Perceived inequality in women’s sports: a qualitative critical discourse analysis in the Iranian context

Abstract

Background

Women around the world continue to face gender-based stereotypes in sports and physical activity. This study aimed to explore Iranian women’s perspectives and interpretations of gender inequality in the field of physical activity and women’s sports, using a critical discourse analysis approach.

Methods

This qualitative study was conducted using a critical discourse analysis approach. Twenty-five women from Kermanshah, Iran, were purposively selected in 2025. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews. The study utilized Fairclough’s three-dimensional model of critical discourse analysis encompassing textual analysis, discourse practice, and socio-cultural practice.

Results

Participants identified four main themes contributing to gender inequality in women’s sports: (1) Power relations (politics, family structures, and economic factors); (2) Infrastructures (spaces, human resources, and equipment); (3) Cultural issues (gendered perspectives, dress codes, and safety concerns); and (4) Issues surrounding women’s sport (restrictions, media representation, and education). Most participants expressed opposition to gender-based discrimination and protested the dominance of men in women’s sports in Iran.

Conclusion

Findings reveal a profound awareness among women regarding gender disparities in sports. It is necessary for women to be placed in management and decision-making positions in Iranian sports to change the rules of the game in power relations. Additionally, cultural transformation, improved infrastructure, enhanced educational opportunities, and increased media coverage are critical to fostering equity in women’s sports.

Introduction

Evidence shows that globally, insufficient physical activity is more common in women than in men [1, 2]. Although the level of physical activity in Iran is generally low, insufficient physical activity is significantly higher in women than in men [3]. For example, a national study found that the average prevalence of inadequate physical activity (IPA) for the entire population for all ages was 51.3%, with 41.93% in men and 57.87% in women [4].

Why women are less physically active than men has led to a movement in the field of women’s studies. It is noteworthy that gender stereotypes, such as considering certain sports as “masculine” or “feminine,” have limited women’s participation around the world [5]. Women in conservative societies, including many Middle Eastern contexts, confront added layers of restriction: legal prohibitions, cultural dress codes, inadequate infrastructure, and religious constraints [6, 7]. Despite the existence of gender stereotypes in sport, women in many countries are trying to change the main definitions of gender by participating in a variety of sports, including men’s sports [8]. Therefore, contemporary sport is moving towards reshaping and reimagining gender relations in sport, with the activism of egalitarian women [9].

Quantitative and qualitative studies on barriers and facilitators of PA in Iranian women have been conducted with different goals and approaches [10, 11]. The results of a cross-sectional study showed that the frequency of interpersonal, environmental, and cultural barriers to physical activity in Iranian women is significantly higher than that of men, while men have more intrapersonal barriers [12]. Fathi et al. [13], have identified the reasons for physical inactivity in middle-aged people with a high desire to do so as apathy, unsupportive environment, disruption in educational chains, and restrictive social norms. Farahani et al. [14], in a qualitative study, identified three main issues including intrapersonal factors, interpersonal factors, and environmental factors related to the sports environment as barriers to PA in Iranian women. According to a qualitative study by Kalani et al. [15], some of the factors inhibiting women from participating in sports included: gender issues, economic and cost issues, geographical accessibility, cultural infrastructure, security, inadequate facilities, and legal barriers. An overview of these studies shows that most have relied on descriptive or analytical qualitative content analysis methods.

This study was conducted qualitatively, using the critical discourse analysis (CDA) approach. CDA is a qualitative research method that is used to discuss inequalities and power relations in specific groups and societies, and examines social phenomena and issues through critical analysis of language, text, or images [16]. In critical discourse analysis, linguistic analysis is integrated with social theory, making it a powerful tool for examining how discourse reflects and shapes social structures [17, 18]. Internationally, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) has been effectively employed to examine how language, media, and policy discourses reproduce gender inequality in sport. For example, Wolter [19] used CDA to show that espnW deployments reinforce male privilege through tokenizing female athletes and attributing “non-sporting” traits that uphold hegemonic masculinity. Furthermore, McGannon [20] emphasizes methodology for employing CDA in sport and exercise studies, noting its strength in revealing how taken-for-granted discourses constrain identities, choices, and practices.

These critical approaches remain underutilized in Iranian sport studies. Existing research centers largely on descriptive barriers, with limited interrogation of how institutional, cultural, and ideological discourses are constructed and maintained by power dynamics. This gap is particularly notable in a society where women face overt restrictions such as stadium bans and hijab regulations that are both embodied and discursively justified [21].

Research aims: To address this gap, our study employs Fairclough’s three-dimensional CDA model, textual analysis, discourse practice, and sociocultural practice, to analyze semi-structured interviews with Iranian women. We aim to uncover how their narratives reflect, reproduce, or resist dominant power relations and gendered discourses in the realm of sport.

Methods

Design

This qualitative study used Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to examine women’s perceptions and lived experiences of gender inequality in physical activity and sports in Iran. CDA, as developed by Norman Fairclough, is rooted in critical theory and linguistics and is particularly concerned with how language constructs, reflects, and legitimizes power relations, social hierarchies, and ideologies [17]. To deepen the analysis of power, this study also drew on Michel Foucault’s conceptualization of discourse and power as embedded in institutions, norms, and every day practices [22].

Theoretical framework

This study was grounded in Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) model, informed by Foucauldian notions of power and discourse. Fairclough’s approach to CDA views language not only as a means of communication but as a form of social practice that both reflects and constitutes social structures [17]. Specifically, this study draws on Foucault’s concept of power as diffuse, relational, and productive, operating through discourse to normalize gendered roles and expectations [22]. This theoretical grounding informed the interpretation of how women narrate their experiences within a sociopolitical and cultural landscape that restricts their participation in physical activity.

Setting and participants

The study was conducted in Kermanshah, Iran, in 2025. Purposive sampling was used to recruit 25 women aged 18–59 years who either engaged in physical activity or expressed a desire to do so but encountered social, cultural, or structural obstacles. Participants were approached in public spaces (e.g., parks, walking paths) and selected based on their ability to reflect on experiences of gendered barriers. Exclusion criteria included severe chronic diseases, including heart failure, musculoskeletal problems, Primary and secondary progressive multiple sclerosis (MS), severe psychiatric and psychosomatic disorders, and disabilities that could independently limit physical activity. Sampling continued until data saturation was reached, ensuring adequate thematic coverage and discursive depth.

Data collection

Data were collected via semi-structured in-depth interviews, conducted face-to-face by a trained female researcher. An interview guide was developed based on a literature review and expert consultation (sport managements, sociology, psychology, and health promotion). The guide included open-ended questions prompting reflection on:

• Personal experiences with sport and physical activity;

• Perceived gender-based restrictions or barriers;

• Institutional, cultural, or interpersonal influences on sport participation.

Each interview lasted 20–60 min, was audio-recorded, and transcribed verbatim. Interviews were conducted in Persian and later translated into English for analysis.

Analysis

Critical discourse analysis is a three-stage analysis: textual analysis, interaction including the production, consumption, and distribution of text, and contextual analysis, i.e., the interpretation of the text in the social context [23]. Initially, the interview was conducted verbatim. In the analysis process, three separate researchers analyzed the texts. We employed Fairclough’s [17] three-stage CDA framework:

1. Textual Analysis (Micro-level): We examined vocabulary, modality, pronoun use, and transitivity to identify passivity and authority in language.

2. Discursive Practice (Meso-level): In this stage, we analyzed the production, distribution, and consumption of discourse. We looked for inter-textual references to dominant cultural/religious narratives and media representations, exploring how participants echoed or resisted these discourses.

3. Social Practice (Macro-level): At this stage, the relationship of discourse to social context and the role of linguistic statements in power relations were emphasized. From this perspective, themes were interpreted within the broader sociopolitical context of Iran, including gender ideology, legal constraints, and institutional control over women’s bodies and mobility.

Trustworthiness

To measure the trustworthiness of the research data, the four criteria of Lincoln and Guba including credibility, dependability, confirmability, and transferability were examined [24, 25]. To examine the credibility of the findings, which is a measure of internal validity, peer debriefing method, prolonged engagement with interviewees and data, and member-checking through referral to interviewees were used. To examine dependability as a measure of reliability, a rich description was used, which included the preparation of a pre-study protocol that was developed during the study. A detailed record of the data collection and analysis process was also provided through an audit trail. To ensure transferability as a measure of external validity, purposive sampling and data saturation were used. Thick description was also implemented as a measure to ensure accurate description of the experiences and the possibility of comparability of the results with future studies. To ensure confirmability as a measure of objectivity, researcher bias was avoided. Overall research bias was also controlled by implementing reflexivity through meetings between analysts. External audit opinions were also used.

Ethical considerations

Written informed consent was obtained from the participants after presenting the aims and methods of the study. Interviewees were assured of the confidentiality of personal information. Subjects were free to ask questions or leave the interview at any time of the interviews. Study was approved by the Research Ethics Committee of Kermanshah University of Medical Sciences (No. IR.KUMS.REC.1400.858).

Results

This qualitative study was conducted with the participation of 25 women with an average age of 34.87 ± 9.32. More than half of the women had a university education (52%). Most were housewives (16 people, 64%) and married women were in the majority (15 people, 60%). Only 8 of the women (32%) exercised regularly in a specific discipline, and the rest of the participants also tended to engage in regular physical activity.

Themes and sub-themes

Content analysis of the interviews using a critical discourse approach led to the extraction of four main themes. Participants identified power relations, cultural issues, infrastructure, and issues surrounding women’s sport as the main areas of discrimination against women in sport. Further details about the extracted codes, subthemes, and themes are provided in Table 1.

Table 1.

Themes, subthemes, and codes related to gender inequality in sport

Themes	Sub-themes	Codes
Power relations	Politics	• Lack of women’s leadership in sports • Meager budget for women’s sports • Male-dominated rules
	Family structures	• Patriarchal system
	Economic factors	• Male-centered economy • Women’s lack of financial independence
Infrastructures	Space	• Discriminatory urban space • Lack of access to sports spaces
	Human resources	• Lack of professional female coaches • Limitations on the work of male coaches in women’s sports
	Equipment	• Lack of equipment in women’s clubs • Inability to provide sports equipment
Cultural issues	Gender perspective	• Female body
	Dress codes	• Hijab • Professional clothing in sports
	Safety concerns	• Harassment in public settings during sports • Mistreatment of women in sports clubs
Issues surrounding women’s sports	Restrictions	• Exclusively female spectators • Stadium attendance restrictions • Limitations on sports disciplines
	Media presentation	• Lack of coverage of women’s sports • Male-centered commentary programs
	Education	• Sports in Girls’ Schools • Discriminatory Public Education

Power relations

In power relations, women identified three factors as reinforcing gender discrimination in sports: “politics”, “family structure”, and “economic factors”.

Politics

Women perceived the political landscape of sport in Iran as dominated by men, with structural barriers that limit female leadership, resource allocation, and policymaking. Participants expressed frustration with the marginalization of women in decision-making positions.

Lack of women’s leadership in sports: According to the participants, men manage and control Iranian sports. Their dominance over Iranian sports is through key positions in the sports management structure throughout the country. They considered the number of women sports managers to be insufficient in relation to the population and the educated female population in society.

“How many women are the presidents of the federation in Iranian sports? In our province of Kermanshah, we don’t have any female sports managers at all. Most of the sports graduates in Iran are women, but what is our share of sports management?” (Participant 3).

Meager budget for women’s sports: In their view, the dominance of men over the sports structure in Iran has led to the spending of sports budgets on men’s sports. They dominate sports to take advantage of it and deprive women’s sports of financial resources. They saw the way out of this challenge as women’s participation in the top levels of women’s sports management.

“As long as men are managers, there will be no budget for women’s sports. I don’t think our managers will give women’s sports a budget except by force of law” (Participant 12).

“Men control all the important decisions in sports. Women’s voices are often ignored when it comes to planning or allocating resources. This leads to consistent underfunding of women’s teams.” (Participant 19).

Male-dominated rules: At the same time, women believed that male managers were making male rules. This vicious cycle has led to the double deprivation of women’s sports.

“Women are in the minority in parliament. It is clear that men make laws for their own benefit. In parliament, government and organizations, male rules do not allow women to progress. We must have a share in the political and legislative structure of the country.” (Participant 7).

Family structure

Power relations in the family are controlled by men, and this is an important factor in women’s participation in physical activity and sport.

Patriarchal system: The participants unanimously identified the patriarchal system and the lack of power of women in the family as the main problem in their sport. They perceived the dominance of men in family affairs and the relegation of women to the position of family workers as a challenge in the power relations of the family. Men, with their dominance in the family, consider women’s sport as a matter of low importance.

“In our society, sport is a male thing. Men do sport, but when it is women’s turn, they have to cook, clean and take care of the children. Our sport is not important to men at all.” (Participant 8).

“My husband and family think that spending time on sports is a waste of my energy. They expect me to prioritize household duties over anything else.” (Participant 14).

Economic factors

The third sub-theme in power relations was the economy. Women objected to the male-centered economy and women’s lack of financial independence.

Male-centered economy: According to the law, the family economy is dominated by men. In Iran, the male-breadwinner culture is dominant and the economic structures of society are patriarchal.

“Even the law has given the right to men. They determine the financial issues of the family. It is clear that men do not value women’s sports and do not spend money.” (Participant 24).

Women’s lack of financial independence: From the perspective of women, the male economy has led to women’s lack of independence and difficulty in meeting the minimum requirements for sports. Unemployed women are forced to manage the money they receive from their husbands as a monthly allowance, a small portion of which goes to sports.

“The money my husband gives me is not enough to cover my expenses, let alone exercise. If I were a salary earner, I could go to a good club” (Participant 17).

“Without my own income, I cannot afford gym membership or sports gear. I have to depend on my husband’s approval for any spending.” (Participant 21).

Infra-structures

Another major issue that contributed to the perceived discrimination against women in sports was infrastructure. They reported gender inequality in the distribution and access to space, human resources, and facilities.

Spaces

Women described urban environments and public spaces as gendered, which restricted their access and comfort in exercising freely.

Discriminatory urban space: According to participants, urban green spaces and parks were predominantly occupied by men, while women had limited and segregated spaces often enclosed and poorly maintained. This spatial segregation created both practical and symbolic barriers to women’s participation in physical activity.

“There is only one park for women here, which is enclosed by high walls and is often closed. The other parks are full of men and we cannot exercise there comfortably. Either this environment needs to change, or we are forced not to exercise.” (Participant 4).

“Most public spaces are designed without considering women’s needs. When women want to use them, they face restrictions and surveillance. It’s like the city doesn’t belong to us.” (Participant 24).

Lack of access to sports spaces: Participants expressed frustration that well-equipped sports facilities are mostly reserved for men, with limited time slots or distant locations available for women. This shortage reduces their chances for regular and quality exercise.

“The main and well-equipped clubs are available to men. For example, not only is the swimming pool far away from us, but it is only open to women for a few hours a day.” (Participant 10).

Human resources

Women in Iranian sports face a shortage of professional coaches in most disciplines due to historical problems. The lack of professional female coaches and the limitations on the work of male coaches in women’s sports were the challenges in this sub-theme.

Lack of professional female coaches: Lack of attention to professional sports training for women has led to a shortage of female coaches in most disciplines. According to the participants, this problem, coupled with the unwillingness of the Ministry of Sports to train professional female coaches, has diminished women’s participation in sports activities.

“There are not many female coaches either. Maybe taekwondo and karate disciplines have good female coaches, but here we do not have many professional female coaches in football.” (Participant 1).

“Most female coaches we find are new and inexperienced. There is no institutional support to train women as professional coaches.” (Participant 18).

Limitations on the work of male coaches in women’s sports: In many sports disciplines in Iran, the use of male coaches in training women is limited. In the current situation where there are few professional female coaches, women introduced this as a challenge and believed that male coaches should be used to train women, while observing some ethical issues and necessary obligations.

“Male coaches should only train men. This is discrimination. When there is no female coach, men can be used. We should not be deprived of having a good coach just because we are women.” (Participant 20).

“Sometimes we have good male coaches willing to help, but social norms prevent them from coaching women, which limits our progress.” (Participant 3).

Equipment

Women in the field of sports face the problem of specialized equipment. Lack of equipment in women’s clubs: participants believed that equipment and facilities budgets were not being spent equitably on purchasing sports equipment needed by women, and that the few women’s clubs faced a shortage of equipment.

“I do fitness, in a women’s gym. Our equipment is much less compared to men’s gyms. Some men’s gyms are for women for several hours a day. I have to go there and work out for some exercises.” (Participant 13).

“The machines in our women’s club are old and often broken. Men’s clubs get new equipment first.” (Participant 22).

Inability to provide sports equipment: The financial burden of purchasing personal sports gear is an added barrier, as quality equipment is expensive and inaccessible to many women.

“We have to buy our own Taekwondo sparring gear set, such as padded helmet, shin guards, arm pads, etc. The quality stuff is very expensive. I have to buy low quality equipment, which may cause me injury.” (Participant 19).

Culture issues

Cultural issues were frequently mentioned by participants in the interviews. We categorized three subthemes including gender perspective, clothing, and safety as common cultural problems limiting women’s participation in sport and PA.

Gender perspective

The women in this study emphasized the gendered view of sport in Iran.

Female body: Their main challenge was to relate sport to the female body. This view, they said, allows men to forbid women from exercising on the pretext that women are exposed to the gaze of others.

“My husband says I shouldn’t do bodybuilding because my body becomes sexy. This mindset is common among our men. Since they have a sexy view themselves, they generalize it to society.” (Participant 5).

“In our community, sport for women is often seen as inappropriate because of their bodies. Men think women should be modest and avoid physical activities that reveal their shape.” (Participant 11).

Dress code

One of the limitations of women’s sports from the participants’ perspective was dress code, which included the hijab and professional clothing in sports.

In Iran, there are requirements for clothing in women’s sports that limit women’s physical activity. Hijab is a common term in Iran. Women believed that hijab is not necessarily synonymous with restrictions on sports, but it lowers the quality of sports and challenges women in learning sports.

“We have to wear a full hijab during sports. The head and body must be completely covered. In indoor spaces, the situation is a little better, but when we play football, we have to observe the hijab.” (Participant 21).

“Wearing hijab during intense physical activity can be suffocating and limits our performance, but removing it is not an option due to social rules.” (Participant 9).

Professional clothing in sports: In some sports, specific clothing has been specially designed for Muslim female athletes, which athletes are required to wear, such as swimming.

“When we have a competition, we have to observe the approved clothing. It is true that we agreed to wear a cover, but swimming competitions with full coverage are really difficult.” (Participant 6).

Safety concerns

Women identified staying safe as one of the main challenges in sports. They were concerned about their moral and physical safety in sports activities.

Harassment in public settings during sports: One of these problems was harassment in public settings during sports. Physical and verbal harassment of women by men during sports was reported by some women.

“When I exercise in the park, I sometimes get harassed by men, especially young men. That’s why I either exercise with my friends or with my husband.” (Participant 14).

I avoid running outside alone because of fear of being followed or harassed. It’s stressful and discouraging.” (Participant 22).

Mistreatment of women in sports clubs: Some cases also reported mistreatment of women in sports clubs by male coaches or officials.

“One of the male officials in the sports committee offered me a friendship. I had to leave there to save my reputation.” (Participant 23).

Issues surrounding women’s sports

The last theme in the results was the issues that refer to the prohibitions and restrictions of women’s sports. Women believed that these problems that do not exist for men’s sports are discriminations that are applied against women. Some of the major problems in this regard were the restrictions, media coverage, and sports education for women.

Restrictions

Women believed that some restrictions are imposed on women’s sports that can be reduced with legal solutions and cultural grounding.

Exclusively female spectators: Participants protested why in women’s sports competitions, spectators are exclusively women.

“I play handball. They don’t even let my husband and son come to watch the games. It’s forbidden.” Participant 9)

Stadium attendance restrictions: Women do not have the right to attend stadiums in many sports, especially football.

“Women used to not be able to go to the football stadium to watch football. Since FIFA has put pressure on them, they are allowing women to go to the stadium in some matches, so that FIFA doesn’t ban them.” (Participant 2).

Limitations on sports disciplines: Also, holding professional competitions in some sports is prohibited or limited for women, including boxing, bodybuilding, and cycling.

“I was interested in boxing, but apparently the law doesn’t allow women to be in boxing. At least I’m sure that boxing is forbidden for women professionally here.” (Participant 15).

“In cycling competitions, women are not allowed to participate fully, and the number of events for women is very limited. These laws are unfair and restrict our opportunities.” (Participant 22).

Media representation

From the women’s perspective, the next problem was media discrimination.

Lack of coverage of women’s sports: In their opinion, media coverage of women’s sports is not comparable to that of men. Most men’s sports competitions are broadcast by state-run media, but women’s sports are ignored.

“The sports news section is all about men. We are unaware of the results of women’s sports competitions around the world because our media is prohibited from broadcasting images of women’s sports.” (Participant 11).

“Media always focuses on men’s sports. Female athletes rarely appear in programs or advertisements, which diminishes our visibility and role in sports.” (Participant 7).

Male-centered commentary programs: Women attributed this trend to the exclusive presence of male sports experts in the media.

“They don’t invite female experts in any sports commentary program. The sports department of radio and television is in the hands of men, as if no women in Iran do sports.” (Participant 18).

Education

Women believed that one of the main reasons for the backwardness of women’s sports was discrimination in sports education.

Sports in Girls’ Schools: In their opinion, gender inequality in education permeated from school sports to championship sports.

“When we were students, they didn’t give us any education during sports lessons. It’s the same now. If there was professional sports education in schools, girls would become interested in sports and go into a professional field.” (Participant 16).

“In schools, sports activities for girls are minimal and superficial. We lack qualified coaches and proper facilities. This discourages girls from engaging in sports.” (Participant 13).

Discriminatory Public Education: According to the participants, public education at the community level or through the media is not in line with women’s sports. They believed that public education could encourage women to participate in sports and increase their skill level.

“The educational programs that are broadcast on TV don’t use women. In the city, the advertisements and training about sports are mostly for men. Maybe they want us not to exercise at all.” (Participant 25).

Discussion

This study examined women’s perspectives and understandings of gender discrimination in the field of physical activity and sport in Iran through the lens of critical discourse analysis. Participants identified four main areas contributing to gender-based discrimination in sport: power relations, cultural issues, infrastructure, and issues surrounding women’s sport.

In the domain of power relations, three key factors were identified as reinforcing gender discrimination: politics, family structures, and economic factors. Politically, the lack of female leadership in sport, male-dominated rules, and the meager budget for women’s sports were noted as clear manifestations of inequality. Participants also pointed to patriarchal systems and male-centric economic structures within families as barriers to women’s participation in sport and PA. Understanding power dynamics is crucial in interpreting how individuals and groups respond to systemic change [26]. Drawing on Foucault’s argument about power and the rules of the game, it can be said that male dominance in sports power structures shapes expert discourses and the legitimate structure of men’s domination over women [27]. According to the participants, women in Iran have limited presence in sports leadership, with most top-level positions held by men. Consequently, laws and funding prioritize men’s sports. A meta-analysis found that despite women’s active participation in sport, they are underrepresented in leadership and continue to face gender discrimination [28]. A systematic review further confirmed that patriarchal language and gender stereotypes create widespread barriers to women’s advancement in sport leadership globally [29].

In the Iranian context, cultural and religious ideologies have been instrumentalized to create legitimizing myths that rationalize male dominance in sport [30]. Men often portray women as unsuitable for management roles and frame sport as inherently masculine, thereby reinforcing systemic exclusion. Fadaeideh et al. [31], argue that the marginalization of women in Iran’s sports administration stems from policies that include women in federations without granting them voting rights. From a social dominance theory perspective, persistent group inequalities are maintained through institutional discrimination in resource allocation, favoring dominant groups. This is the same exercise of gender dominance in sport that male managers exert by diverting resources to men’s sports [32]. Male sports administrators often divert resources away from women’s sports, reinforcing male dominance.

Economic constraints were another key concern. Rasakh et al. [33], identified unequal funding and financial barriers in elite women’s sport. A qualitative study also reported that financial dependence and high costs related to equipment and club fees are major obstacles for Iranian women [14]. These issues are deeply rooted in Iran’s legal framework, where men are officially recognized as heads of households, rendering women financially dependent [21]. In such contexts, families often reinforce traditional gender roles, perpetuating male dominance across generations [34, 35].

Although patriarchy has an impact on women’s physical activity, it has also led to a critical discourse at the societal level. Many successful women in sports have tried to influence the world of sports and challenge traditional patriarchal thinking. In fact, this critical discourse is actively challenging patriarchal norms through both language and action [31, 36]. Empowering women through employment opportunities to achieve financial independence, and increasing awareness of women’s rights, have been recommended as long-term solutions to dismantle discriminatory systems. Although these solutions are very difficult and will take a long time to achieve, efforts must continue [37].

In this study, women objected to the infrastructure related to sports. Participants also criticized the sports infrastructure, citing gender inequality in access to space, personnel, and facilities. Kalani et al. [15], found that limited geographic access to sports venues, a shortage of female sports professionals, and inadequate resources for women’s sports are major structural barriers. Shariati et al. [38], have identified the lack of sports facilities for women and the lack of sufficient financial resources allocated to women’s sports as problems facing Iranian women at all stages of life. A study in Saudi Arabia similarly identified the absence of supportive infrastructure as a barrier for Muslim girls in sport [39]. Other studies have also cited family economic constraints, expensive sports facilities for women, the high cost of participating in women’s sports activities, and low income as barriers to women’s sports [40].

Women in this study protested against gendered urban public space and demanded their right to freely use urban spaces (public and indoor) for PA and exercise, and believed that they should make more efforts in this direction. Sadeghi and Jangjoo [41], noted that the design and governance of urban environments in Iran neglect women’s needs and reduce their opportunities for PA. Rasekh et al. [33], argued that women often cannot exercise freely in public and must resort to restricted indoor environments, which also lack adequate facilities. Carrera and Castellaneta [42] view this issue through a historical lens, arguing that women have long been excluded from public spaces and are now reclaiming their spatial rights.

Cultural factors, particularly gender perspectives, dress codes, and safety concerns, were repeatedly mentioned. The gendered focus on the female body—rooted in religious norms—has become a justification for restricting women’s participation. In traditional societies, bodies are defined through gender-specific discourses, and deviation is met with social scrutiny [43]. Rahbari et al. [44], in a critical discourse analysis based on the Foucauldian concept of bio-politics, believe that women’s bodies in Iran have been discursively constructed to portray Islamic nationalist discourse. The dominant (masculine) discourse on sport and PA is in conflict with women’s body image in sport, a gendered discourse that believes sport is more for men than women. In this discourse, women are critical and believe that the health aspects of sport in women should be addressed, regardless of the body [45].

Clothing requirements, especially the mandatory hijab, serve as another cultural barrier. In Iran, female athletes must wear the hijab, an Islamic covering that leaves only the face and hands exposed. While Muslim women in countries like the UK see the absence of hijab as a reason to engage in their desired PA [6], those in Qatar also noted how dress codes restrict PA [46]. In Iran, legislated hijab laws, especially when coupled with traditional values in less developed areas, significantly limit women’s sporting opportunities.

Safety was another concern. Participants expressed fear about exercising alone or in isolated areas. Gender-based violence and harassment in public spaces are major obstacles to Iranian women’s participation in PA [47]. Studies found that safety concerns and misconceptions are barriers of women’s exercise, consistent with the cultural theme in this study [15, 48]. Shariati et al. [38], found that women are concerned about moral and social insecurity in sports venues, consistent with the results of the present study. Gqola al [49], argued that the patriarchal discourse of safety, particularly in the Middle East, aimed at restricting women is one of the reasons for the decline in physical activity among women.

The fourth theme in this study was issues surrounding women’s sports, which emerged from the broader themes of prohibitions, media discrimination, and education. In Iran, women’s sports competitions are held exclusively with female spectators. Women face restrictions on attending mixed-gender sports stadiums, especially men’s soccer matches and certain sports are outright prohibited for women. The isolation of women’s sports, including the absence of male spectators and the ban on women attending mixed events, stems largely from religious roots and, in some cases, leads to unequal opportunities for women [45, 50]. Hassanzadeh [51] argues that the issue of women’s presence in sports stadiums in Iran is part of a broader discursive debate on the symbolic representation of the female body in the public sphere. This underscores the need for cultural revision in gender-related narratives and the representation of women’s bodies in Iran. Religious authorities oppose the presence of women in sports stadiums, leading to a conflict between religious and governmental institutions. In some cases, this issue has been addressed due to FIFA’s deadlines aimed at lifting the ban on women’s presence. However, women’s efforts to attend stadiums for all competitions persist [52].

In Iran, certain sports disciplines are prohibited for women, including Zumba, boxing, rock climbing, cycling, and bodybuilding. Gymnastics and swimming also subject to strict hijab requirements [53, 54]. Furthermore, the ban on women riding bicycles in public has prevented many girls from using bicycles as a means of transportation to school [55].

In the realm of media, which serves functions such as showcasing and analyzing sports, coverage is often male-dominated [56]. This is especially the case in Iran, where there are restrictions on the portrayal of women and religious issues in the media [31]. Iranian domestic media frequently ignores women’s championships and refuses to broadcast women’s sporting events [57].

In the present study, women believed that men use the tactic of monopolizing education to preserve gender inequality. This disparity begins in schools and continues into specialized, high-performance levels of sports. According to a study by Monazami et al. [58], experts in the field of women’s sports identified specialized training for women and the development of female coaches as the most crucial human and professional factors in advancing women’s sports in Iran. The results of a systematic review, which highlights the challenges of physical activity in girls’ schools, further support the implementation of a comprehensive physical education program [59]. According to Bourdieu, education is a field where individuals compete to accumulate various forms of capital [60]. From a gendered perspective, it can be argued that in Iran, men seek to maintain their dominance in society by controlling access to sports education.

Limitation and strengthens

This study employed a qualitative critical discourse analysis (CDA) approach, which focuses on exploring power structures and dominant discourses rather than aiming for broad generalizability. The participants were women from western Iran, reflecting community perspectives rather than expert opinions, and thus technical aspects of women’s sports were not deeply examined. Furthermore, the critical nature of CDA means the study emphasized power dynamics and inequalities rather than providing a comprehensive assessment of all barriers and facilitators in women’s sports. Nonetheless, this study is among the few qualitative investigations utilizing CDA to explore gender discrimination in Iranian sports, providing valuable insights into women’s experiences and contributing useful knowledge for policymakers and sports managers.

Conclusion

The findings reveal that Iranian women possess a profound understanding of gender discrimination within sports, manifested across power relations, cultural issues, infrastructure, and media representation. To enact meaningful change, it is essential to increase women’s presence in managerial and decision-making roles within Iranian sports organizations to reshape the “rules of the game” in power structures. Economic independence is another critical factor, as women’s financial reliance on men limits their active participation in sports activities. Addressing deeply rooted cultural perceptions, particularly those related to the female body as a site of male dominance, is crucial for advancing gender equality in sports. Improvements in sports infrastructure and equitable media coverage of women’s sports are also urgently needed. Moreover, ensuring women’s access to quality sports education, from school-based physical education programs to elite athletic training, is vital for promoting sustained participation. Ultimately, persistent and multi-dimensional efforts involving cultural, structural, and policy reforms are necessary to dismantle gender-based barriers and foster an inclusive sports environment in Iran.

Authors’ contributions

NS: Conceptualization, Data gathering, Methodology, Formal analysis; Writing – review and editing; Writing – original draft. NSh: Data gathering, Formal analysis, Writing – original draft; MoK: Methodology, Formal analysis; Writing – original draft; NRG: Methodology, Formal analysis; Writing – review and editing; Writing – original draft; SN: Methodology, Formal analysis; Writing – review and editing; Writing – original draft; MeK: Conceptualization, Supervision, Methodology, Formal analysis, Funding acquisition, Writing – original draft, Writing – review and editing.

Funding

This work is financially supported by Kermanshah University of Medical Sciences (Grant No. 4010690). The funders played no role in the study design, data collection, data analysis, interpretation or writing of the report.

Data availability

No datasets were generated or analysed during the current study.

Declarations

Ethics approval and consent to participate

We confirm that all methods related to the human participants were performed in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki. This study also received ethics approval from the Research Ethics Committee of Kermanshah University of Medical Sciences (No.IR.KUMS.REC.1400.858). Consent was obtained from all participants included in the study.

Consent for publication

Not applicable.

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.