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International Journal of Qualitative Studies on Health and Well-being logoLink to International Journal of Qualitative Studies on Health and Well-being
. 2025 Nov 6;20(1):2577283. doi: 10.1080/17482631.2025.2577283

Untangling absence: left behind adolescents’ interpretive meaning construction of parental migration in Zimbabwe

Taruvinga Muzingili a,*
PMCID: PMC12599338  PMID: 41199487

Abstract

Purpose

This study investigates how left-behind adolescents in Zimbabwe construct meaning around parental migration—a prevalent outcome of global economic shifts and professional emigration in the Global South.

Method

Guided by existentialist theory and employing Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA), the study engaged 14 adolescents aged 13–17 who had experienced the migration of at least one parent for at least two years. Data were collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews, allowing participants to articulate their lived experiences and meaning-making processes.

Results

Five key experiential themes emerged: (1) disrupted emotional security, (2) forced maturity, (3) ambivalence toward migration, (4) identity reconstruction, and (5) adaptive resilience. Participants actively engaged in emotional, cognitive, and social strategies to navigate parental absence. These included emotional detachment, reframing hardship as growth, reliance on peer support and faith, and expressions of emotional fatigue and unresolved longing.

Conclusions

The findings reveal that left-behind adolescents are not passive recipients of familial disruption but demonstrate active meaning-making efforts. These insights call for psychosocial interventions prioritizing adolescent agency and existential coping strategies. Policy and programming should focus on strengthening emotional support systems, improving digital connectivity with migrant parents, and integrating existential frameworks into adolescent well-being initiatives and child welfare policies.

Keywords: Parental migration, left-behind adolescents, meaning-making, Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA), emotional resilience

Introduction

Global migration has increased exponentially over the past two decades, with professionals from developing nations relocating for better economic opportunities. In 2024, the number of international migrants worldwide stood at 304 million, nearly doubling since 1990, when there were an estimated 154 million international migrants globally (United Nations, 2025). This trend has been fueled by globalization, economic disparities, and political instability in many regions, particularly in the Global South. The movement of skilled labour, often referred to as the “brain drain,” has had profound implications for economies and family structures, particularly in low- and middle-income countries (Antman, 2013; Kofman et al., 2022). Sub-Saharan Africa has been disproportionately affected by this phenomenon, with countries such as Zimbabwe experiencing high rates of professional migration due to economic decline, political instability, and rising unemployment (Crisford, 2022). Studies have shown that even in destination countries, migrant parents often struggle to meet all financial obligations due to precarious job markets and high living costs (Crisford, 2022; Muchabaiwa, 2024). Families may leave their children behind when migrating internationally due to financial constraints and the desire to provide stability and continuity in education and caregiving (Antman, 2013; Kofman et al., 2022).

While there is extensive research on the experiences of migrant parents, particularly their struggles in maintaining familial bonds across borders (Atta et al., 2025; Crisford, 2022), less attention has been given to the idiographic meaning constructed by the adolescents left behind. Existing studies highlight the fundamental challenges faced by these adolescents—such as loneliness, academic struggles, and social stigma (e.g., Antia et al., 2022; Atta et al., 2025; Chok et al., 2018; Fauk et al., 2024; Zhao et al., 2018). Apart from the studies not focusing on the African context, they also fail to capture the deeper phenomenological meaning of being left behind. This study employs an interpretive phenomenological approach to explore how left-behind adolescents in Zimbabwe construct the meaning of being left behind due to parental migration. By centering their voices, the study aims to contribute to adolescent well-being literature and inform child welfare policies; this study is crucial for shaping holistic interventions that support the psychosocial well-being of children in the context of growing global migration.

The experiences of adolescents left behind due parental migration

Parental migration is a global phenomenon that significantly impacts family structures and child development. While migration often enhances financial stability through remittances (Antia et al., 2022; Zhao et al., 2018), it also disrupts parent-child relationships, leaving adolescents to navigate emotional, academic, and social challenges (Chok et al., 2018; Crisford, 2022). Research has explored these consequences across various regions. However, significant gaps remain in understanding the nuanced experiences of left-behind adolescents, particularly about their identity formation, psychological resilience, and child welfare policies in both home and destination countries. However, these studies often stop short of exploring how adolescents actively interpret and internalize these disruptions, leaving unanswered questions about how meaning is constructed in the absence of parental presence.

Parental migration has been widely studied in Latin America, particularly in Mexico and Central America, where migration to the United States is common. Adolescents left behind often exhibit heightened anxiety, depression, and emotional withdrawal due to the absence of parental figures (Lu, 2014). Fuller (2017) found that children in Mexico whose mothers migrated experienced more psychological distress than those with migrant fathers, suggesting that maternal absence may have a more profound emotional impact. This highlights a gap in understanding how gendered parental roles shape adolescent well-being. In Asia, particularly in the Philippines (Lam & Yeoh, 2019) and China (Zhao et al., 2018), emotional distress among left-behind adolescents is often masked by societal resilience expectations. However, Sharma (2023) found that while Nepalese adolescents reported loneliness and anxiety, they were expected to express gratitude for financial remittances rather than voice emotional distress. In sub-Saharan Africa, particularly in South Africa, left-behind adolescents report significant psychological distress, including feelings of neglect and isolation (Bennett et al., 2015). However, a key gap in African research is the limited exploration of how adolescents internalize and construct meanings, as most studies focus on externalized behaviors such as substance abuse and delinquency (Tawodzera & Themane, 2024; Matsa, 2020). How these emotional and behavioral responses emerge from adolescents' interpretive processes—how they make sense of absence, responsibility, and relational change in their everyday lives remains underexamined.

In Latin America, research presents mixed findings on the impact of parental migration on education. Adow (2025) found that while remittances improved access to education, parental absence resulted in lower academic performance due to reduced supervision. In Ecuador, Tello and Sánchez (2025) observed that adolescents with migrant parents often lacked motivation, leading to school dropouts. In the Philippines, left-behind adolescents benefit from remittances that fund education, but many struggle with academic engagement due to emotional distress (Lam & Yeoh, 2019). Yeung and Gu (2016) found that parental migration negatively affected school performance in rural China due to decreased parental involvement in learning. In Kenya, Kusi-Mensah and Omigbodun (2020) found that while remittances help cover school fees, left-behind adolescents struggle with self-discipline due to the absence of parental oversight. Additionally, Antman (2012) found that in South Africa, adolescents with migrant parents often lacked academic motivation. However, a key gap in research is the limited interpretive analysis of adolescents' experiences, particularly on the meaning of being left behind. These studies largely quantify academic outcomes without delving into the personal, subjective sense adolescents attach to their educational journeys in parental absence.

In El Salvador, left-behind adolescents often face social stigma, with peers perceiving them as “abandoned” (Rubio, 2020). This stigma can lead to either social withdrawal or increased reliance on peer groups for emotional support, sometimes resulting in engagement in risky behaviors (Vasquez, 2014). In the Philippines and China, left-behind adolescents often take on caregiving roles for younger siblings, which can either strengthen or strain family bonds (Lam & Yeoh, 2019). Zhao et al. (2018) found that this responsibility often accelerates maturity but can also lead to resentment. A key gap in these studies is the limited examination of how these caregiving roles affect adolescents' transition into adulthood. Left-behind adolescents in Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Malawi often rely on extended family for support (Madziva et al., 2025). However, Chikwira and Madziva (2023) found that some caregivers prioritize their biological children over the left-behind adolescents, leading to feelings of neglect. A gap in African research is the lack of studies examining how these dynamics affect long-term identity formation. While these studies outline the behavioural and structural shifts in adolescents' roles, they rarely interrogate the subjective, internal processes of self-understanding and transformation that accompany these changes.

In Latin America, religion is crucial in helping left-behind adolescent’s cope with parental absence (John, 2015). Many turn to faith-based communities for emotional support, while others develop a strong sense of independence (John, 2015). However, a key gap in research is the limited analysis of how gender influences coping strategies. Digital communication has become essential for maintaining family bonds (Lam & Yeoh, 2019). However, Owusu (2013) found that while video calls and messaging apps help, they do not entirely replace physical parental presence. A key limitation in existing studies is the failure to explore how adolescents without access to technology cope with parental migration. In Africa, peer networks and community organizations play a significant role in helping left-behind adolescents’ cope. However, Tagutanazvo and Dzingirai (2023) found that rural adolescents have fewer coping mechanisms due to limited access to digital communication and psychological support services. However, how adolescents interpret and emotionally negotiate these coping strategies—especially in scarcity—remains underexplored, limiting our understanding of their lived agency and existential adaptation.

Theoretical framework

This study seeks to understand the meaning left-behind adolescents in Zimbabwe attach to parental migration, positioning existentialism as the most suitable theoretical framework. Existentialism, both as a philosophical and psychological tradition, emphasizes individual agency, freedom, and the human capacity to construct meaning in response to uncertainty, isolation, and emotional struggle (Frankl, 1967; May, 1953; Sartre, 1966). Unlike structuralist or developmental paradigms that prioritize external systems, existentialism considers individuals as active meaning-makers, making it especially relevant for exploring how adolescents interpret and emotionally respond to long-term parental absence.

Sartre’s (1966) proposition that “existence precedes essence” is particularly salient for adolescents who must define themselves in the absence of parental guidance. These young people are often thrust into complex emotional and practical roles without choice, yet they remain responsible for how they interpret their experience. In this sense, parental migration becomes not just a familial shift but an existential condition. Adolescents must grapple with the consequences of freedom—making decisions about their identity and emotional world while lacking the traditional support structures that shape such development (Kusi-Mensah & Omigbodun, 2020; Lam & Yeoh, 2019). For some, this fosters resilience and maturity (Owusu, 2013); for others, it leads to internalized rejection and emotional distress (John, 2015). Sartre’s view that freedom is inseparable from responsibility helps explain why some adolescents embrace independence while others perceive it as abandonment.

Building on this foundation, Frankl’s (1967) logotherapy offers a deeper exploration of how individuals find meaning even under adverse conditions. Frankl posits that the search for meaning—not pleasure or power—is the central human drive. For left-behind adolescents, this often translates into constructing narratives around parental migration as sacrifice, duty, or necessity (Tawodzera & Themane, 2024). Adolescents who succeed in framing their parents’ absence as meaningful often report greater psychological stability. Conversely, those who cannot attach meaning to the absence frequently experience emotional detachment, hopelessness, or despair (Sharma, 2023). Frankl’s notion of tragic optimism—the ability to remain hopeful despite suffering—explains why meaning-making becomes a protective factor. As Fauk et al. (2024) found, adolescents unable to construct positive meaning around parental absence are more likely to experience existential despair and negative self-perceptions. Meaning, then, is not a byproduct of circumstance but a psychological resource that shapes emotional outcomes.

Rollo May’s (1953) work on existential anxiety adds further depth to this framework. May distinguishes existential anxiety from clinical anxiety, arguing that it arises when individuals confront uncertainty and responsibility without clear guidance. Left-behind adolescents often face such conditions as they question their familial role, future direction, and emotional security (Fauk et al., 2024). While existential anxiety can be a catalyst for growth, it may also lead to feelings of abandonment, identity confusion, and emotional withdrawal when not confronted constructively. These outcomes align with studies showing that left-behind adolescents may struggle with detachment, insecurity, and complex grief (Antman, 2013; Zhao et al., 2018). From an existentialist perspective, addressing this anxiety requires not avoidance but meaning-making—a process that determines whether the adolescent grows from the experience or becomes trapped in emotional turmoil (Davidov & Russo-Netzer, 2024).

A core tenet of existentialism is that human beings are always free to interpret their reality, even when they cannot control it. Sartre’s (1966) concept of “facticity” acknowledges that individuals are born into specific socio-cultural and economic conditions—including poverty, migration, and fragmented caregiving—but still retain the freedom to assign meaning to these experiences. This is particularly pertinent in Zimbabwe, where adolescents are often excluded from migration decisions (Antia et al., 2022; Fuller, 2017; Lu, 2014) yet must live with the emotional consequences. Some perceive migration as an act of love and necessity (Antman, 2012; Lam & Yeoh, 2019), while others view it as abandonment, depending on how they interpret the absence (Zhao et al., 2018). The existentialist view, supported by Frankl (1967) and May (1953), is that it is not the objective experience itself but the subjective interpretation that most determines psychological outcomes (Davidov & Russo-Netzer, 2022).

This interpretive freedom plays a crucial role in identity formation. Sartre (1966) argued that individuals must create their essence through lived experience, a notion echoed in studies on identity development among left-behind youth (Tagutanazvo & Dzingirai, 2023; Vasquez, 2014). Adolescents often turn to peers, extended family, or cultural narratives to fill the gap left by absent parents. However, this process is not uniform. While some adolescents display strong self-reliance, others oscillate between dependence and resentment, particularly when they feel emotionally disconnected from their caregivers (Filippa et al., 2013; Rubio, 2020). Kusi-Mensah and Omigbodun (2020) point out that these divergent responses are shaped by how adolescents perceive and internalize their circumstances. Existentialism helps explain this variability by emphasizing that identity is a lived, interpretive process rather than a fixed developmental outcome.

Material and methods

Design, participants and sampling strategy

This study adopted an Interpretative Phenomenological Approach (IPA) guided by the epistemic principles of existentialism, which centre on the search for meaning in human experiences (Smith, 2016). IPA’s emphasis on double hermeneutics—where the researcher interprets and makes sense of how participants interpret their own experiences—was particularly relevant to this study. Given that parental absence is a deeply personal and emotionally charged experience, the selection of adolescents was therefore experienced-driven, ensuring that participants had lived through at least two years of parental absence, allowing them sufficient time to engage in meaning-making processes (Eatough & Smith, 2017).

The study focused on adolescents aged 13 to 17 who had experienced parental migration for at least two years. This duration was chosen based on research indicating that meaning-making processes require sustained engagement with an experience (Eatough & Smith, 2017). Adolescents who had been left behind for shorter periods might not have developed a stable interpretation of their parent’s absence, making their perspectives less aligned with the existential and hermeneutic focus of the study. A purposive sampling approach was employed to ensure a balanced representation of two groups: (1) Adolescents who reported significant distress due to parental absence (n = 7), and (2) Adolescents who did not report major emotional struggles related to parental absence (n = 7)

Experience was a primary determinant in IPA sampling, as the richness of lived experiences enhances the depth of interpretative analysis (Eatough & Smith, 2017). Participants were recruited through four secondary schools, identified with the assistance of school counsellors and social welfare officers (DSD), who had insight into students’ psychosocial well-being. While some founders and supporters of IPA (Eatough & Smith, 2017) recommend small sample sizes—sometimes as few as 3 to 6 participants—to allow for deep idiographic engagement, this study employed a broader sample of 14 adolescents to prioritize capturing the breadth of diverse meaning-making experiences across gender, emotional adjustment levels, and caregiving arrangements. However, idiographic depth was not compromised: each transcript was individually analyzed with close attention to language, context, and emotional nuance before identifying cross-case themes. At least one verbatim quote from each participant was included in the data analysis to ensure that all voices were preserved in the interpretive process. Table I below shows the demographic characteristics of the final sample size:

Table I.

Demographic characteristics of participants.

Participant ID Age Gender School grade Years since parental migration Migrated parent(s) Current caregiver Siblings in household Urban/rural Frequency of contact with migrant parent(s) Emotional distress reported
A1 13 Female 8 8 Mother Aunt 2 Urban Monthly Yes
A2 16 Female 11 10 Both Grandmother 3 Rural Rare Yes
A3 14 Female 9 9 Mother Aunt 1 Rural Weekly Yes
A4 17 Female 12 9 Father Uncle 2 Urban Occasional No
A5 13 Female 8 8 Both Grandmother 1 Rural Less than month Yes
A6 15 Female 10 5 Mother Aunt 0 Urban Weekly No
A7 16 Male 11 8 Father Uncle 1 Urban Rare communication Yes
A8 15 Male 10 6 Father Grandfather 2 Rural Monthly messages No
A9 15 Male 10 10 Mother Grandmother 3 Urban Weekly voice calls No
A10 16 Male 11 8 Both Aunt 2 Urban Sporadic communication Yes
A11 14 Male 9 7 Mother Sister 1 Rural Rare text messages No
A12 14 Male Grade 9 7 Father Aunt 1 Rural Monthly church calls Yes
A13 17 Male Grade 12 11 Mother Uncle 2 Urban Irregular voice notes No
A14 17 Female Grade 12 9 Father Grandmother 2 Urban Weekly messages No

The rationale for balancing participants who struggled with and those who adjusted to parental migration aligns with existentialist thought, which asserts that human meaning-making can be both positive and negative (Frankl, 1967). This dual representation allowed the study to capture the full spectrum of adolescent meaning attribution, avoiding a deficit-based perspective that assumes all left-behind adolescents’ experience distress.

Research instrument

A semi-structured interview guide was developed to facilitate in-depth, participant-centered conversations, allowing adolescents to narrate their experiences without restrictive time constraints or prescriptive questioning. Given the idiographic nature of Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA), the interview process was fluid and exploratory, ensuring that each adolescent had the space to articulate their thoughts, emotions, and interpretations in their own words (Smith, 2016). The open-ended nature of the questions encouraged participants to engage in deep reflection and meaning-making, aligning with existentialism's emphasis on individual interpretation of lived experiences.

The interview guide focused on three core themes, each addressing gaps in existing literature. The first theme explored the personal meaning of parental absence, asking participants, “How would you describe your experience of living without your parent(s)?” This question was designed to move beyond objective descriptions of parental migration and instead uncover the subjective meanings adolescents attach to their experiences, a gap identified in migration literature, which often emphasizes economic and structural consequences rather than personal meaning-making (Zhaoe et al., 2018). The second theme examined emotional and identity responses, asking, “How has your parents' absence influenced how you see yourself and your future?” This question addressed the underexplored link between parental absence and adolescent identity formation, as existing research predominantly focuses on psychological distress without investigating how adolescents integrate this experience into their evolving sense of self (Lam & Yeoh, 2019). The third theme delved into coping and adaptation strategies, probing with, “Can you share moments when you felt either strong or vulnerable because of your parents' absence? What helped you cope?” This question was crucial in challenging deficit narratives that often depict left-behind adolescents as passive victims of parental migration; instead, it sought to uncover their agency in constructing resilience—a dimension often overlooked in migration studies (Filippa et al., 2013).

Data collection procedure

The study utilized semi-structured interviews, allowing in-depth, participant-driven conversations aligned with Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) principles. Given the sensitive nature of parental absence, interviews were conducted within school premises rather than participants' homes to ensure a neutral environment free from potential discomfort or external influence from guardians. Before data collection, informed consent was obtained from parents/guardians, while participants provided assent, ensuring ethical compliance and voluntary participation. Interviews were conversational, enabling the researcher to immerse deeply in discussions, probe for clarity, and engage with emerging meanings as adolescents articulated their lived experiences. While the interview guide contained predetermined open-ended questions, flexibility was maintained for unconstrained, participant-led dialogue. Sessions were audio-recorded to ensure accurate data capture, with interviews ranging from 47 to 71 minutes.

Data analysis

The study employed Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) as the guiding analytical framework, following the structured approach outlined by Smith, Flowers, and Larkin (2009). As recommended in IPA methodology, data analysis was rooted in Double Hermeneutics, where the researcher made sense of participants' interpretations of their experiences and constructed a meaningful analytical narrative (Eatough & Smith, 2017). The data analysis process began with verbatim transcription of all recorded interviews, ensuring that linguistic nuances, pauses, and emotional expressions were preserved. Each transcript was listened to multiple times to facilitate immersion in the data, allowing the researcher to identify initial insights and experiential patterns. Inductive coding was then applied, where significant statements, metaphors, and recurrent expressions were highlighted, forming the foundation for preliminary codes. Key codes included “absence as disruption,” “self-reliance and forced maturity,” “ambivalence toward parental migration,” and “negotiating emotional voids.”

Following initial coding, preliminary themes were identified by clustering related codes into higher-order experiential categories. This process was iterative and reflexive, involving constant comparison across transcripts to ensure that emergent themes were grounded in participants' lived experiences rather than researcher preconceptions. The merging of themes was guided by thematic convergence and divergence, ensuring that variations in adolescent meaning-making were captured rather than oversimplified.

The presentation and interpretation of themes strictly adhered to the four markers of excellence in IPA data presentation as outlined by Nizza et al. (2021):

  1. Constructing a compelling, unfolding narrative, ensuring that findings were presented in a coherent and engaging manner.

  2. Developing a vigorous experiential account where the depth of adolescents' lived experiences was richly articulated and contextualized.

  3. Engaging in a close analytic reading of participants' words, ensuring that interpretations were deeply rooted in the language and expressions used by adolescents.

  4. Attending to convergence and divergence in participant experiences, recognizing shared themes and unique individual variations in meaning-making.

Multiple verification strategies were employed to ensure trustworthiness and credibility. Analyst triangulation was conducted, where an independent qualitative researcher reviewed coding and thematic categorization to confirm interpretative validity. Additionally, participant validation (member checking) was undertaken, where selected participants reviewed preliminary interpretations to ensure that their lived experiences were accurately represented without distortion. Reflexivity was maintained throughout the analysis process, with the researcher actively acknowledging and bracketing personal biases to prevent subjective influence on data interpretation. By integrating these rigorous analytic and verification strategies, the study ensured that its findings authentically represented the existential meaning-making processes of left-behind adolescents in Zimbabwe.

Ethical approvals and informed consent statements

In line with the Helsinki Declarations on studies involving human participants, the study received ethical approval from the Midlands State University Postgraduate Research Committee (Protocol MPRC−093/A/2024). Written informed consent was obtained in two ways: (1) first, caregivers/guardians of adolescents signed the consent form to allow the participation of adolescents in the study. Secondly, the adolescents themselves signed the assent form. Both assent and consent confirmed the publication of anonymised participants’ information.

Results

Parental absence as a disruptor of emotional security

Findings showed that the absence of a parent was not simply an event but an ongoing emotional negotiation, with adolescents experiencing deep-seated insecurities and fluctuating feelings of attachment. Many struggled with feelings of abandonment, often questioning their place within the family structure. Over time, some developed emotional defense mechanisms, distancing themselves from the absent parent to mitigate disappointment, while others clung to idealized memories, constructing meaning through nostalgia and hope. One adolescent shared that:

Sometimes, I feel like I am floating, like I do not belong anywhere. My mother left when I was little, and it doesn't feel the same even though she calls. I try not to think about it too much because when I do, it makes me feel empty, like a part of me is missing.” (Adolescent 5, 13 years old, female, 8 years without primary parents, reported cases of emotional distress)

The adolescent's use of the word “floating” metaphorically captures her sense of emotional disconnection and instability, suggesting a lack of grounding in her relationships and identity. Being left behind at a very young age (5 years old) has shaped her emotional world, leaving her struggling with feelings of emptiness and detachment. As a 13-year-old female, a stage where emotional security is particularly crucial, her prolonged separation (8 years) has led to persistent emotional distress, which manifests through avoidance as a coping mechanism. The researcher, engaging in double hermeneutics, interprets this avoidance as a defensive strategy and an unconscious attempt to construct a stable emotional reality without a consistent parental affirmation. Her experience reflects existential anxiety rooted in disconnection and differs from others who suppress or reframe their loss—she remains emotionally engaged but overwhelmed by absence. Another adolescent shared the similar experience, though unique by stating that:

…I used to wait for my father to call, and when he didn't, I would tell myself that maybe he was too busy. But after some time, I stopped expecting anything. It's easier that way—if I don't expect, I won't be disappointed.” (Adolescent 8, 15 years old, male, 6 years without primary parents, no reported emotional distress cases)

This adolescent articulates a transformation from hope to emotional resignation, where detachment becomes a learned self-protective mechanism. His rationalization (“maybe he was too busy”) reflects an initial attempt to preserve trust in his father's presence. However, over time, the conscious lowering of expectations serves as a shield against further disappointment. As a 15-year-old male, he is in a developmental stage where emotional independence is often emphasized, and his six-year separation from his father (since age 9) suggests that he was old enough to have experienced the shift from active parental involvement to absence. The lack of reported emotional distress suggests that this coping mechanism has been effective for him, aligning with a gendered tendency toward emotional suppression rather than overt expressions of distress. Unlike Adolescent 5, who remains emotionally vulnerable, this adolescent has chosen emotional numbness—reflecting existential isolation as a form of protection.

Ideographically, some adolescents had dual emotions of both gratitude and emotional challenges as reflected below:

My aunt takes care of me, and she does everything she can, but it's not the same. I appreciate her, but deep down, I still wish my mother was here. No one else can fill that space, no matter how much they try.” (Adolescent 3, 14 years old, female, 9 years without primary parents, reported cases of emotional distress)

This adolescent expresses a duality of emotions—gratitude for her caregiver and an enduring longing for her mother, highlighting that parental absence is not merely about providing resources but an irreplaceable emotional connection. Her statement, “No one else can fill that space…” underscores the unique role of a biological parent in emotional development, reinforcing the idea that substitute caregivers, despite their best efforts, cannot fully replace the absent parent's presence. As a 14-year-old female, she is at a stage where maternal guidance is particularly significant, and her prolonged separation (9 years) indicates that she has spent most of her life without her primary parent, intensifying her emotional distress. The researcher understands this as an unresolved attachment that persists despite external caregiving, demonstrating how the absence of a parent continues to shape emotional identity and belonging. Her yearning, unlike the previous male participants, remains active and unresolved—representing existential longing and the impossibility of emotional substitution. The cost emotional challenges were further reflected below:

I don’t talk about it much, but I always feel like something is off—like I’m pretending to be okay. I smile at school, but at night, I cry. No one knows, not even my cousins.” (Adolescent 14, 13 years old, female, 6 years without primary parents, reported emotional distress)

This adolescent reveals the hidden emotional cost of maintaining a façade of normalcy. Her dual existence—outwardly cheerful, inwardly distressed—speaks to an internal fragmentation that aligns with Rollo May’s idea of existential anxiety experienced in isolation. Unlike Adolescent 3, whose longing is vocalized, this participant suppresses her emotional pain, creating a private world of grief. Her need to “pretend to be okay” suggests that expressing vulnerability is either unsafe or unsupported in her social environment. Her distress is silent but consuming, and her invisibility reflects existential isolation in its most literal form—suffering that is unacknowledged. One adolescent further shared that:

Even though I live with my grandmother, I feel like I’m living in pause—like I’m waiting for my real life to begin when my mom comes back.” (Adolescent 13, 16 years old, female, 10 years without primary parents, reported emotional withdrawal)

This adolescent introduces the temporal dimension of emotional disruption. Her life is not just shaped by absence but suspended by it—caught between what is and what might be. Her description of “living in pause” reflects Sartre’s notion of “waiting for essence”—believing her identity and life can only fully emerge in the presence of her mother. Compared to Adolescent 5, who feels incomplete, this adolescent feels stalled—her emotional growth held hostage by deferred hope. This illustrates existential liminality—a state between stasis and becoming, where identity and belonging are put on hold. One adolescent added that:

I still keep my dad’s old messages. I read them sometimes when I miss him. It's like he's still here, even when he isn't.” (Adolescent 4, 15 years old, male, 9 years without primary parents, no reported emotional distress)

This adolescent finds continuity in absence through symbolic memory. Unlike others who detach or despair, he creates emotional presence through artifacts, showing a reflective effort to maintain connection. His strategy aligns with Frankl’s concept of tragic optimism, using memory to reconstruct meaning in the face of loss. As a 15-year-old male, his emotional resilience contrasts with Adolescent 8’s detachment, highlighting that not all male adolescents suppress affect. His choice to emotionally re-engage through memory makes his coping hopeful, even as it carries traces of longing.

The absence of a parent destabilized adolescents’ emotional security through diverse coping strategies—ranging from emotional detachment, symbolic connection, to concealed distress. While some maintained a hopeful or nostalgic link to the absent parent, others experienced emotional fragmentation, isolation, or temporal paralysis. These adolescent accounts reflect a shared existential struggle with belonging, identity, and emotional continuity, shaped uniquely by age, gender, and relational history.

Forced maturity and the burden of early independence

Findings showed that parental migration often accelerated adolescents’ transition into adult-like roles, forcing them to assume responsibilities beyond their developmental stage. While some internalized these roles as a source of strength and pride, others experienced emotional exhaustion, silent longing for care, or a quiet grief for a childhood lost too early. The adolescents’ narratives reflected existential tensions between freedom and responsibility, self-reliance and yearning, and agency and abandonment—central concepts within the existentialist framework. One adolescent shared her experience by noting that:

When my parents left, I became the one who had to make sure the house was in order. I cook, I clean, and I make sure my younger siblings behave. I don't even remember what it's like to be a child because I've been doing adult things for as long as I can remember.” (Adolescent 2, 16 years old, female, 10 years without primary parents, reported cases of emotional exhaustion)

Engaging with the above verbatim, this adolescent’s statement reflects an overwhelming sense of responsibility that has reshaped her identity, forcing her into an adult role at an early age. The phrase “I don't even remember what it's like to be a child” signifies a complete loss of childhood innocence, replaced by sustained caregiving obligations. As a 16-year-old female who has spent a decade without her primary parents, her emotional exhaustion suggests that prolonged independence has taken a psychological toll, reinforcing the researcher’s interpretation that early maturity, while fostering resilience, also leads to emotional depletion when support systems are inadequate. Her lived experience aligns with Sartre’s view that freedom—here, the freedom to act as a surrogate adult—comes with the existential burden of responsibility, one she never chose but had to embody. One adolescent reflected that:

People say I am strong because I take care of myself, but sometimes, I just want someone to take care of me. I don't complain because I know I have no choice, but deep down…, I wish I could be like other kids who don't have to worry about so many things.” (Adolescent 11, 14 years old, male, 7 years without primary parents, no reported cases of emotional distress)

Differently, this adolescent’s experience illustrates the social perception of strength as self-sufficiency, yet his words reveal an underlying emotional need for care and dependency. His statement, “.sometimes, I just want someone to take care of me.” conveys a suppressed longing for nurturance despite his outward acceptance of responsibility. As a 14-year-old male who has been without primary parents for seven years, his lack of reported emotional distress suggests that he has adapted to his circumstances. Yet, the researcher interprets this as a form of silent endurance rather than true emotional contentment, where resilience is borne out of necessity rather than choice. His narrative reflects Rollo May’s existential dilemma—where the appearance of strength masks an internal conflict between autonomy and the natural human need for relational care.

…My grandmother always tells me that I am strong, that I do things even adults struggle with.” (Adolescent 9, 15 years old, male, 10 years without primary parents, no reported cases of emotional distress.)

Another adolescent, whose grandmother praises his maturity, interprets this external affirmation as recognition of his competence. However, having spent 10 years without his primary parents, he has developed a level of maturity that is externally praised but internally resented. As a 15-year-old male, his lack of reported emotional distress suggests that he has learned to manage his responsibilities effectively. Yet, the researcher interprets his words as indicating that forced independence does not negate the fundamental need for parental guidance and emotional relief. His narrative contrasts with Adolescent 2’s emotional exhaustion—he appears composed but may carry unspoken burdens, echoing existential themes of performance and hidden fatigue behind responsibility. The complexity of forced adulthood, one adolescent shared that:

I do all the chores at home, even for my older cousins. They say I’m reliable, but sometimes I feel used. I want to say no, but I feel like I owe everyone because my parents are not here.” (Adolescent 12, 15 years old, female, 8 years without primary parents, reported emotional withdrawal)

This adolescent introduces a complex emotional layer—existential guilt. Her sense of obligation is not just practical but moral, rooted in the belief that her parents’ absence places her in a permanent state of indebtedness to others. While she is acknowledged as “reliable,” she feels exploited, unable to assert boundaries. Her emotional withdrawal suggests a growing dissonance between how she is perceived and how she feels. Unlike Adolescent 9, who accepts his role without visible resentment, this adolescent quietly resists the emotional cost of being reliable, revealing the psychological toll of unchosen responsibility. The account of socially constructed early adulthood is further narrated below:

Sometimes I feel proud that I can cook, budget, and take care of things better than my aunt. But other times I wonder if I’ve missed out. Like, I never got to be careless.” (Adolescent 13, 17 years old, female, 11 years without primary parents, no reported emotional distress.)

This adolescent’s narrative is marked by ambivalence—pride and quiet grief coexisting. Her ability to perform adult tasks brings a sense of accomplishment, yet she mourns the carefree adolescence she never had. As a 17-year-old female who has been without her parents for most of her life, her reflection is mature and self-aware. She differs from Adolescent 2, who feels overwhelmed; instead, she accepts her maturity but recognizes its emotional cost. Her reflections align with existential themes of freedom and regret—freedom to act, but not to choose the circumstances. The above interpretation can be further illustrated below:

I don’t think I had a choice. When my dad left, someone had to step up, and it just became me. I didn’t think it was unfair until I saw how other kids live.” (Adolescent 1, 14 years old, male, 6 years without primary parents, reported emotional distress.)

This adolescent reflects delayed awareness of deprivation. Initially accepting his role unquestioningly, his realization of difference—prompted by observing peers—leads to feelings of unfairness and quiet sorrow. His case contrasts with Adolescent 6, who accepts her maturity with composure. Here, resentment emerges not from the task itself, but from comparison and realization, evoking existential themes of authenticity and justice—Why me? Why this path? His emotional distress is rooted in this late awakening to inequity.

Parental migration often imposed adult responsibilities on adolescents prematurely, shaping their identities through unchosen duties and silent resilience. While some found pride in their maturity, many wrestled with hidden fatigue, guilt, and a sense of lost childhood. Across these diverse experiences, the existential tension between agency and burden was constant highlighting that resilience is not the absence of distress but often its concealed companion.

Ambivalence toward parental migration: between gratitude and resentment

The interpretation of the findings reflected that adolescents struggled with the paradox of valuing economic support while resenting emotional detachment, highlighting the conflicted nature of parental absence. While some framed migration as a necessary sacrifice for family well-being, others viewed it as an emotionally costly trade-off, leading to feelings of neglect and relational disconnection. This ambivalence was particularly evident in how adolescents navigated communication with absent parents, with some actively maintaining contact to preserve emotional ties. In contrast, others withdrew to protect themselves from perceived rejection. The researcher interpreted this as an ongoing negotiation of belonging, where adolescents oscillated between justifying their parents' absence and confronting its emotional toll. One adolescent shared that:

I know they left so we can have a better life, but sometimes, I wonder if it was worth it. We have money, but we do not have them.” (Adolescent 10, 15 years old, female, 9 years without primary parents, reported cases of emotional distress)

This adolescent's statement highlights the emotional cost of parental migration, revealing a deep sense of loss despite recognizing its economic benefits. The contrast between “we have money, but we don't have them” underscores the tension between material security and emotional deprivation, illustrating her struggle to reconcile these conflicting realities. Without her primary parents, her reported emotional distress suggests that prolonged separation has intensified her longing for familial intimacy, reinforcing the researcher's interpretation that economic stability does not necessarily equate to emotional well-being. Her voice captures the existential conflict between external success (material provision) and internal emptiness—what Frankl (1967) might describe as the failure of prosperity to deliver meaning. This interpretation further reflected below:

I can't be angry at my mother because she is doing her best for us. But at the same time, I feel like she is a stranger now. When she calls, we don't even know what to talk about anymore.” (Adolescent 6, 17 years old, male, 11 years without primary parents, no reported cases of emotional distress).

This adolescent expresses an internal conflict between gratitude and detachment, acknowledging his mother's sacrifices while simultaneously recognizing the erosion of their emotional bond. The phrase “I feel like she is a stranger now” reflects a relational disconnection that has developed over time, suggesting that sporadic communication has been insufficient in maintaining intimacy. As a 17-year-old male who has been without his primary parent for 11 years, his lack of reported distress may indicate emotional numbing rather than genuine acceptance, supporting the researcher's interpretation that long-term parental absence can lead to an adaptive but emotionally distant relationship. Unlike Adolescent 10, who speaks from a place of emotional distress, this adolescent speaks from distance—existential estrangement, shaped not by anger but by unfamiliarity. The aspect of ambivalence experience is illustrated by another adolescent below:

My uncle provides for me, and I know I should be grateful, but it's different from having my parents here. He tries, but he doesn't understand me the way I think my father would. I feel like I'm always trying to fit into a space that was never really meant for me.” (Adolescent 7, 16 years old, male, 8 years without primary parents, reported cases of emotional withdrawal)

This adolescent's experience reflects the struggle of adjusting to surrogate caregiving while longing for the unique emotional connection that biological parents provide. His statement, “I feel like I'm always trying to fit into a space that was never really meant for me,” conveys a deep-seated sense of displacement, suggesting that despite financial support, he feels emotionally and relationally out of place. As a 16-year-old male who has been without primary parents for eight years and exhibits emotional withdrawal, the researcher interprets this as an indication that substitute caregiving—while essential—does not always fulfill the emotional and psychological needs of left-behind adolescents. His narrative reflects Sartre’s (1966) concept of bad faith, where he inhabits a social role that feels inauthentic, burdened by gratitude he does not fully feel. The above experience was shared by another female adolescent:

At church, people say we are lucky to have parents who send money. But they don’t know what it’s like to sleep without hearing your mother’s voice for years. I smile, but inside I feel like something’s missing.” (Adolescent 4, 14 years old, female, 6 years without primary parents, reported emotional distress.)

This adolescent highlights the tension between public perception and private emotion. While society interprets remittances as success, she experiences them as compensation for emotional deprivation. The disjuncture between external praise and internal emptiness leads to a masked grief. Her metaphor of silence— “sleep without hearing your mother’s voice”—reveals the depth of emotional longing that remittances cannot address. Unlike Adolescent 6, who feels estranged, she remains deeply emotionally tethered, yet unseen—trapped in what Davidov and Russo-Netzer (2022) might frame as existential invisibility. This is also situated in the context of personal assurance as indicated by another adolescent:

I used to tell myself it’s okay because my father is working for us. But now I feel like he chose work over me. I don’t say it out loud, but it hurts.” (Adolescent 9, 15 years old, male, 10 years without primary parents, reported emotional distress).

In this account, the adolescent transitions from rationalizing absence to confronting its emotional consequences. While he initially used a positive narrative to cope, over time, that narrative has eroded. His pain is buried beneath silence, indicating existential ambivalence—an internal tug-of-war between understanding and resentment. Whereas Adolescent 10 openly questions the worth of the sacrifice, this adolescent internalizes the hurt, embodying Frankl’s notion of suffering without meaning. While some adolescent showed ambivalence, some were clear in their feelings of being left behind as shared below:

My sister says I should be thankful. But how can I be thankful when I don’t even know my mother anymore? She sends money, but she doesn’t know what I like, or how I feel.” (Adolescent 14, 13 years old, female, 7 years without primary parents, reported emotional withdrawal).

These adolescent challenges the narrative of gratitude imposed by others. Her rhetorical question— “how can I be thankful.”—exposes the emotional void that economic provision fails to fill. Her sense of being unseen and emotionally unknown by her mother reflects existential disconnection—not just distance in space, but in intimacy. Like Adolescent 7, she feels out of place in the emotional expectations placed on her, but unlike him, she actively pushes back against them. Adolescents’ narratives revealed profound ambivalence toward parental migration—grappling with gratitude for material support and grievance over emotional loss. While some internalized silence or guilt, others questioned the fairness of being expected to appreciate what felt emotionally void. Across these cases, ambivalence was less a contradiction and more a reflection of existential tension between survival, meaning, and the emotional costs of distance.

Reconstructing identity in the void of parental presence

The findings showed that, without immediate parental guidance, adolescents engaged in self-definition through alternative social influences, relying on peers, extended family, and personal introspection to shape their identities. Some approached this independence as an opportunity for self-discovery, crafting identities that reflected resilience and adaptation, while others struggled with uncertainty, feeling directionless without parental validation. The process of identity reconstruction was not linear but iterative—marked by periods of confidence and self-doubt—and deeply relational, shaped by internal reflection and social comparison. One female adolescent shared that:

I sometimes wonder who I would be if my parents were here. Would I be different? Would I make the same choices? I feel like I've had to figure out everything independently, and sometimes, I'm not even sure if I'm doing it right.” (Adolescent 2, 17 years old, female, 9 years without primary parents, no reported cases of parental absence distress)

This adolescent’s reflective questioning suggests an internalized uncertainty about her identity, highlighting the absence of parental input as a gap in her self-concept development. Her phrase “figure out everything independently” demonstrates both her agency and the emotional weight of self-reliance. The self-doubt embedded in “not even sure if I’m doing it right” reflects the existential tension between freedom and uncertainty—a central feature of Sartre’s philosophy. While she does not report emotional distress, her introspection reveals ongoing identity negotiation. She differs from others who lean on peer validation—her journey is solitary, shaped by inner dialogue rather than external affirmation. In contrast, one adolescent added another dimension of reconstructing the identity by noting that:

My friends have become my family in many ways. They are the ones who help me decide things, who tell me what's right or wrong. I know my aunt tries, but she is not my mother, and I just can't talk to her about some things.” (Adolescent 6, 15 years old, female, 5 years without primary parents, no reported cases of emotional distress)

In contrast, this adolescent illustrates identity reconstruction through social substitution. Her reliance on friends to “tell me what’s right or wrong” reflects a shift in moral and emotional authority from adults to peers. While she acknowledges her aunt’s efforts, the emotional wall between them signifies an unbridgeable gap in trust and comfort. Her experience aligns with existential reliance on interpersonal meaning-making, where the self is shaped through relationships. Unlike Adolescent 2’s introspective path, this adolescent’s identity is co-created with her peers—highlighting the relational construction of selfhood in the absence of parental scaffolding. This is further illustrated below:

I feel like I've had to create myself from nothing. When you don't have parents around to guide you, you just pick pieces from here and there and try to make sense of who you are. Some days, I feel strong about the person I am becoming, but other days, I feel lost.” (Adolescent 10, 16 years old, male, 8 years without primary parents, reported cases of emotional distress).

This adolescent’s metaphor— “create myself from nothing”—evokes a powerful image of existential self-construction under conditions of emotional scarcity. The fragmented process of “picking pieces” reflects both agency and instability, as identity is assembled without coherent guidance. His oscillation between strength and confusion reveals the non-linear nature of adolescent development amid loss. His emotional distress stems not only from absence but from the burden of identity without affirmation. Unlike Adolescent 6, who finds clarity in peer bonds, this adolescent navigates identity alone—caught between resilience and disorientation. One adolescent recounted that:

Sometimes I feel like I’m pretending to be someone I’m not, just to fit in. I copy how others talk or dress, hoping I’ll feel like I belong. But inside, I still feel like I don’t know who I really am.” (Adolescent 14, 13 years old, female, 6 years without primary parents, reported emotional distress)

This adolescent’s coping mechanism—imitation—is a strategy of existential camouflage. Her mimicry reflects a desire for belonging, while her inner dissonance reveals a fragmented self-concept. The split between external performance and internal confusion underscores inauthentic identity formation, a theme Sartre (1966) describes as living “in bad faith.” Her emotional distress arises from this duality—being seen but not felt, accepted but not known. Compared to Adolescent 10, who cobbles identity through reflection, this adolescent performs identity through replication—yet both reflect deep uncertainty.

Some adolescent interpreted the parental migration as an opportunity for resilience, as indicated below:

I know who I don’t want to be—someone who gives up. I’ve seen people in my position go the wrong way. So, I try to be different, even if I don’t always know what I’m doing.” (Adolescent 9, 15 years old, male, 10 years without primary parents, no reported emotional distress)

This adolescent defines identity through negation—by rejecting examples around him. His narrative reveals existential choice—the freedom to define oneself even without clear models. While he admits to uncertainty, his statement reflects moral agency and self-determination. Unlike others who feel lost, he grounds his actions in what he resists becoming. His identity is shaped by contrast, not affirmation—offering a resilient response to absence through values-based self-direction. This uniquely reflected below:

I used to wish my dad would come back to tell me who I should be. But now I think maybe I don’t need him to decide that. I’m learning to decide for myself.” (Adolescent 13, 16 years old, female, 10 years without primary parents, no reported emotional distress)

This adolescent’s narrative reflects a shift from dependence toward autonomy. Initially yearning for parental guidance, she now embraces existential freedom—the responsibility to define herself. Her growth is evident in her transition from wishful longing to self-trust. This differs from Adolescent 14, who mimics others; here, identity is actively chosen, not borrowed. Her account illustrates Frankl’s (1967) idea of finding meaning through choice, even in the absence of structure. In the void of parental presence, adolescents reconstructed identities through introspection, peer influence, performance, and value-driven choices. Some experienced disorientation and mimicry, while others developed confidence through autonomy or imagined validation. Across these narratives, identity was not inherited but assembled—reflecting the existential labor of becoming in the absence of guidance.

Adaptive resilience and meaning-making amidst absence

Findings showed that, despite the challenges, adolescents actively constructed resilience, drawing on internal strengths, surrogate support systems, and personal aspirations to navigate parental absence. Some reframed their experiences as opportunities for self-growth, while others leaned on religious faith, friendships, or mentors to sustain emotional well-being. The ability to reinterpret absence as a catalyst for strength rather than a source of perpetual distress was a crucial marker of resilience. Interpretively, the researcher saw this as a transformative process, where adolescents did not passively endure parental absence but actively redefined it in ways that fostered personal agency and psychological adaptability. One adolescent recounted that:

…At first, I felt like I had no one, but I realized I had to be strong for myself…. Now, I use my situation as motivation to push forward instead of feeling sorry for myself.” (Adolescent 6, 15 years old, female, 5 years without primary parents, no reported cases of emotional distress)

This adolescent demonstrates a shift from initial emotional vulnerability (“I felt like I had no one”) to self-determined empowerment. Her resilience is not static but forged through reflection and necessity. By choosing to “push forward,” she embodies existential freedom—creating meaning in the face of adversity. Her lack of reported distress suggests that she has transformed absence into a source of internal strength. Unlike others who remain tethered to longing, her resilience is rooted in forward momentum and personal responsibility, echoing Frankl’s (1967) idea of meaning through suffering. By contrast, some of adolescent’s adaption was associated with religious connections as indicated below:

My pastor always tells me that God gives the hardest battles to the strongest people. Maybe that's why my life is like this. I try to believe that everything happens for a reason, which keeps me going even when I feel alone.” (Adolescent 12, 14 years old, male, 7 years without primary parents, reported cases of emotional withdrawal)

This adolescent’s reliance on faith serves as a meaning-making framework that enables him to endure emotional hardship. His belief in divine purpose reflects tragic optimism—the ability to find meaning amid suffering. The phrase “keeps me going even when I feel alone” reveals that emotional pain persists but is reframed through spiritual interpretation. Unlike Adolescent 6, whose resilience is self-derived, this adolescent finds strength in transcendence. His emotional withdrawal may be a protective strategy, but his spiritual framing transforms isolation into sacred endurance. In contrast, some the resilience was situated within a narrative of aspirational futurity as shown below:

I learned I can't let my parents' absence define me. Yes, they are gone, but that doesn't mean I have to be stuck in sadness forever. I have dreams, and I will make them happen with or without them.” (Adolescent 3, 16 years old, female, 10 years without primary parents, no reported cases of parental absence distress).

This adolescent articulates a strong sense of agency, rejecting the idea that parental absence must dictate her future. Her conscious choice to separate identity from circumstance reflects existential autonomy. The phrase “with or without them” signals a pivotal moment of independence—not from love, but from dependency. Like Adolescent 6, she reframes adversity as a launching point. Her narrative demonstrates resilience as active meaning-making rooted in future orientation rather than emotional fixation. In contrast, some adolescent expressed developed resilience through constant noncommunication as shown below:

I write letters to my dad even if I can’t send them. It helps me say things I can’t say out loud. It makes me feel like I’m still connected, even if he’ll never read them.” (Adolescent 8, 15 years old, male, 6 years without primary parents, no reported emotional distress)

This adolescent engages in a symbolic practice of resilience—writing as an emotional bridge to his absent father. The act of letter-writing becomes a ritual of connection, allowing for emotional expression without expectation. His resilience lies in emotional continuity—maintaining a sense of relationship through imagination and memory. Unlike others who sever ties or turn inward, he preserves attachment through symbolic dialogue. This illustrates Frankl’s notion that meaning can be sustained through intentional acts, even when outcomes remain unknown. This interpretation can be reflected below:

…I talk to myself when I feel overwhelmed. I remind myself why I need to keep going. It sounds weird, but it helps me stay focused…” (Adolescent 13, 16 years old, female, 10 years without primary parents, no reported emotional distress)

Here, resilience takes the form of intrapersonal dialogue. Talking to herself becomes a coping mechanism that provides emotional regulation and self-motivation. The ability to self-soothe reflects psychological maturity and internalized strength. While her strategy may seem unconventional, it offers a structured way to manage distress. Different from those who rely on external sources, her resilience is inwardly sustained, echoing Rollo May’s (1953) view of inner dialogue as a powerful existential tool for navigating anxiety. This interpretation is clearly connected to the adolescent 1’s experience as indicated below:

I use my pain as fuel. Every time I feel sad, I remind myself that I want to be someone my parents can be proud of. That thought helps me keep going.” (Adolescent 1, 14 years old, male, 6 years without primary parents, reported emotional distress).

This adolescent transforms emotional pain into purposeful striving. His desire to make his parents proud, even in absence, serves as a motivational force. Unlike others who seek detachment or resignation, he remains emotionally engaged and channels that bond into action. His resilience is rooted not in forgetting, but in honouring. His strategy embodies existential transcendence—rising above pain through meaning tied to imagined recognition. Adolescents demonstrated varying forms of adaptive resilience, from spiritual belief and symbolic connection to inward dialogue and outward service. While some anchored meaning in future goals or imagined recognition, others found solace in faith or self-regulation. Despite emotional wounds, their narratives reflect existential agency—choosing to reframe loss as a source of strength and meaning rather than surrender.

Discussion

Parental migration in Zimbabwe is enmeshed within a broader socio-economic and cultural framework that shapes how adolescents interpret and absorb the emotional and existential impact of absence. In a country marked by decades of economic instability, high unemployment, and widespread outmigration, children left behind are often raised in complex caregiving arrangements where extended family, peers, and religious institutions attempt to fill the void (Chikwira & Madziva, 2023). However, as this study reveals, these external arrangements do not necessarily resolve the emotional implications of parental absence. Adolescents’ narratives revealed that absence was not an event to be endured but a condition to be continually interpreted. For some, such as Adolescent 5, absence was experienced as a dislocation from emotional grounding, illustrated in her description of “floating” and feeling as though a part of her was missing. This was not simply grief but existential instability—her world lacked the coherence provided by parental affirmation. In contrast, Adolescent 8, a 15-year-old male, adopted a pragmatic desensitization strategy, choosing to lower expectations to avoid disappointment. These divergent responses align with Zhao et al. (2018), who found that Chinese adolescents without consistent parental contact often developed emotional numbness, yet the Zimbabwean cases reflect a more individualized negotiation of emotional survival. Gendered expectations were particularly significant. Male participants frequently employed emotional suppression (e.g., Adolescent 7), reflecting Zimbabwean cultural norms that discourage male vulnerability, consistent with findings by Madziva et al., 2025 and Muzingili and Muntanga (2020) on masculinities and emotional restraint in caregiving households.

Conversely, female participants (Adolescents 3, 14, and 13) tended to remain emotionally engaged, often demonstrating overt distress or longing—resonating with Fuller’s (2017) findings that maternal separation often results in deeper emotional disruptions for adolescent girls. This gendered divergence underscores how local ideas of masculinity and femininity mediate adolescents’ meaning making, further compounded by the uneven emotional support available in extended family systems. The Zimbabwean setting—where social norms valorize stoicism and caregivers are overextended due to economic precarity—creates a unique landscape in which emotional needs are often acknowledged but not consistently addressed, leaving adolescents to construct emotional security alone.

The psychological burden of premature independence emerged powerfully across the narratives, though its impact varied significantly by gender, age, and caregiving structure. Adolescents like Adolescent 2, a 16-year-old female who had been performing adult caregiving duties for a decade, described not simply emotional fatigue but an existential loss of childhood. Her statement that she no longer remembers what it feels like to be a child reflects more than nostalgia—it points to an internalized identity shaped entirely by responsibility. This echoes research in the Philippines and China where left-behind adolescents often take on caregiving roles that accelerate maturity but also intensify emotional strain (Lam & Yeoh, 2019; Zhao et al., 2018). In contrast, Adolescent 13, a 17-year-old female, articulated a more ambivalent stance—pride in her competence coexisting with a quiet grief for missed carefree years. These differences suggest that while both experienced early independence, their developmental trajectories diverged, shaped by the emotional tone of their caregiving environments and their ability to reinterpret responsibility. Male participants, such as Adolescent 11 and 9, offered a different expression of maturity. Though praised by caregivers for their reliability, their narratives revealed emotional ambivalence—pride in responsibility but also a latent desire for care. Adolescent 11, for instance, expressed a wish to be taken care of “like other kids,” despite outwardly appearing strong. This covert longing reflects the pressure boys face in Zimbabwe to demonstrate competence while concealing dependence. It also highlights a broader existential dilemma: the adolescents are free to act, but not free to choose the terms of their freedom. Sartre’s (1966) notion that human beings are “condemned to be free” is evident here—these adolescents are thrust into roles they did not choose yet must navigate them with the appearance of composure. This experience aligns with findings in Kenya, where left-behind adolescents struggled with self-discipline and identity development in the absence of parental oversight (Kusi-Mensah & Omigbodun, 2020). The Zimbabwean context intensifies this dynamic; with adult caregivers often overwhelmed by economic survival, adolescents have limited space to express fatigue or dissent. Their resilience, therefore, is not only emotional but performative—crafted to meet social expectations and ensure familial cohesion, reflecting what Lam & Yeoh (2019) describe as “structural expectations of strength.”

Ambivalence toward parental migration was one of the most emotionally charged and contextually revealing dynamics in the data. Adolescents intellectually understood the rationale for migration—economic survival—but emotionally many felt abandoned or estranged. Adolescent 10’s statement, “we have money, but we don’t have them,” poignantly captures this dissonance. For her, the material benefits of remittances could not compensate for the absence of emotional intimacy. Yet others, like Adolescent 6, struggled to articulate resentment, instead describing their parents as “strangers”—a word that reveals not anger but unfamiliarity born of time and distance. This ambivalence was not merely psychological; it was shaped by social discourse. In Zimbabwean communities, families of migrant workers are often socially envied for their relative financial stability, creating a dissonance between external perceptions and internal realities. Adolescent 4 described this tension vividly, noting how church members see her as “lucky,” while she privately grieves her mother’s absence. This external expectation to be grateful silences emotional truth, reinforcing what Davidov and Russo-Netzer (2022) and Muzingili and Gombarume (2018) describe as existential invisibility—the experience of suffering that remains unacknowledged due to social narratives of success. Similar tensions have been documented in Nepal, where adolescents were expected to express gratitude for remittances, even while experiencing deep emotional distress (Sharma, 2023). The existential conflict extends to adolescents’ self-perception. Adolescent 1, for instance, felt emotionally disconnected upon reunification with his mother, describing their relationship as one between “guests.” This phrase captures the relational erosion that occurs when absence is physical but also affective. This mirrors findings by Owusu (2013), who observed that digital technologies, while helpful, do not restore relational intimacy between migrant parents and their children. Comparatively, Zimbabwean adolescents appear to articulate this ambivalence more as an existential rupture than familial disappointment—perhaps due to the prolonged and often indefinite nature of separation, compounded by limited reunification structures and weak social welfare interventions (Antia et al., 2022; Tawodzera & Themane, 2024).

Adolescents’ attempts to reconstruct identity in the absence of parental scaffolding were shaped not only by their developmental stage but by access to alternative sources of moral and emotional guidance. For some, like Adolescent 2, identity development was an internal process marked by uncertainty and isolation. Her questioning— “Would I make the same choices if they were here?”—reflects the existential burden of self-definition without parental input. In contrast, others like Adolescent 6 found identity coherence through peer reliance, stating that her friends had become “like family.” This shift in moral authority from adults to peers is partly a response to caregiving voids in extended family settings, where emotional closeness is not guaranteed (Chikwira & Madziva, 2023; Muzingili & Muchinako, 2016; Tagutanazvo & Dzingirai, 2023). However, reliance on peers for identity formation can also exacerbate uncertainty, as seen in Adolescent 14’s mimicry of others to “fit in.” This replication strategy, while adaptive, points to a fragile sense of selfhood, shaped more by external affirmation than internal conviction. Sartre’s (1966) concept of bad faith is relevant here—adolescents perform identities that are socially viable but personally inauthentic. Yet some participants show a capacity for agency and self-authorship. Adolescent 13, for example, transitioned from longing for her father’s direction to deciding “maybe I don’t need him to decide that.” This movement toward autonomy suggests that identity reconstruction is not merely compensatory but can become transformative. Compared to studies in El Salvador, where peer relationships dominated identity formation (Vasquez, 2014), Zimbabwean adolescents appear to engage more deeply with internal moral reasoning—perhaps due to cultural emphasis on self-discipline and limited access to structured youth mentorship programs (Rubio, 2020).

Resilience, as understood through the lens of this study, was not a static trait but a dynamic, evolving process rooted in meaning-making. Some adolescents, like Adolescent 6, used their circumstances as motivation to “push forward,” transforming vulnerability into agency. Others, like Adolescent 1, used their pain as fuel, driven by the desire to make absent parents proud. This form of imagined recognition reflects Frankl’s (1967) notion of tragic optimism, where meaning is constructed not despite suffering, but through it. Religious belief also emerged as a salient resource. Adolescent 12, for example, reframed his hardship as divine testing, echoing John’s (2015) findings in Latin America. However, unlike in Kenya, where community structures supported adolescent resilience (Kusi-Mensah & Omigbodun, 2020), the Zimbabwean adolescents’ coping strategies were largely internally driven. This internalization may stem from fragmented caregiving arrangements and limited access to structured psychosocial support. Adolescent 13’s practice of talking to herself to stay focused, or Adolescent 8’s maintenance of symbolic ties through unsent letters, reflect personalized systems of emotional regulation. These are not signs of isolation, but indicators of creative resilience. Yet resilience was not uniformly achieved. For some, such as Adolescent 10 and 14, the absence remained a source of distress, untransformed by meaning. May’s (1953) existential anxiety helps explain this variation—without a coherent narrative, suffering remains raw. The Zimbabwean context—with its limited psychological services and cultural reluctance toward emotional disclosure—makes such existential distress more difficult to resolve. Thus, resilience in this setting is not merely about adaptation but about narrative mastery—the ability to tell a story about absence that affirms rather than erodes the self.

Limitations

While this study offered a rich and in-depth understanding of how left-behind adolescents in Zimbabwe construct meaning around parental migration, several limitations must be acknowledged. The use of Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA), while effective in exploring subjective experiences, limits generalizability due to its idiographic focus. Although the findings cannot be statistically extended to all left-behind adolescents, the study remains valuable through theoretical transferability, reflecting meaning-making patterns consistent with global research and highlighting the universality of existential struggles linked to parental absence. Another limitation relates to the reliance on self-reported narratives, which are inevitably shaped by memory and social desirability. Despite measures like reflexivity and prolonged engagement to reduce bias, some participants may have framed responses to align with perceived expectations. The exclusion of adolescents recently left behind also meant that early-stage emotional responses were not captured; however, this was necessary to ensure that participants had engaged in meaningful reflection. Finally, the emotional sensitivity of the topic posed ethical challenges, as some participants revisited distressing experiences. While counselling referrals were offered, the long-term emotional effects could not be fully mitigated. Nonetheless, the study remains significant, offering both context-specific and globally relevant insights into how adolescents interpret absence, reconstruct identity, and develop resilience amid prolonged parental migration.

Conclusion and implications for adolescent well-being

This study brings to light the profoundly personal and emotionally complex ways left-behind adolescents in Zimbabwe construct meaning in response to parental migration. Rather than being passive recipients of the consequences of migration, these adolescents actively interpret and negotiate their experiences. The findings reveal that parental absence disrupts emotional security, accelerates maturity, and prompts identity reconstruction, all significantly influencing adolescent well-being. Importantly, some adolescents display remarkable resilience, reframing absence as an opportunity for growth, which offers a beacon of hope. However, others struggle with emotional withdrawal, ambivalence, and a persistent sense of longing. These experiences underline the psychological costs often overshadowed by the economic benefits of migration.

The implications for adolescent well-being are significant. Prolonged emotional disconnection from parents can affect self-esteem, attachment patterns, and social development. If left unaddressed, these effects may extend into adulthood, influencing mental health and relational stability. Therefore, there is an urgent need for strategic and holistic interventions that comprehensively address the psychosocial development of left-behind adolescents. Strategies to improve well-being include establishing emotional support systems in schools and communities and ensuring adolescents have safe spaces to process and share their experiences. Encouraging consistent and meaningful digital communication between migrant parents and their children can help maintain emotional continuity. Psychosocial programs should incorporate meaning-making frameworks that help adolescents interpret their experiences constructively, promoting agency and resilience. Finally, longitudinal research is essential to track shifts in adolescent perceptions and needs over time, enabling the design of responsive and sustainable support mechanisms.

By centering adolescent voices and acknowledging their capacity for meaning-making, stakeholders can develop interventions that mitigate emotional harm and foster adaptive growth, identity development, and emotional security in the context of transnational family separation. This approach, coupled with the importance of ongoing and adaptive support mechanisms, can help ensure that the needs of left-behind adolescents are continually met.

Acknowledgements

The author thanks the research participants for their time during the data collection process. Special appreciation goes to the Zimbabwe government for granting permission to conduct the study.

Biography

Taruvinga Muzingili is a lecturer at Acknowledge Education in the Department of Social Work, Melbourne Australia. He has a Bachelor of Social Work Honours Degree, Master of Social Work, Bachelor of Social Science Honours Degree in Monitoring and Evaluation, Master of Social Science in Monitoring and Evaluation, Diploma in Data Analysis (SPSS), Diploma in Mental Health, and Diploma in Project Management Practice. He has ten years of experience in both academic and industrial practice as a social worker. He also does consultancy work in monitoring and evaluation, organizational capacity development, policy analysis, and project management. His research interests include child protection, specifically indicators on child well-being, predictive risk modeling, clinical studies, family violence, and cross-cutting issues in gender and climate change. He was responsible for this study's methodology, data presentation, and discussion. He also coordinated with other researchers to develop manuscripts, including quality assurance.

Author contributions

Conceptualization (TM), Methodology (TM), Software (TM), Validation (TM), Formal Analysis (TM), Investigation (Not Applicable), Resources (TM), Data Curation (TM), Writing—Original Draft (TM), Writing—Review & Editing (TM), Visualization (Not Applicable), Supervision (TM), Project Administration (TM), Funding Acquisition (Not Applicable).

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Funding

The study did not receive any financial support or grants. The researchers and well-wishers solely funded it.

Data availability statement

Due to ethical requirements, the original data transcripts cannot be shared. However, transcribed, and anonymized data can be shared upon request from the corresponding authors.

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Data Availability Statement

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