healing framework as a response to symptoms of racial trauma.
The present study aimed to investigate the association between racial trauma and radical healing in AANHPIs. Given that radical healing has been conceptualized as a mode of healing from the harms of racism, we expected that AANHPIs who experience the injurious effects of racism would gravitate towards this form of collective, culturally grounded healing. Specifically, it was hypothesized that greater self-reported symptoms of racial trauma would be associated with greater engagement in all five components of radical healing.
Method
This study used a survey design in which participants were purposefully sampled from AANHPI-focused organizations, centers, universities, listservs, and media platforms across the U.S. A recruitment flyer with a Qualtrics survey link was distributed. Participants were eligible if they were at least 18 years of age, identified as AANHPI, and could read and write in English, Chinese, and/or Vietnamese. Translated questionnaires were requested from researchers who had published studies with them. If unavailable, a team of bilingual individuals forward- and back-translated materials and resolved discrepancies to ensure linguistic validity. Informed consent was collected at the start of the survey. The survey included multiple questionnaires and took approximately 30 minutes to complete. Data collection occurred from late 2021 to early 2022. All participants were compensated with a $5 gift card. Study procedures and materials were approved by the Institutional Review Board of the University of South Carolina.
Participants
Participants included 436 AANHPI adults who identified as cisgender women (n = 339, 77.8%), cisgender men (n = 83, 19.1%), gender non-binary (n = 7, 1.6%), gender non-conforming (n = 5, 1.1%), gender fluid (n = 1, 0.2%), and transgender woman (n = 1, 0.2%). The mean age was 26.4 years (SD = 9.0) and ranged from 18–72 years. Over 80% of participants identified as belonging to one ethnic group (n = 355, 81.6%) and the remainder identified as multiethnic (n = 80, 18.4%). Ethnic representation from largest to smallest included Chinese, Vietnamese, Filipinx, Taiwanese, Korean, Indian, Japanese, Hmong, Cambodian, Native Hawaiian, Pakistani, Indonesian, Hispanic, Malaysian, Singaporean, Thai, Bengali, Laotian, Sri Lankan, Tongan, Manchurian, Mien, Montagnard, Okinawan, and Samoan. More than half of participants (n = 244, 55.9%) were native or fluent in more than one language, with over 30 languages represented. Participants elected to complete the survey in English (n = 423, 97.0%) or Simplified Chinese (n = 13, 3.0%). According to U.S. geographical regions, most participants lived in the West (n = 182, 41.7%), followed by the Northeast (n = 94, 21.6%), South (n = 90, 20.6%), and Midwest (n = 70, 16.1%). About a third of participants reported an annual household income of $50,000-$100,000 (n = 117, 29.8%) and the most common educational degree attained was a high school degree or lower (n = 163, 37.4%). Regarding nativity, most participants identified as second generation (n = 262, 60.9%), or having been born in the U.S. themselves and at least one parent born outside the U.S. Full participant demographics can be found in the Supplemental Materials.
Measures
Racial Trauma.
The Race-Based Traumatic Stress Symptom Scale (RBTSSS; Carter et al., 2013) is a 52-item measure which assesses psychological reactions to negative racial experiences. The RBTSSS includes seven symptom subscales: Depression, Intrusion, Anger, Hypervigilance, Physical Reactions, Low Self-Esteem, and Avoidance. Participants describe three memorable events of racism and indicate whether (yes or no) the most memorable event was negative/emotionally painful, beyond their control, and sudden in its occurrence. Then, participants indicate their reactions to the event (e.g., “I felt sad”) using a 5-point Likert scale (0 = Does not describe my reaction, 4 = This reaction would not go away). For the present study, a total score was generated by summing all items, with higher scores indicating greater racial trauma symptoms. Cronbach’s α for the full scale was 0.98.
Critical Consciousness.
The Short Critical Consciousness Scale (CCS-S; Rapa et al., 2020) is a 14-item measure which assesses critical consciousness. The CCS-S includes four subscales: Critical Reflection – Perceived Inequality (3 items; α = .89), Critical Reflection - Egalitarianism (3 items; α = .78), Critical Motivation (4 items; α = .75), and Critical Action – Sociopolitical Participation (4 items; α = .85). For items in the Critical Action – Sociopolitical Participation subscale, participants indicate the frequency with which they engaged in various sociopolitical activities (e.g., “Participated in a civil rights group or organization”) using a 5-point Likert scale (1 = Never did this, 5 = At least once a week). For all other subscales, participants indicate their level of agreement to statements using a 6-point Likert scale (1 = Strongly disagree, 6 = Strongly agree). Items were averaged for each subscale.
Collectivism.
The Brief Collectivism Questionnaire (BCQ; Lui & Rollock, 2018) is a 21-item measure which assesses general and multidimensional collectivism in Asian populations. Participants respond to statements (e.g., “My actions reflect on my family,” “Showing sympathy to others is a virtue”) using a 5-point Likert scale (1 = Not at all, 5 = Very much). A total collectivism score (α = .91) was generated by averaging all items.
Cultural Authenticity and Self-Knowledge.
The Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale-Culture of Origin (AAMAS; Gim Chung et al., 2004) is a 15-item measure which assesses enculturation to a cultural identity. Participants were asked to respond to items based on their Asian culture of origin. Participants indicate to what extent they identified with certain cultural dimensions (e.g., “How much do you identify with your own Asian culture of origin?) using a 6-point Likert scale (1 = Not very much, 6 = Very much). A total cultural authenticity and self-knowledge score (α = .87) was calculated by averaging all items.
Radical Hope.
The Radical Hope Questionnaire (RHQ) is an 8-item measure which assesses radical hope. This measure was developed for this study and was based on the four pathways of radical hope described in Mosley et al. (2020). The RHQ includes four subscales based on these pathways: History of Oppression and Resistance, Ancestral Pride, Envisioning Possibilities, and Meaning and Purpose. Participants indicate their level of agreement with statements about their AANHPI cultural group using a 5-point Likert scale (1 = Strongly disagree, 5 = Strongly agree). Example items include “I am aware of how my cultural group has resisted against oppressive systems” and “I feel motivated to pursue goals focused on social change for my cultural group.” A total score (α = .84) was calculated by averaging all items.
Strength and Resistance.
The Fletcher-Lyons Collective Resilience Scale (FLCRS; Lyons et al., 2016) is a 5-item measure which assesses one’s perceptions of collective resilience within their community. Participants indicate their level of agreement with statements about their AANHPI cultural group (e.g., “Our group bounces back from even the most difficult setbacks.”) using a 7-point Likert scale (1 = Strongly disagree, 7 = Strongly agree). A total strength and resistance score (α = .80) was calculated by averaging all items.
Data Preparation and Analyses
Of the 459 participants, 23 (5.0%) were removed from the sample due to >50% missing data on one of the independent variables, >50% missing data on the dependent variable, or missing data on one of the covariate variables. The remaining sample yielded 436 participants. Descriptive statistics were examined for all sociodemographic and study variables. Bivariate correlations were conducted to determine the magnitude of correlation between the radical healing components. A multivariate regression was conducted to assess the association between racial trauma and radical healing, with racial trauma symptoms as the independent variable and radical healing components as outcomes. Of note, critical consciousness was operationalized as four distinct but related elements as recommended by Rapa et al. (2020). Thus, there were a total of eight outcome variables reflecting radical healing constructs: Critical reflection - perceived inequality; Critical reflection - egalitarianism; Critical motivation; Critical action - sociopolitical participation; Collectivism; Cultural authenticity and self-knowledge; Radical hope; and Strength and resistance. Multivariate regression was employed to maximize power given the number of multiple dependent variables. Age, gender, income, education level, and immigrant generation status were controlled for in the model. The overall multivariate test was assessed for statistical significance (p < .05). For statistically significant associations, the proportion of unique variance accounted for by the variable on each dependent variable was determined by partial eta-squared squared values (ηp2). Cohen’s (1988) benchmarks to evaluate partial eta-squared values were used to examine the magnitude of effect, where ≥0.01 indicates small, ≥0.059 indicates medium, and ≥0.138 indicates large effects.
Results
Of the 28 correlations between the set of radical healing constructs, fifteen were statistically significant. The strongest correlation was between critical motivation (M = 5.24, SD = 0.73) and critical reflection - egalitarianism (M = 5.50, SD = 0.70), r = .513, p < .001. The second strongest correlation was between critical motivation and critical reflection - perceived inequality (M = 5.16, SD = 1.05), r = .368, p < .001. Critical action - sociopolitical participation (M = 1.87, SD = 0.90) was only significantly correlated with critical motivation (r = .273, p < .001) and no other critical consciousness subscales. Strength and resistance (M = 5.11, SD = 0.96) was positively correlated with radical hope (M = 4.20, SD = 0.59), r = .341, p < .001. Cultural authenticity and self-knowledge (M = 4.40, SD = 0.83) was also positively correlated with radical hope (r = .199, p < .001), as well as collectivism (M = 3.53, SD = 0.69; r = .212, p < .001). All statistically significant correlations were in the positive direction except for one, in which cultural authenticity and self-knowledge was negatively correlated with critical reflection - perceived inequality, r = −.205, p < .001. For descriptive statistics disaggregated by ethnicity and all correlations, see the Supplemental Materials.
The omnibus multivariate model revealed that racial trauma symptoms accounted for a significant amount of variance in the set of radical healing variables after controlling for sociodemographics, F(8, 413) = 11.93, p < .001, ηp2 = .188. The model indicated that 18.8% of the total variance in the set of radical healing variables was explained by racial trauma symptoms. In terms of individual estimates, racial trauma symptoms were not associated with critical reflection - perceived inequality, critical reflection - egalitarianism, or strength and resistance, all ps > .290. However, racial trauma symptoms were positively associated with critical motivation (B = .002, 95% CI [.001, .003], p = .014, ηp2 = .014), critical action - sociopolitical participation (B = .005, 95% CI [.003, .007], p < .001, ηp2 = .077), collectivism (B = .004, 95% CI [.003, .006], p < .001 , ηp2 = .086), cultural authenticity and self-knowledge (B = .002, 95% CI [.001, .003], p = .043, ηp2 = .010), and radical hope (B = .002, 95% CI [.001, .003], p < .001 , ηp2 = .036). Effect size estimates showed that racial trauma symptoms accounted for approximately 1.0% of the unique variance in cultural authenticity and self-knowledge, 1.4% of the unique variance in critical motivation, 3.6% of the unique variance in radical hope, 7.7% of the unique variance in critical action - sociopolitical participation, and 8.6% of the unique variance in collectivism. These effect sizes ranged from small to medium.
Discussion
The present study sought to investigate the association between racial trauma and radical healing in AANHPIs. Through examining this relationship, this study aimed to understand collective, culturally grounded healing responses to racial oppression. Results suggested statistically significant associations between racial trauma and some components of radical healing, but not others, in an ethnically diverse sample of AANHPI adults. We discuss these findings and their implications on racial trauma research, intervention, and policy.
The relationship between racial trauma symptoms and critical consciousness in this study was nuanced such that it varied depending on the specific element of critical consciousness – critical reflection, motivation, and action. We found support to suggest that experiencing racial trauma symptoms among the AANHPIs in our sample was related to increased critical motivation to confront injustice and increased critical action to challenge injustice. As suggested by other scholars, it is plausible that individuals may have been galvanized towards paths of collective social change and advocacy after personally experiencing injustice that affects not only oneself, but one’s broader community. This pattern has been observed in other marginalized communities, such as system-involved youth (Singh et al., 2021) and sexual and gender minoritized youth (Frost et al., 2019). Though not examined in this study due to its cross-sectional design, future research is needed to explore how AANHPIs’ critical motivation and critical action is associated with long-term mental health and wellbeing outcomes (e.g., symptoms of distress, sense of collective agency and self-efficacy) from experiencing racism. This study did not find significant associations between racial trauma symptoms and both elements of critical reflection (i.e., Perceived Inequality, Egalitarianism). Interestingly, this lack of association between traumatic symptoms and critical reflection has also been documented in at least one other study (Singh et al., 2021). One reason for this finding may be related to the theory that internalized racism or oppression may play an insidious role in preventing AANHPIs from recognizing the realities of structural inequalities, ultimately interfering with the development of critical reflection (Hwang, 2021). Yi and colleagues (2023) found that Asian Americans who had greater internalization of the model minority myth – or the belief that Asian Americans are “problem-free” minorities, which maintains a racial hierarchy and discredits systemic racism that influences all racially marginally groups – were less likely to perceive anti-Asian racism. This poses an area for further inquiry, especially where research on internalized racism and critical consciousness in AANHPIs is scant but growing. Exploring what influences critical reflection, especially after incidents of racism, may be needed to fully understand the role of critical consciousness in AANHPIs’ radical healing.
Racial trauma symptoms were also positively associated with collectivism in AANHPIs. Experiences of racial discrimination can be thought of as a threat or attack upon one’s racial/ethnic collective or community. It stands to reason that AANHPI individuals in the present study may have been pulled to seek connection, belongingness, and community within their racial/ethnic collective to heal from racial trauma. In this way, honoring and engaging in collectivistic actions, such as collective caretaking along with seeking and giving support from and within their community, could be considered a culturally adaptive and socially driven response to racism. Indeed, scholars have suggested that group membership and social identity resources support healing from traumatic stressors (Ali et al., 2023). This aligns with the rejection-identity model (Branscombe et al., 1999), in which research has demonstrated that in the face of experienced discrimination and rejection from outgroups, Asian individuals who anchor to their collective ingroup identity are propelled to engage in collective action to promote their wellbeing (Chan, 2022). Similarly, racial trauma symptoms were positively associated with higher cultural authenticity and self-knowledge, aligning with prior studies that have found Black and Latine adults to engage in cultural, ancestral, spiritual, and religious practices to counteract racial stress (Gomez et al., 2023). AANHPI adults in this study may have also naturally turned to these practices, seeking cultural authenticity to foster feelings of belongingness and pride in their racial/ethnic identity in the face of the feelings of anger, sadness, shame, or embarrassment associated with racial trauma.
Additionally, this study found that racial trauma symptoms were positively associated with radical hope in AANHPIs. Our Radical Hope Questionnaire included subscales on History of Oppression and Resistance, Ancestral Pride, Envisioning Possibilities, and Meaning and Purpose. Thus, this finding supports the connection between present experiences of racial trauma and recognition of historical oppression and resistance, while envisioning possibilities for a better future. It further supports the notion that meaning, purpose, and ancestral pride can exist alongside the psychological pain of oppression. This finding supports the connection between experiences of oppression and a desired future for collective liberation, underscoring how healing can occur simultaneously with psychological pain. Mosley et al. (2020) proposed pathways to radical hope as sources of healing from racial trauma. For instance, holding the collective memories of how prior generations have experienced and resisted oppression throughout history may serve to strengthen present-day self- and collective-efficacy among AANHPIs in overcoming racial trauma (Mosley et al., 2020). Embracing ancestral pride can foster positive regard for one’s racial group. For individuals who experience racial trauma and may feel shame or low self-esteem related to their racial identity (Cénat et al., 2023), having positive regard towards one’s racial group may counteract these experiences. Envisioning possibilities of a more equitable future and developing a social justice-oriented sense of meaning and purpose from experiencing racial trauma can motivate AANHPIs towards social change. Findings that Black, Indigenous, and People of color described radical hope as involving the practice of self-care further supports the connection between radical hope and healing from racial trauma (French et al., 2023).
Contrary to our hypothesis, racial trauma was not associated with collective resilience in our sample of AANHPIs. We hypothesized that when AANHPIs experienced trauma symptoms tied to one’s collective identity, healing might occur by drawing strength in how one’s racial collective has overcome and is capable of overcoming challenges. However, it is possible that racial trauma symptoms may not be directly associated with a sense of collective resilience. It is possible that racial trauma – especially during a time when racial violence was pervasive – might not be connected to the thoughts that one’s collective group is “adaptable” and “is able to achieve things,” as indicated in the selected measure (Lyons et al., 2016). These findings differ from one study with Black emerging adults, in which trauma symptoms were negatively associated with resilience – though in the same study, resilience was not a moderator of racial discrimination and suicide risk (Brooks Stephens et al., 2024). Notably, we initially thought to use the Fletcher-Lyons Collective Resilience Scale to index the construct of strength and resistance from the Radical Healing Framework in our study. We elected to use this scale given its emphasis on collective resilience and in recognition of French et al. (2020)’s critique of traditional individual-level conceptualizations of resilience in overcoming adversity. However, the scale may not have adequately captured their construct of strength and resistance, which involves not only the strength to resist oppression, but also “a commitment to living joy-filled lives” in spite of it (French et al., 2020, p. 27). A measure that also captures strength as commitment to joy in the face of racial oppression rather than a sole focus on overcoming setbacks and challenges may better embody strength and resistance as conceptualized within the Radical Healing Framework in future studies.
Limitations
There are several limitations of this study. First, given the study’s cross-sectional design, causality or directionality of the findings cannot be inferred. It is possible that individuals already higher on measures of critical motivation, critical action, and enculturation to their Asian origin group would be more likely to be deeply impacted by anti-Asian racism and violence. For example, prior research has shown that greater ethnic/racial identity predicted higher reports of discrimination experiences in Asian adolescents, and that greater ethnic/racial discrimination predicted more ethnic/racial exploration and commitment (Cheon & Yip, 2019). Future studies may leverage longitudinal data collection and in-depth qualitative inquiry to further understand these associations. Second, data were recruited from AANHPI-focused organizations, centers, university departments, listservs, and media platforms; thus, individuals recruited from these sites may have already skewed higher than average on the cultural constructs measured. Third, this study only elicited responses from AANHPI individuals over 18 years of age and who could complete the online survey in English, Chinese, or Vietnamese, limiting the generalizability of these findings to groups outside of these demographics and without internet access. Fourth, different racial/ethnic subgroups under the AANHPI umbrella have different histories of oppression, immigration, and/or colonization that impact their relationships to both modern-day and historical racism and radical healing. We aimed to highlight and honor this heterogeneity by intentionally recruiting broadly across AANHPI ethnic groups and presenting the descriptives of the study constructs by the 27 ethnicities represented (see Supplemental Materials). Given the uneven sample sizes across ethnic groups, however, we could not disaggregate AANHPI responses to examine the relationships between racial trauma and radical healing constructs. Data disaggregation is needed for future studies examining these relationships to ensure that we do not lose the nuances and complexities of cultural ethnic differences across these groups. Similarly, intersectional approaches to data collection and analysis should be intentionally considered to better understand intersectional experiences of oppression and healing. Finally, this study used a measure of radical hope that has not been psychometrically evaluated. To our knowledge, there are currently no existing validated measures of radical hope, indicating an area for future efforts.
Implications and Future Directions
This study’s findings have the potential to shift how we envision racial healing for AANHPIs at individual, intervention, community and structural levels. Radical healing (French et al., 2020) is a systems-informed framework. As this study revealed, the framework may be applicable to understanding and promoting AANHPIs’ resistance to racism. Some literature has discussed its relevance to AANHPI communities (e.g., Chorpta & Tsong 2023), and we see a compelling opportunity to further elevate individuals’ awareness of radical healing. For instance, knowledge of radical healing can be disseminated to the public through social media, educational and training opportunities, and community circle gatherings to increase reach to in AANHPIs and additional oppressed communities. Future longitudinal studies may examine how radical healing components affect individual mental health symptoms over time. Moreover, given the diversity across AANHPIs, research can explore whether some components of radical healing may be more or less beneficial to AANHPIs with specific identities (e.g., refugees, different ethnic groups) and can leverage intersectional approaches to this inquiry.
Psychotherapy services provide a natural opportunity to integrate radical healing practices into care for AANHPI individuals experiencing racial trauma symptoms. Scholars have begun to delineate what radical healing can look like in therapy (Adames et al., 2023). For example, clinicians can support AANHPIs in fostering radical hope, seeking community connection, and taking critical action in values-aligned ways, regardless of theoretical orientation or the intervention used (Lee et al., 2023). Moreover, clinicians can explore with clients on an individual basis what a culturally authentic life may look like for them and validate clients if they seek attunement to ancestral practices (Adames et al., 2023; Ching, 2022). Importantly, individual therapy addressing racial trauma must look beyond individual harms of racism and acknowledge the harms of racism to the collective racial/ethnic group, which facilitates considerations of collectivistic actions that promotes community healing. Research may aid the development and testing of resources that support clinicians in adapting treatment delivery and content to infuse radical healing components.
Given the collective harm of racial trauma, community efforts and interventions are especially well-positioned to address racial trauma in AANHPI communities (Nguyen et al., 2025). For instance, efforts could include supporting grassroots community organizations who activate AANHPIs’ critical motivation and offer opportunities to engage in sociopolitical action (Building Movement Project & Asian Law Caucus, 2023). Additionally, organizations at the county- and city-levels should continue to hold AANHPI-centered programs and events to foster a collective sense of community, build solidarity among marginalized groups, and empower communities to combat racism. Events should be accessible and draw upon the rich cultural heritage, traditions, and values of the AANHPI diaspora. For example, the AAPI Equity Alliance, in collaboration with researchers, community members, and various organizations, developed the Healing Our People through Engagement (HOPE) program, a six-week community conversation series focused on healing from feelings of distress from current events and experiences of racism and discrimination (https://aapiequityalliance.org/hope/). This program leverages a group intervention curriculum based on the Radical Healing Framework and initial pilot work has demonstrated positive impacts on outcomes such as life satisfaction, sense of connection, and feelings of hope (AAPI Equity Alliance, n.d.).
Structurally, policies must align to address the root cause of racial trauma and promote radical healing in AANHPIs and communities of color. For instance, states like Rhode Island and Connecticut have codified AAPI history into education curricula, which can promote cultural self-knowledge, collective pride, and critical consciousness in youth. Policies should also fund non-profit organizations that focus on AANHPI advocacy, cultural connection, and wellbeing, especially those that develop, implement, and evaluate community interventions, such as the HOPE Program.
Conclusion
Overall, this study demonstrated an association between racial trauma symptoms and some radical healing components in AANHPIs. We hope that this study empowers others to consider the role of collective healing and liberation in mental health promotion and wellbeing in AANHPIs and all marginalized communities.
Supplementary Material
Clinical Impact Statement:
This study found racial trauma symptoms were positively associated with components of radical healing in a sample of Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians, and Pacific Islanders (AANHPIs). These findings allude to how AANHPIs may engage in community-oriented and social justice-driven actions to promote individual and collective wellbeing in the face of racial oppression.
Acknowledgments
This work was supported by the APA Division 56 CHANGE Grant (PI: Chu). S. H. Yu was supported by a NIMH training grant (T32MH018261) at the time of submission. The funders had no role other than financial support.
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