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. Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2025 Nov 7.
Published before final editing as: J Adult Dev. 2024 Nov 7:10.1007/s10804-024-09499-2. doi: 10.1007/s10804-024-09499-2

Civic Participation in Early Adulthood and Midlife Well-being in an Inner City Cohort

Suh-Ruu Ou 1,3, Sangok Yoo 2, Arthur J Reynolds 1,3
PMCID: PMC12413018  NIHMSID: NIHMS2037017  PMID: 40919070

Abstract

The beneficial impacts of civic participation on health are reported for adolescents and older adults. Still, civic participation is underrecognized in its potential to promote a wide range of well-being. This study aimed to investigate the relationship between civic participation in early adulthood and midlife well-being for a 1980 birth sample of minority youth who were economically disadvantaged and explore education as a mediator of such associations. The study sample included 1,101 participants from the Chicago Longitudinal Study, a quasi-experimental design of a cohort of low-income minority children followed since 1985. Midlife well-being was measured by life satisfaction, psychological well-being, civic engagement, educational attainment, conviction, and incarceration experiences. The results showed that civic participation in early adulthood was positively associated with life satisfaction (B = 0.08, 95% CI [0.02, 0.15]), psychological well-being (B = 0.75, 95% CI [0.09, 1.41]), civic engagement (B = 0.48, 95% CI [0.34, 0.62]), and years of education (B = 0.23, 95% CI [0.12, 0.34]). Civic participation in early adulthood was negatively associated with conviction (B = −0.08, 95% CI [−0.15, −0.00]) and incarceration (B = −0.10, 95% CI [−0.19, −0.00]). The significant associations between civic participation in early adulthood and psychological well-being and criminal involvement were fully accounted for by educational attainment at age 29. The findings suggest encouraging civic participation in early adulthood might promote well-being in midlife. Moreover, civic participation in early adulthood is connected with better psychological well-being and less criminal involvement in midlife via educational attainment.

Keywords: civic participation, civic engagement, midlife well-being, urban youth of color, longitudinal studies

Introduction

Studies have found that civic engagement is linked to positive youth development, such as health and well-being (Brewer & Nicotera, 2023; Fenn et al., 2021; Schreier et al., 2013; Wray-Lake et al., 2019). However, there is limited empirical evidence on its effects in midlife. Moreover, the potential mechanisms explaining the associations between civic engagement and long-term outcomes are understudied (Wray-Lake et al., 2019). In addition, limited studies have examined the impacts of civic engagement on urban youth of color, although they might benefit most from civic engagement (Fredricks & Eccles, 2010; Heath et al., 2022; Wray-Lake et al., 2020). The present study investigates the relationship between civic participation in early adulthood and midlife well-being for a 1980 birth cohort of minority youth who were economically disadvantaged, and explores education as a mediator of such associations.

Civic Engagement

As a multidimensional concept, civic engagement can be defined as a wide range of individual and collective activities that address public concerns, build social capital, and improve the quality of life in society (Adler & Goggin, 2005; Obradović & Masten, 2007). Civic engagement activities connect individuals to their community, benefiting the group members and improving the society’s well-being (Chan & Mak, 2020). Keeter et al. (2002) developed 19 core indicators of engagement to measure civic engagement. The 19 indicators were divided into three dimensions: civic, electoral, and political voice (Keeter et al., 2002). Civic indicators included community problem-solving, regular volunteering for a non-electoral organization, active membership in a group or association, and fund-raising for charity. Electoral indicators included regular voting and displaying buttons, signs, and stickers. Political voice indicators included protesting, contacting officials about a political or community issue, and contacting the print or broadcast media to express opinions. Although civic engagement is recognized as a multidimensional concept, instead of using terms to refer to specific dimensions of civic engagement, such as volunteering, extracurricular activities, civic participation, voting, or political involvement, civic engagement has been broadly used in the literature to refer to different civic engagement dimensions.

Among the three dimensions (civic participation, political voice, and electoral activities) of civic engagement, civic participation has been emphasized and studied most in the literature for positive youth development (Brewer & Nicotera, 2023; Eisman et al., 2017; Fenn et al., 2024; Lanza et al., 2023) and health and well-being among older adults (Burr et al., 2021; Kim et al., 2020). For example, civic activity during high school is protective against alcohol use among young adults, which might support a trajectory of reduced risky behaviors as youth transition into adulthood (Brewer & Nicotera, 2023; Eisman et al., 2017). Adolescent participation in organized activity and volunteering are related to better civic outcomes during adulthood (Finlay & Flanagan, 2013; Fredricks & Eccles, 2010; Obradović & Masten, 2007). Moreover, participation in organized activity and volunteering have been used as intervention strategies to reduce cardiovascular risk and promote health equity for adolescents (Schreier et al., 2013) and African-American women (Brown et al., 2017; White et al., 2020).

A recent review identified over fifty articles on civic engagement and well-being in young adults and found that civic participation (volunteerism and charity) demonstrated positive relationships with well-being in young adults (Fenn et al., 2024). Furthermore, volunteering is believed to be a component of resilience in older adults (Kim et al., 2020). The positive effects of civic participation on health and well-being among older adults have been reported (Burr et al., 2021) and used to encourage the utilization of programs to promote volunteering for older adults (Morrow-Howell et al., 2018). A recent study reported that volunteering during emerging adulthood positively impacts health outcomes in middle adulthood (Thompson et al., 2024). Notwithstanding, the relationships between civic participation in young adults and outcomes in middle adulthood have been investigated limitedly.

Finally, although the importance of understanding how civic engagement connects to long-term outcomes has been noted, researchers have suggested some mediators that connect civic engagement with later outcomes (Ballard et al., 2019; Fenn et al., 2024; Thompson et al., 2024), only a few researchers have investigated the mediators of the effects of civic engagement, and studies were limited to specific groups, such as college students or noncollege young adults (Fenn et al., 2023; Wray-Lake et al., 2019). Education is an essential indicator for economically disadvantaged minorities in an inner city, which impacts their opportunities for social mobility and economic well-being in their lifespan (Haveman & Smeeding, 2006; Heckman et al., 2018). On the other hand, civic engagement in youth or early adulthood was associated with higher educational attainment and income in adulthood (Ballard et al., 2019; Rosenbaum, 2021). Moreover, postsecondary education predicts civic engagement in young adulthood (Hemer, 2018). Given the associations between civic engagement and education and the associations between education and long-term outcomes, education is a good candidate for mediating civic participation’s effects in early adulthood on outcomes in middle adulthood. However, educational attainment has not yet been examined as a mediator in the civic engagement literature.

Here are some observations to summarize the literature on civic engagement. First, most studies on the effects of civic engagement are limited to small samples or college students, and the relationships between civic engagement and outcomes in middle adulthood are rarely examined. More longitudinal studies will shed light on the relationships between early civic engagement and midlife well-being and the developmental trajectories of civic engagement. Second, the mediating effects of civic engagement on developmental trajectories across the lifespan are not apparent (Ballard et al., 2019). Researchers have called for more research to investigate the pathways of civic engagement toward long-term outcomes (Ballard et al., 2019; Fenn et al., 2024; Thompson et al., 2024), but only a few studies have examined those pathways. Third, only a few studies have examined the effects of civic engagement among minority and low-income youth (Fredricks & Eccles, 2010; Heath et al., 2022). Some studies have found that the effects of civic engagement were consistent across most youth characteristics except socioeconomic status, with the benefits of civic engagement being greatest for youth from lower socioeconomic backgrounds (Marsh & Kleitman, 2002). A recent review found that disadvantaged youth might benefit more from civic engagement (Heath et al., 2022). Yet, disadvantaged youth often have limited opportunities to participate in civic activities (Flanagan & Levine, 2010). It is critical to understand the effects of civic engagement on long-term outcomes from a prevention and intervention point of view.

Conceptual Framework

We used the developmental cascades theory to explain the relationship between civic participation in early adulthood and midlife outcomes. The developmental cascades theory emphasizes the cumulative consequences of development among interactions occurring in developing systems that cause effects across levels and domains. The developmental cascades theory hypothesizes that competence and failure in one area can transfer to other domains over time, resulting in various developmental outcomes (Masten & Cicchetti, 2010). Moreover, the developmental cascades theory argues that early development directly influences later development, emphasizing the importance of early experiences on successful development into adulthood and beyond (Masten & Cicchetti, 2010; Obradović et al., 2010). For example, a developmental cascade began with externalizing symptoms in childhood, contributing to lower academic performance in adolescence, influencing social competence in emerging adulthood, and internalizing symptoms in young adulthood (Obradović et al., 2010). Another example of the developmental cascade is the link between preschoolers’ executive function (EF) and adult outcomes through its cascading effects on childhood and adolescent EF (Ahmed et al., 2021).

The developmental cascades theory sheds light on the present study in two ways. First, competence in civic participation in early adulthood can impact positive long-term outcomes directly into middle adulthood (Burr et al., 2021; Kim et al., 2020; Thompson et al., 2024). In other words, civic participation can act as a trigger that directly promotes positive development in middle adulthood. Second, competence in civic participation in early adulthood can influence positive functioning in other domains (e.g., higher educational attainment and empowerment) (Fenn et al., 2024; Fenn et al., 2023; Finlay & Flanagan, 2013), which then influences distal outcomes in middle adulthood. In other words, civic engagement in early adulthood indirectly predicts distal outcomes in middle adulthood through mediators. Findings from a few studies support the two separate hypotheses based on the developmental cascades theory. For example, the associations between civic participation in early adulthood and long-term outcomes in middle adulthood have been examined (Thompson et al., 2024). Education has not yet been examined as a mediator explaining the association between civic participation and long-term outcomes. Understanding the associations between civic participation in early adulthood and midlife outcomes can clarify whether civic participation might be utilized to promote positive development into midlife. In addition, exploring how civic participation might influence long-term outcomes indirectly via mediators can provide insights into the pathways from civic participation to midlife outcomes.

To summarize, participation in civic activities is a critical issue in building a social environment that maintains the health of all members. Moreover, civic participation is identified as one of the social determinants of health in Healthy People 2030 (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2020). Nevertheless, civic participation is underrecognized in developing and promoting health equity (Sherrod, 2015). The present study examined whether civic participation in early adulthood is associated with adaptation in various developmental domains in midlife and explored educational attainment as a mediating factor between civic participation in early adulthood and midlife outcomes.

The Present Study

The present study investigated the relationships between civic participation in early adulthood and midlife well-being in a longitudinal study cohort of economically disadvantaged minority youth born in 1980 in an inner city. Two research questions are addressed. First, is civic participation in early adulthood significantly associated with better midlife well-being? Second, does educational attainment account for the significant associations between civic participation in early adulthood and midlife well-being? We hypothesize that civic participation in early adulthood is associated with better well-being in midlife, and educational attainment explains such significant associations.

Our study is unique in three respects. First, we used longitudinal data from birth to midlife, contrasting with cross-sectional or short-term designs employed in other studies. Second, we expanded the literature by examining midlife well-being in multiple domains (i.e., psychological well-being and criminal activity) instead of a single domain, distinguishing the present study from others. Third, the study sample consists of Black (93%) and Latino (7%) participants from low-income families living in an inner city. The present study added to the literature by examining the relationships between civic participation and midlife well-being in an economically disadvantaged minority cohort. Finally, we evaluated educational attainment as a potential mediator of the effect of civic participation in early adulthood on midlife outcomes, which shed light on the developmental trajectories of civic participation.

Methods

Chicago Longitudinal Study

We drew the study sample from the Chicago Longitudinal Study (CLS). The CLS is a quasi-experimental study investigating the effects of the Child-Parent Center (CPC) preschool through 3rd grade intervention on the long-term well-being of a cohort of low-income minority children growing up in Chicago (Reynolds, 2000). The original sample (N=1,539) included 989 children who entered CPC in preschool and graduated from kindergarten in 1985–86 and 550 children who came from randomly selected five Chicago public schools with full-day kindergarten intervention programs in 1985–86 without CPC preschool experience. Living in Title I-eligible neighborhoods, all children in this cohort were eligible for and participated in government-funded early childhood programs or an alternative kindergarten intervention. See prior work from the CLS for in-depth descriptions of the CPC program and the study design (Reynolds, 2000; Reynolds et al., 2018).

Data Collection in Adulthood

The CLS began prospectively collecting participant data through multiple sources, such as interviews (parents, teachers, and participants) and administrative records (e.g., schools, courts, and colleges) in 1985. The CLS conducted two follow-up interviews since the participants entered adulthood in 2000. First is the early adulthood survey between ages 22 and 24 (2002–2004); 1,142 of the cohort completed a follow-up interview on experiences in education, employment, and life events. The response rate of this survey was 76.3% after accounting for deceased individuals. Second is the midlife survey conducted between ages 32 and 37 (2012–2017); 1,104 of the cohort completed an extensive follow-up interview on experiences in employment, life events, and health. The response rate of this survey was 76.5% (1,104 out of 1,444 participants) after accounting for deceased individuals and those who could not be located (Ou et al., 2020). Besides collecting data from participants directly, the CLS has obtained administrative data on education, crime involvement, and employment over the years. Data collection procedures were approved by the University of Minnesota’s Institutional Review Board (IRB ID 0511S77508). Informed consent was obtained both orally and in writing.

Study Sample

Sample sizes of the present study vary by data availability. The data on civic participation in early adulthood were obtained solely from participant interviews completed between ages 22 and 24 (valid N=1,142). The outcome data on life satisfaction, psychological well-being, and civic engagement were obtained solely from participant interviews completed between ages 32 and 37 (valid N=1,104). The valid sample sizes are between 869 and 882 for participants whose data on civic participation in early adulthood and life satisfaction, psychological well-being, and civic engagement in midlife were available. The education and crime involvement measures incorporated participant interviews and administrative data, resulting in a larger sample size (valid N=1,432). The valid sample size is 1,101 for participants whose civic participation in early adulthood, education attainment, and crime involvement in midlife were available.

Due to the attritions, the characteristics of the two study samples (A: N=1,101 and B: N=882) were compared to their respective attrition samples in Table 1. The study samples were comparable to their respective attrition samples in about half of the ages 0–3 characteristics, including mother unemployed, eligibility for free lunch, 60% or more poverty in the school attendance area, mother was teen at child’s birth, and four or more children in the household. The attrition samples are more likely to be male and non-Black. They are more disadvantaged than the study samples (e.g., participants’ mothers are more likely not to complete high school, participants are more likely to receive Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) by age 3, and participants reported fewer years of education by age 29).

Table 1.

Characteristics of the Study Sample

Characteristics Original sample
(N =1,539)		 Study sample A
(N=1,101)		 Attrition sample A
(N=438)		 Study sample B
(N=882)		 Attrition sample B
(N=657)		 Any CE early adult
(N=519)		 No CE early adult
(N=582)
Black, % 93.0 94.2 90.0** 94.2 91.3* 95.3 93.1
Female, % 50.2 55.1 37.4*** 57.7 39.9*** 56.8 53.6
Mother did not complete HS by child’s age 31, % 54.3 52.0 59.8** 51.0 58.6** 49.3 54.5
Single parent by child’s age 31, % 76.5 75.0 80.1* 74.1 79.6* 73.2 76.6
Four or more children in household by child’s age 31, % 16.6 17.8 13.7 17.7 15.2 18.9 16.8
Mother was teen (<18) at child’s birth1, % 16.2 14.4 16.9 15.9 16.6 16.6 17.2
Mother unemployed by child’s age 31, % 66.3 65.6 68.3 64.7 68.5 65.5 65.6
AFDC participation by child’s age 31, % 62.8 61.2 66.7* 59.5 67.1** 61.5 61.0
Eligible for free lunch by child’s age 31, % 83.8 83.4 84.7 82.3 85.7 83.0 83.6
60% or more poverty in school attendance area1, % 76.0 76.6 74.4 74.9 77.3 77.5 75.8
Number of Family Risk Index (8-point scale)1 2 4.5 4.5 4.6 4.4 4.7*** 4.5 4.5
Missing any family risk indicator, % 16.2 12.4 26.0*** 11.1 23.1*** 12.5 12.2
Participation in CPC preschool program, % 64.3 65.9 60.0* 66.4 61.3* 67.8 64.3
Participation in CPC school-age program, % 55.2 56.4 52.3 57.1 52.7 58.2 54.8
Civic participation in early adulthood 1.0 1.0 0.9 1.0 0.9 -- --
Year of education by age 29 12.1 12.3 11.4*** 12.4 11.6*** 12.5 12.1***
Life satisfaction in midlife 3.2 -- -- 3.3 3.2 3.4 3.2**
Psychological well-being in midlife 92.8 -- -- 93.0 91.1 94.1 92.1**
Civic engagement in midlife 3.4 -- -- 3.4 3.5 3.9 2.9***
Years of education in midlife 13.0 13.2 12.5 -- -- 13.5 12.9***
Any conviction in midlife, % 41.8 40.1 47.4 -- -- 37.0 43.0*
Ever incarcerated in midlife, % 20.8 19.7 24.5 -- -- 17.1 22.0*
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Note. Statistical significance

*

p < 0.05,

**

p < 0.01, and

***

p < .001.

AFDC = Aid to Families with Dependent Children.

1.

Indicators included in the family risk index.

2.

F-tests were conducted for those measures. Chi-square tests were used for other measures.

Table 1 also compares participants who reported any civic participation in early adulthood and those who reported no civic participation in early adulthood. The two groups are comparable in terms of sociodemographic characteristics. Participants who had any civic participation in early adulthood reported positive midlife outcomes in life satisfaction, psychological well-being, civic engagement, and years of education in midlife (p < .01) than those who reported no civic participation in early adulthood. Participants who had any civic participation in early adulthood reported lower rates of conviction and incarceration in midlife (p < .05) than those who reported no civic participation in early adulthood.

Measures

Civic Participation in Early Adulthood (Ages 22–24)

Civic engagement was not a planned topic in the CLS. Therefore, there is limited data on civic engagement before the midlife survey. Questions on civic participation were asked at the ages 22/24 follow-up survey. Civic participation in early adulthood was assessed by participants’ responses to the following questions at the ages 22/24 follow-up survey: 1) have you participated in youth organizations? 2) have you participated in church or religious activities? and 3) have you participated in community centers or neighborhood clubs? Participants answered Yes or No to each item; Yes was coded 1, and No was coded 0. The three items are positively correlated significantly (Ranging from 0.14 to 0.41, p < .001). A composite score was calculated by summing all the responses (ranging from 0 to 3, M = 1.0, SD = 1.1). Higher scores represent greater levels of civic participation in early adulthood.

Midlife Outcomes (Ages 35–38)

Well-being has been used broadly to represent a multifaceted concept of positive functioning and is used interchangeably for wellness, health, and satisfaction in the research community (Bautista et al., 2023). Although there is no consensus on a single definition and measurement, several elements have been included frequently, such as career, social, financial, physical, and community well-being (Bautista et al., 2023; Forgeard et al., 2011). In the current study, five domains of midlife well-being were examined, including life satisfaction, psychological well-being, civic engagement, educational attainment, and criminal involvement. The measures were selected because they are essential for the well-being of the study sample, an economically disadvantaged minority cohort in an inner city.

Life satisfaction was measured via one question in the midlife survey. Participants rated their overall life satisfaction on a 5-point Likert scale (1 = poor and 5 =excellent). The average score was 3.3 (SD = 1.1).

Psychological well-being was measured via the Ryff Scales of Psychological Well-being (Coefficient alpha = 0.75) (Abbott et al., 2006; Ryff & Keyes, 1995). In the midlife survey, participants answered 18 items on a 6-point scale (1 = disagree strongly and 6 = agree strongly). The average total score (the sum of all 18 items) was 93.1 (SD = 10.9), ranging from 52 to 108.

Civic engagement was measured by the Civic Engagement Index, which consists of items from three dimensions: civic participation, political voice, and electoral activities (Keeter et al., 2002). Note that the Civic Engagement Index differs from civic participation in early adulthood. Data sources of the Civic Engagement Index include interviews from the midlife survey and voting records from administrative records (from 2010 to 2018). Civic participation indicates the degree to which individuals engage in community activities (Keeter et al., 2002). This dimension was assessed by participants’ responses to the following questions in the midlife survey: During the last 12 months, did you participate in 1) unpaid volunteer or community service work, 2) a youth service or tutoring program, 3) a church-related activity, and 4) other community or neighborhood clubs or organizations. Political voice indicates the degree to which participants give voice to particular issues or policies, including participating in a political organization or a demonstration (Keeter et al., 2002). This dimension was assessed by participants’ responses to the following questions in the midlife survey: During the last 12 months, did you 1) participate in a political club or organization, 2) contribute money to a political party or candidate, 3) contact a government official about a political or community issue, 4) contact a newspaper or radio station to express your opinion, and 5) take part in a political protest march or demonstration. Electoral activities indicate if individuals participated in voting and related electoral activities, including displaying buttons, signs, and stickers (Keeter et al., 2002). This dimension was assessed by three items on electoral activities. The first two items were responses to two questions in the midlife survey. During the last 12 months, did you 1) identify with a specific political party and 2) vote in a local or state election? If participants answered “Yes” to the question, they were coded “1” for the question. The third item was a dichotomous variable indicating whether the participant participated in any elections from 2010 to 2018 based on either voting records or the midlife survey. The voting records include voting information on general, primary, and presidential elections from 2010 to 2018. In the midlife survey, participants were asked if they voted in the presidential elections in 2008 and 2012. The civic engagement index was created by summing the scores from the 12 items of the three dimensions (Coefficient alpha = 0.72). The average total score (the sum of all 12 items) was 3.4 (SD = 2.3), ranging from 0 to 12. Higher scores represent greater levels of civic engagement.

Educational attainment was measured by years of education at age 37, ranging from 8 to 22 (M = 13.2, SD = 2.2). Postsecondary education data were obtained from the National Student Clearinghouse and supplemented with interviews from the midlife survey.

Criminal involvement was measured by conviction and incarceration experiences by age 38. Participants who reported any guilty conviction were coded as 1. Otherwise, they were coded as 0. Participants who reported ever being incarcerated were coded as 1. Otherwise, they were coded as 0. Data sources include official court records and interviews from the midlife survey.

Covariates

Several sociodemographic factors were included in the model as covariates because of their potential contributions to the midlife outcomes. They are sex, race/ethnicity, family risk index, and CPC program participation. The family risk index includes eight socioeconomic risk factors frequently associated with child and family functioning (Bendersky & Lewis, 1994; Rutter, 1987), measured from family surveys or school records between birth and age 3. The eight dichotomous indicators are (1) the mother did not complete high school, (2) the mother’s teen parent status, (3) mother not employed full- or part-time, (4) residence in a single-parent family, (5) eligibility for a subsidized lunch defined as a family income at or below 130% of the federal poverty line, (6) residence in a school neighborhood where 60% or more of children are in low-income families, (7) family public aid receipt (AFDC) and (8) four or more children in family. For the dichotomous indicators, 1 indicated the presence of a given characteristic, and 0 indicated the absence of a given characteristic. Scores range from 0 to 7. A missing index was created to indicate if missing values were imputed for family risk indicators. The missing index was included in the models.

CPC participation has been associated with significant benefits on multidimensional well-being (Reynolds et al., 2021; Reynolds et al., 2018; Reynolds et al., 2011). Therefore, CPC program participation was included as a covariate. CPC participation was measured through two dichotomous variables indicating participation in the CPC preschool program or CPC school-age program. CPC Preschool participation indicated whether youth participated in the CPC preschool at ages 3 or 4. CPC School-age participation indicated whether youth participated in the CPC school-age program between first and third grade.

Mediator

Educational attainment was collected at multiple time points in the CLS due to its significance among the CLS study sample. The present study tested educational attainment by age 29 as a mediator. Factors must be significantly associated with independent and dependent variables to qualify as mediators (MacKinnon, 2011). Educational attainment by age 29 meets the criteria of mediators. It was significantly associated with civic participation in early adulthood and all midlife outcomes. Additionally, it was measured by age 29, a timepoint between early adulthood (ages 22–24) and midlife outcomes (age 35). Educational attainment by age 29 was measured by years of school completed, ranging from 8 to 22.

Statistical Analysis

Regression analyses were utilized to analyze the data. Dichotomous outcomes were analyzed by probit regressions. Explanatory variables were entered in two steps, following this sequence: 1) sex, race/ethnicity, family risk index, and CPC program participation, and 2) civic participation in early adulthood. Educational attainment by age 29 was entered into the models after all the explanatory variables to examine the mediations. The mediation package (Tingley et al., 2014) in R was used to analyze the mediation effects of years of education at age 29 on the relationships between civic engagement in early adulthood and midlife outcomes. Employing a model-based causal mediation analysis (Imai et al., 2010; Tingley et al., 2014), the average total effect, the average causal mediation effect (ACME), and the average direct effect (ADE), and the proportion mediated were estimated. The ACME and ADE represent the population averages of the indirect and direct effects, respectively. We utilized 999 bootstrapped simulations to generate 95% confidence intervals for each estimate. In addition, a multiple comparison procedure was undertaken to examine the significance levels (Benjamini & Hochberg, 1995; Newson & Team, 2003). This procedure reduces the likelihood of mistakenly concluding that the differences in means among groups are statistically different from zero (Benjamini & Hochberg, 1995). R 4.3.0. was used to conduct the analyses.

Results

Table 2 presents the descriptive statistics and intercorrelations of the study variables. Participants have an average of 13.2 years of education at age 37, an average of 3.3 in life satisfaction (ranges 1–5), an average of 93.1 in psychological well-being (ranges 52–108), and an average of 3.4 in civic engagement at age 35 (ranges 0–12). By age 38, 40% of the study sample have experience with a guilty conviction, and 20% have experience with incarceration.

Table 2.

Descriptive Statistics and Correlations among Study Variables

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
1. Female --
2. Black .01 --
3. Family risk index .03 .08** --
4. Family risk (w/missing) −.04 −.01 .04 --
5. CPC preschool .06 .01 −.01 −.01 --
6. CPC school-age .02 .02 −.01 −.09** .38*** --
7. CP early adulthood .05 .06 −.03 −.01 .05 .04 --
8 Years of education age 29 .16*** −.07* −.24*** −.01 .09** .06* .10** --
9. Life satisfaction .10** −.02 −.05 −.02 .09** −.01 .09** .24*** --
10. Psychological well-being .12*** .01 −.08* −.02 .08* .01 .09** .22*** .45*** --
11. CE midlife .05 .06 −.07* .00 .07* −.00 .23*** .21*** .20*** .26*** --
12. Years of education in midlife .17*** −.10** −.24*** .01 .10** .06* .13*** .76*** .26*** .24*** .33*** --
13. Any conviction −.37*** .06* .07* −.03 −.06* .01 −.08* −.28*** −.15*** −.14*** −.12*** −.30*** --
14. Ever incarcerated −.43*** .03 .05 −.01 −.06* −.01 −.08* −.27*** −.19*** −.22*** −.13*** −.26*** .59*** --
N 1,101 1,101 1,101 1,101 1,101 1,101 1,101 1,095 882 882 867 1,101 1,101 1,101
Age measured 0 0 3 3 5 8 22–24 29 35 35 35 37 38 38
Mean 0.55 0.94 4.49 0.12 0.66 0.56 0.96 12.29 3.25 93.05 3.35 13.17 0.40 0.20
Standard Deviation 0.50 0.23 1.70 0.33 0.47 0.50 1.09 1.79 1.10 10.88 2.29 2.22 0.49 0.40
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Note. Statistical significance

*

p < .05,

**

p < .01, and

***

p < .001.

CPC = Child-Parent Center; CP=Civic participation; CE = Civic engagement;

Tables 3 and 4 present the regression results. Civic participation in early adulthood was significantly associated with higher life satisfaction (B = .08, 95% CI [0.02, 0.15]), higher scores of psychological well-being (B = .75, 95% CI [0.09, 1.41]), higher civic engagement (B = .48, 95% CI [0.34, 0.62]), and more years of education (B = 0.23, 95% CI [0.12, 0.34]) in midlife. Civic participation in early adulthood was significantly associated with lower conviction rates (B = −0.08, 95% CI [−0.15, −0.00]) and incarceration rates (B = 0.10, 95% CI [ −0.19, −0.00]). Consistent with our hypotheses, after accounting for covariates, participants who reported higher levels of civic participation in early adulthood reported more positive outcomes and fewer adverse outcomes in midlife.

Table 3.

Regression Results for Civic Participation in Early Adulthood Predicting Well-being in Midlife

Life satisfaction Psychological well-being Civic engagement
Predictor B SE Beta (β) R-squared B SE Beta (β) R-squared B SE Beta (β) R-squared
Model 1 -- -- 0.02 -- -- 0.03 -- -- 0.02
 Gender 0.14* 0.07 0.06 2.11** 0.66 0.10 0.22 0.14 0.05
 Race −0.13 0.14 −0.03 −0.13 1.35 −0.00 0.61* 0.29 0.07
 Family risk index −0.04* 0.02 −0.06 −0.72*** 0.19 −0.11 −0.11* 0.04 −0.08
 Family risk (missing) −0.00 0.10 −0.00 −0.24 0.94 −0.01 0.06 0.20 0.01
 CPC-Preschool 0.20** 0.08 0.09 2.47** 0.75 0.11 0.41** 0.16 0.09
 CPC-School-age −0.10 0.07 −0.04 −0.72 0.72 −0.03 −0.17 0.15 −0.04
Model 2 -- -- 0.03 -- -- 0.04 -- -- 0.07
 Gender 0.19* 0.08 0.09 2.48** 0.74 0.11 0.16 0.16 0.03
 Race −0.09 0.16 −0.02 0.33 1.55 0.01 0.43 0.32 0.04
 Family risk index −0.03 0.02 −0.05 −0.55* 0.21 −0.09 −0.14** 0.05 −0.10
 Family risk (missing) −0.05 0.12 −0.02 −0.39 1.15 −0.01 −0.13 0.24 −0.02
 CPC-Preschool 0.25** 0.09 0.11 2.08* 0.84 0.09 0.38* 0.18 0.08
 CPC-School-age −0.12 0.08 −0.06 −0.84 0.80 −0.04 −0.19 0.17 −0.04
 CP-Early adulthood 0.08* 0.03 0.08 0.75* 0.34 0.08 0.48*** 0.07 0.22
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Note. Statistical significance:

*

p < .05,

**

p < .01, and

***

p < .001.

CPC = Child-Parent Center; CP=Civic participation

Table 4.

Regression Results for Civic Participation in Early Adulthood Predicting Well-being in Midlife

Year of education Any conviction1 Ever incarceration1
Predictor B SE Beta (β) R-squared B SE Marginal effect Pseudo R 2 B SE Marginal effect Pseudo R 2
Model 1 -- -- 0.11 -- -- 0.12 -- -- 0.21
 Gender 0.88*** 0.11 0.20 −0.99*** 0.07 −0.37 −1.48*** 0.10 −0.35
 Race −0.59** 0.22 −0.07 0.35* 0.15 0.13 0.10 0.17 0.02
 Family risk index −0.28*** 0.03 −0.21 0.08*** 0.02 0.03 0.05* 0.03 0.01
 Family risk (missing) 0.37* 0.15 0.06 −0.19 0.10 −0.07 −0.01 0.12 −0.00
 CPC-Preschool 0.46*** 0.12 0.10 −0.17* 0.08 −0.07 −0.29** 0.09 −0.07
 CPC-School-age 0.13 0.12 0.03 0.03 0.08 0.01 0.11 0.09 0.02
Model 2 -- -- 0.12 -- -- 0.12 -- -- 0.22
 Gender 0.77*** 0.13 0.17 −0.99*** 0.08 −0.37 −1.47*** 0.11 −0.35
 Race −0.81** 0.27 −0.09 0.39* 0.18 0.14 0.24 0.22 0.05
 Family risk index −0.30*** 0.04 −0.23 0.06* 0.02 0.02 0.06* 0.03 0.01
 Family risk (missing) 0.19 0.19 0.03 −0.21 0.12 −0.08 −0.12 0.15 −0.02
 CPC-Preschool 0.37* 0.14 0.08 −0.14 0.09 −0.05 −0.21* 0.11 −0.05
 CPC-School-age 0.12 0.14 0.03 0.03 0.09 −0.01 0.13 0.11 0.03
 CP-Early adulthood 0.23*** 0.06 0.11 −0.08* 0.04 −0.03 −0.10* 0.05 −0.02
Open in a new tab

Note. Statistical significance:

*

p < .05,

**

p < .01, and

***

p < .001.

CPC = Child-Parent Center; CP=Civic participation.

1.

Any conviction and incarceration are dichotomous variables, and probit regressions were used. Coefficients from probit regressions were transformed to marginal effects, discrete change of dummy variable from 0 to 1.

Table 5 presents the results from bootstrapped mediation analyses. The average total effects were significant for all outcomes, indicating that civic participation in early adulthood significantly affected midlife outcomes. The average indirect effects were significant for all outcomes, indicating that there were mediating effects of educational attainment by age 29 in the relations between civic participation in early adulthood and midlife outcomes. The average direct effects were significant for all outcomes except for psychological well-being, conviction, and incarceration, which indicated that the relations were partially mediated for all outcomes except for psychological well-being, conviction, and ever incarceration. The relationships between civic participation in early adulthood and psychological well-being, conviction, and incarceration were fully mediated by educational attainment. In other words, when education by age 29 was entered into the models, the significant associations between civic participation in early adulthood and psychological well-being, conviction, and incarceration became non-significant. Still, the associations between civic participation in early adulthood and life satisfaction, civic engagement, and educational attainment remained significant. The proportions mediated ranged from 0.08, 95% CI [0.02, 0.17], for civic engagement to 0.52, 95% CI [0.24, 0.82], for education attainment in midlife.

Table 5.

Bootstrapped Mediation Results for All Outcomes

Outcomes Sample size Average total effect
(95% CI) 		Average indirect effect
(95% CI) 		Average direct effect
(95% CI) 		Proportion mediation
(95% CI)
Life satisfaction 876 0.08*
(0.02, 0.15)		 0.02*
(0.00, 0.03)		 0.07*
(0.00, 0.13)		 0.20*
(0.03, 0.78)
Psychological well-being 876 0.76*
(0.13, 1.39)		 0.15*
(0.02, 0.31)		 0.61
(−0.02, 1.23)		 0.19*
(0.02, 1.02)
CE midlife 863 0.48***
(0.33, 0.62)		 0.04*
(0.01, 0.07)		 0.44***
(0.29, 0.58)		 0.08*
(0.02, 0.17)
Years of education in midlife 1095 0.23***
(0.12, 0.34)		 0.12**
(0.04, 0.21)		 0.11**
(0.03, 0.19)		 0.52**
(0.24, 0.82)
Any conviction 1095 −0.03*
(−0.05, −0.00)		 −0.01**
(−0.02, −0.00)		 −0.02
(−0.04, 0.00)		 0.30*
(0.06, 1.40)
Ever incarcerated 1095 −0.02*
(−0.04, −0.00)		 −0.01**
(−0.01, −0.00)		 −0.02
(−0.04, 0.00)		 0.29*
(0.07, 1.15)
Open in a new tab

Note.

*

p < .05,

**

p < .01,

***

p < .001; CE = Civic engagement

Discussions

The study findings indicate that civic participation in early adulthood is significantly associated with higher life satisfaction, psychological well-being, civic engagement, and educational attainment and lower rates of conviction and incarceration in midlife. Additionally, educational attainment mediates those significant associations fully or partially. The findings support our hypotheses. Our study contributes to the literature in several respects. First, the findings add to the literature by examining the effects of civic participation in areas that have seldom been investigated, such as crime involvement. Second, the findings contribute to the field by investigating educational attainment as a mediator that explains the links between civic participation in early adulthood and midlife outcomes. The findings are consistent with the developmental cascades theory and add empirical evidence to it. Third, the findings add to understanding the positive effects of civic participation in midlife outcomes for urban youth of color who are underrepresented in psychological research. Finally, findings from the present study highlight the potential of using civic participation in early adulthood to improve positive development for minority youth living in high-poverty neighborhoods. The findings have significant implications and can potentially inform policy and practice. The findings are further discussed below.

Civic Participation in Early Adulthood and Midlife Outcomes

Our study findings are consistent with those from other studies, which reported that civic engagement (e.g., volunteering) among youth and young adults predicted higher levels of civic engagement, life satisfaction, psychological well-being, and educational outcomes and lower levels of criminal behaviors (Ballard et al., 2019; Chan et al., 2014; Fenn et al., 2024; Thompson et al., 2024). The present study expands upon the findings from an early study using the CLS data to investigate the relationship between adolescent civic engagement and outcomes in early adulthood (Chan et al., 2014). The positive associations between civic participation in early adulthood and well-being in midlife found in the present study provide further support to the long-term benefits of civic participation and help to understand the life course processes between civic participation in early adulthood and midlife well-being. The developmental cascades theory suggests that competence in civic participation in early adulthood can improve functioning in other domains and impact long-term outcomes. Civic participation in early adulthood might increase one’s confidence and connection to the community, and those carings increase the likelihood of a positive trajectory in early adulthood, resulting in positive outcomes (e.g., higher educational attainment, higher psychological well-being, higher civic engagement, and lower criminal involvement) in middle adulthood. Findings suggest we can promote midlife well-being by encouraging civic participation in early adulthood through intervention programs.

Education as a Mediator of the Effects of Civic Participation in Early Adulthood

Education is essential because of its positive associations with a wide range of long-term well-being, such as stable employment and healthy life. It is also an important tool for social mobility and improving economic well-being for disadvantaged populations (Heckman et al., 2018; Zajacova & Lawrence, 2018). Findings from the present study show that the associations between civic participation in early adulthood and psychological well-being and criminal involvement in midlife are fully mediated by educational attainment. Educational attainment alone can explain the connection between civic participation in early adulthood and two midlife outcomes: psychological well-being and criminal involvement. Education is believed to reduce crime, and the relations have been empirically supported (Lochner & Moretti, 2004; Machin et al., 2011). Similarly, cognitive abilities and income are linked to better psychological well-being (Huppert, 2009). The strong relations between education and the two outcomes, crime and psychological well-being, might explain why education fully mediates the associations between civic participation in early adulthood and criminal involvement and psychological well-being. On the other hand, educational attainment partially mediates the associations between civic participation in early adulthood and life satisfaction, civic engagement, and education. This finding suggests that there might be other mediators that specifically connect civic participation in early adulthood with those outcomes. Some examples are civic efficacy and empowerment, as indicated in the literature (Fenn et al., 2024; Wray-Lake et al., 2019).

Nevertheless, the findings support the critical role that educational attainment plays in linking civic participation in early adulthood and midlife outcomes. Overall, findings indicate that the pathways connecting civic participation in early adulthood and midlife outcomes are complicated and vary by outcome. Understanding the mediators of civic participation in early adulthood by specific outcomes will help our understanding of civic participation’s developmental trajectory and provide insights into designing effective programs to promote civic participation and eventually lead to positive long-term outcomes.

Civic Participation among Urban Youth of Color

Urban youth living in areas of concentrated poverty face more adversities due to food and housing insecurity. Moreover, they face extra stress and barriers to academic and job opportunities due to structural inequality, and these adversities and stressors make them susceptible to adverse outcomes (Lardier, 2019; Onyeka et al., 2022). Although urban youth of color might benefit more from civic engagement (Chan et al., 2014), there are limited civic engagement studies on urban youth of color (Wray-Lake & Abrams, 2020). The significant associations between civic participation in early adulthood and positive outcomes in middle adulthood, including higher psychological well-being, educational attainment, life satisfaction, civic engagement, and lower rates of criminal involvement, in the present study are consequential for urban youth of color.

Our finding indicates that civic participation is associated with lower criminal involvement, which differs from a recent study using a nationally representative sample. Volunteering is associated with lower criminal behavior among whites but not among non-whites (Thompson et al., 2024). The discrepancy suggests that the relationships between civic participation and midlife outcomes might vary by different samples, study design, and measures of civic participation. For example, Thompson et al. (2024) operationalized civic engagement as volunteering behaviors, but the civic participation in the present study focused on participation rather than volunteering. Moreover, the CLS sample is a cohort of minority youth living in high-poverty areas, which differs from the Black in a nationally representative sample. Overall, our findings support the literature on including civic engagement as a critical component of positive youth development (Brewer & Nicotera, 2023; Eisman et al., 2017; Lanza et al., 2023). The implications of promoting well-being and preventing criminal involvement among urban youth of color via civic engagement are significant and warrant further investigation.

In summary, the findings suggest that we can use civic participation as a tool to enhance the development of minority youth and protect them against environmental risks and vulnerabilities. Civic participation might enrich the growth of minority youth through promoting socio-emotional skills and network building. Moreover, civic participation allows minority youth to be involved in communities and organizations that might alter the ecological system that causes and perpetuates their risks and vulnerabilities, consequentially improving the environment for disadvantaged groups. Researchers and policymakers can better support the lives of minority youth, their communities, and societies if they utilize civic participation as an intervention strategy.

Limitations

Several limitations of the present study need to be noted. First, due to data availability, civic participation in early adulthood was examined instead of a comprehensive concept of civic engagement in early adulthood. Second, educational attainment was investigated as the mediator in the present study, which partially mediated the significant association between civic participation in early adulthood and life satisfaction, civic engagement, and education attainment. We might be missing other mediators that are more powerful for those outcomes. Given the extensive studies on the positive effects of civic participation in mental health outcomes (Fenn et al., 2024), mental health and psychological well-being in adulthood would be good candidates for mediators. However, such measures are not available in the CLS. Third, some confounding variables, such as physical health, are omitted in the models. They might influence the relationships between civic participation in early adulthood and midlife well-being. Future studies should assess such variables to account for the intercorrelations among these variables. Finally, the study includes a unique sample of low-income Black youth from inner-city Chicago. The findings cannot be generalized to people from other racial and socioeconomic backgrounds living in different contexts. Nonetheless, the findings provide insights into how civic participation in early adulthood might be connected to midlife outcomes among urban youth of color.

Conclusions

Using a cohort of urban minority youth from the CLS, the present study contributes to the growing literature on the importance of civic participation in successful transitions into midlife. The wide developmental span investigated in the present study provides evidence to support that civic participation in early adulthood plays a critical role in facilitating positive developmental outcomes in midlife. Civic participation might turn disadvantaged youth susceptible to developing problem behaviors into positive developmental trajectories. As a result, civic participation might be an excellent strategy when designing preventive programs for urban youth of color to promote positive well-being, such as better psychological well-being and less criminal involvement. In conclusion, policymakers should consider investing in programs that encourage civic participation among urban minority youth and fund community-based organizations that provide civic participation opportunities for urban minority youth.

Conflict of interest statement:

Suh-Ruu Ou and Arthur J. Reynolds’ participation in this research was supported by the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Grant R01HD034294. The funder had no role in the study design, data collection, analysis, and interpretation of the data; writing, review, or approval of the manuscript; and the decision to submit the manuscript for publication.

Footnotes

CRediT authorship contribution statement

Suh-Ruu Ou: Conceptualization, Methodology, Formal analysis, Data Curation, Writing-Original Draft, Wring-Review & Editing. Sangok Yoo: Investigation, Data Curation, Writing-Original Draft, Wring-Review & Editing, Visualization. Arthur Reynolds: Conceptualization, Methodology, Wring-Review & Editing, Funding acquisition. All authors approved the final manuscript as submitted and agreed to be accountable for all aspects of the work.

Financial disclosure: No financial disclosures were reported by the authors of this paper.

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