Well-being and academic stress in higher education students: interview and diary study

Abstract

Purpose

Academic stress profoundly affects students' mental health and well-being, often contributing to student attrition. While much research focuses on Western universities, higher education in Slovakia and the Czech Republic remains underexplored in this context. This study aimed to identify sources of academic stress, examine coping strategies, and explore aspects supporting or hindering well-being among university students in these countries.

Method

Eleven semi-structured interviews with students from Slovak and Czech universities were analyzed using reflexive thematic analysis. Seven also kept weekly diaries over five months, enabling chronological tracking of stress and coping. Content analysis revealed five themes tied to semester periods and showing how stressors and coping shifted over time.

Results

Key stressors included exams, procrastination, time management, and balancing academic work, and leisure commitments. Coping strategies ranged from organizational skills to maladaptive behaviors like substance use and social withdrawal. Protective conditions included supportive environments, innovative teaching methods, and recognition of stress.

Discussion

Study highlights the importance of addressing academic stress and provides one of the first longitudinal qualitative accounts from Slovak and Czech universities, combining interviews and diaries to capture culturally specific and universal stressors, coping fluctuations, and the need for integrated institutional and personal strategies.

Introduction

Academic stress

Academic stress and student well-being are best understood within the wider landscape of psychological and educational research. Accordingly, this introduction reviews key perspectives on academic stress, its determinants, and models of well-being, establishing the conceptual foundation for the present study.

In the academic context, university students face a wide array of stressors, particularly during their initial years, which can impact their overall well-being and academic performance. Academic stress is a prominent factor affecting university students' mental health, with research on the topic evolving significantly since the 1980s (Sedláková, 2021). Sedláková (2021) further delineates academic stress as a subset of the broader stress phenomenon, specifically relevant to the academic environment and affecting a particular demographic group - students. This form of stress, described as a psychological condition, emerges from the cumulative effect of both external and internal pressures in an educational context, gradually depleting students' psychological capacities (Misra & McKean, 2000).

While stress can sometimes have positive outcomes, such as enhancing productivity, time management, and alertness, these traits, though conducive to academic success, can become detrimental when the stress becomes overwhelming. Research confirms that prolonged or intense academic stress may impede effective functioning and curtail students' potential (Mravec, 2011). These challenges are evident in global statistics on dropout rates, with over 30% of university students discontinuing their studies during the first year (Respondek et al., 2017). Stress has been widely reported by students, as demonstrated by Asif et al. (2020), who found that 84.4% of students experienced varying degrees of stress, from normal (15.6%) to extremely severe (2.8%).

In today’s competitive academic climate, students face mounting pressure to succeed, both academically and professionally, which further contributes to stress (Jogaratnam & Buchanan, 2004). Inadequate institutional resources, such as overcrowded lecture halls and inconsistent infrastructure, only exacerbate this stress (Yikealo et al., 2018). These institutional stressors often lead to emotional exhaustion and diminished academic persistence, as explained by Araoz et al. (2022). However, the causes of stress extend beyond the academic environment. Financial concerns, personal relationships, and life management challenges can also affect students' stress (Pitt et al., 2017). The transition from adolescence to adulthood is a particularly stressful period, characterised by physical and mental transformations (Arnett, 2000; Azila-Gbettor et al., 2015; Misra & McKean, 2000). Adapting to newfound independence, financial responsibilities, and social adjustments can burden students, affecting their mental health and overall well-being (Arnett, 2000).

The importance of fostering a positive university environment is vital, as Sedláková (2021) emphasises that unmanaged institutional stress can negatively impact the quality of education. Conversely, positive social interactions within the university-whether with peers, professors, or academic staff-can help alleviate stress and provide emotional sustenance. Moreover, research points to the importance of social support as a protective buffer against academic stress. Social support, whether from peers, academic staff, or family, provides emotional and practical assistance, offering students a sense of belonging (Brailovskaia et al., 2018). Resilience (Brailovskaia et al., 2018), academic self-efficacy (Kristensen et al., 2023), and self-compassion (Lee & Lee, 2020) have also been identified as protective mechanisms that can mitigate the impact of stress. In this vein, Lee & Lee (2020) explored the relationship between academic stress, burnout, depression, and self-compassion among senior students, revealing that self-compassion plays a key role in preventing burnout from escalating into depression. Similarly, Kotera et al. (2022) found that mental well-being, intrinsic motivation, and self-compassion were positively correlated, while extrinsic motivation and self-criticism had a negative relationship with well-being.

Factors influencing academic stress

Academic stress is influenced by demographic, contextual, and personal factors. Gender differences are widely studied, with many findings showing that female students often report higher stress than males, likely due to social and academic pressures (Banu et al., 2015; Jogaratnam & Buchanan, 2004; Misra & McKean, 2000). However, women may benefit from stronger social support and time management skills, which can ease stress (Baumgartner & Frankovský, 1997). Some studies show no significant gender differences (Yikealo et al., 2018), and in some cases, male students report more stress (Mishra, 2018). Non-binary students face added stress from societal non-acceptance and discrimination, worsening mental health outcomes (Budge et al., 2020).

Furthermore, different fields contribute differently to academic stress. High-demand programmes like medicine, law, and engineering create intense competition and workload pressures, often resulting in chronic stress (Dziegielewski et al., 2004). Humanities and social sciences students report stress but at generally lower levels (Banu et al., 2015). These variations underscore the need to consider field-specific contexts in evaluating student stress and well-being.

Another key aspect is the year of study. First-year students are particularly vulnerable as they transition to the autonomy and responsibilities of university life, leading to feelings of overwhelm, anxiety, and stress (Bayram & Bilgel, 2008). By the second year, students tend to develop better coping mechanisms, while third-year students face major projects, career decisions, and preparation for post-university life, adding to their stress (Banu et al., 2015).

Performance pressure can also heighten stress. The push for high grades and excellence, especially in competitive fields, can create relentless pressure. Studies show mixed outcomes: moderate stress can boost motivation, but excessive stress often leads to burnout and mental health problems (Busari, 2014; Banu et al., 2015). Some research finds no link between stress and academic outcomes (Azila-Gbettor et al., 2015), while others observe a slight negative effect or higher stress among top-performing students (Gavurová et al., 2022). Stress patterns vary, peaking during exams and deadlines, with anxiety levels rising at these times (Barker et al., 2018; Pitt et al., 2017).

Coping strategies play a central role in managing stress. Problem-focused strategies like planning and active problem-solving are generally associated with better outcomes, while avoidance-focused strategies, such as procrastination, typically result in poorer outcomes (Ben-Zur & Zeidner, 2012). Effective coping mechanisms like social engagement, deep breathing, and mindfulness can reduce stress, while maladaptive behaviours such as substance use are linked to higher depression and anxiety rates, with 40% of students reportedly resorting to unhealthy coping mechanisms (Busari, 2014; Stallman et al., 2020).

Student well-being and models of well-being

Well-being goes beyond the absence of illness, incorporating a holistic state of health that integrates physical, mental, and social dimensions (WHO, 2021). Rather than being a static condition, well-being is a dynamic process involving fulfilment, productivity, and life satisfaction. It can be viewed from two primary perspectives: hedonic well-being, which focuses on pleasure and life satisfaction, and eudaimonic well-being, which centres on living authentically and achieving personal growth (Ryan & Deci, 2001).

Adler et al. (2017) emphasise that well-being is not just about feeling good but involves reflective elements such as life satisfaction and affective aspects like emotions. This broader view of well-being was deepened by Ryff (1989) influential model, which identified six core dimensions of psychological well-being (PWB): self-acceptance, positive relationships, personal growth, purpose in life, environmental mastery, and autonomy. Ryffs’ work highlights the importance of enduring aspects of life, such as meaningful relationships and personal growth, which are often overlooked by traditional measures of well- being that focus primarily on transient happiness (Ryff & Keyes, 1995).

When we apply these models to student life, the importance of well-being becomes even more pronounced. Academic stress affects students, not only in terms of their academic performance but also their overall well-being. Studies have shown that heightened stress can lead to psychological challenges, including anxiety, depression, and in some extreme cases, suicidal thoughts (Ang & Huan, 2006). Connecting well-being models to student experiences shows that educational well-being extends beyond academic success to include life satisfaction, personal growth, and emotional health. Universities should therefore try to adopt a holistic approach to support students academically and personally.

Cultural context and academic support services

Despite growing student need, university counselling coverage varies throughout Europe, especially in Central/Eastern Europe. A recent multi-country analysis revealed that the availability of psychological services in this region is significantly lower than in Northern/Western Europe (Franzoi et al., 2022). Cultural contexts influence student stress management and perception, highlighting the need for tailored mental health support in academic settings (Brailovskaia et al., 2018). Sedláková (2021) emphasises the need for universities to take proactive steps in stress management, such as implementing supportive policies, offering stress workshops, and ensuring a manageable academic workload. These efforts, combined with promoting student engagement and individualised support, could enhance resilience and academic performance.

In Slovakia and the Czech Republic, mental health stigma rooted in historical contexts continues to affect student well-being (Kotera et al., 2022). A study by Hajdúk et al. (2019) found that 35.5% of Comenius University students experienced depression, and 25.5% reported anxiety, negatively impacting their life satisfaction and academic performance. Fülöpová & Čerešnová (2018) revealed that over 40% of Slovak students expressed a need for psychological counselling, though services are only available at half of public universities, despite legal mandates (Higher Education Law No. 131/2002 Coll.). During the COVID-19 pandemic, Gavurová et al. (2022) found higher rates of anxiety, depression, and somatic symptoms among Czech students compared to their Slovak peers. In the Czech Republic, the Higher Education Act (No. 111/1998 Coll.) mandates universities to provide advisory services, leading to varied but increasingly robust support structures across institutions (Kucharská & Janyšková, 2022).

Globally, frameworks such as the Okanagan Charter (2015) and UUK Stepchange (2021) promote whole-university approaches to well-being, echoed in Europe where the European University Association (2024) calls for coordinated action. Evidence from Central and Eastern Europe shows that teaching roles, management support, and infrastructure are critical to wellbeing (Kovács et al., 2024). In Poland, educational burnout and maladaptive coping during the pandemic heightened psychosomatic distress, exposing risks of fragmented support (Długosz & Liszka, 2021). Devis-Rozental’s Student Wellbeing Toolkit further stresses preparing students with physical, socioemotional, and financial skills for university life (Gebregergis, 2024). Stepped-care models integrating academia and health services (Orygen, 2020) could likewise strengthen support in Slovakia and the Czech Republic, as shown in Canada and Australia (Canadian Association of College and University Student Services & Centre for Innovation in Campus Mental Health, 2019).

Research aim, problem & research questions

This study undertakes a qualitative examination of perceived stress among second-year university students, a group navigating academic, social, and psychological challenges that contribute to their experiences of stress. It explores how students conceptualise stress and well-being within the academic setting, the strategies they employ to cope, and the roles of academic, peer, social, and community support systems in these processes. While previous research has established links between stress and mental health, little is known about the specific dynamics within universities that shape student well-being. By combining interviews and diaries, the study also traces how stress and well-being are described across the semester, offering insight into temporal patterns, coping practices, and the effectiveness of available support systems.

For our research problem we have formulated four research questions:

1. How do second-year university students interpret and navigate the manifestations of academic stress and its subsequent impact on their overall well-being?

2. What processes and contextual conditions, including available support systems, shape the fluctuations and patterns of students’ perceived stress and well-being throughout the semester?

3. What strategies do second-year university students employ to cope with the pressures of academic stress?

4. How do cultural and environmental contexts influence the perception and handling of academic stress within university environments?

Method

The information presented in this section adheres to the Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research (COREQ), which encompasses a 32-item checklist specifically designed for interviews (Tong et al., 2007). This approach was employed to guarantee explicit and thorough documentation of the findings.

Research design

We chose a qualitative approach to gain a deeper understanding of second-year university students' subjective experiences. This method allowed us to explore their perceptions and stressors affecting well- being. Unlike quantitative methods, qualitative research focuses on interpreting subjective meanings, providing rich insights from a smaller sample (Braun & Clarke, 2021).

Research sample and data collection

For our research, we selected university students using inclusive criteria to ensure sample homogeneity. Among the inclusive criteria, the following were included: A) The participant had to be a second-year bachelor's degree student currently enroled at a university. B) The participant had to be enroled at a university in Slovakia or the Czech Republic. C) The participant had to participate in an in-person academic programme.

Eleven participants (P1–P11) were enroled in the study: 9 Slovak (speaking Slovak) and 2 Ukrainian (speaking English), aged 18–25. The group included 2 men and 9 women, with no prior relationships with the researchers. Demographic details are in Table I.

Table I.

Demographic details.

Participant	Gender (self-reported)	Nationality	Year	Field of study	University (Country)
P1	Woman	Slovak	2nd	Psychology	Slovak
P2	Man	Slovak	2nd	Psychology/Sociology	Czech/Slovak
P3	Man	Slovak	2nd	Law	Slovak
P4	Woman	Slovak	2nd	Cultural Studies	Czech
P5	Woman	Ukrainian	2nd	Psychology	Slovak
P6	Woman	Ukrainian	2nd	Psychology	Slovak
P7	Woman	Slovak	2nd	Psychology	Slovak
P8	Woman	Slovak	2nd	Psychology	Slovak
P9	Woman	Slovak	2nd	Humanities	Czech
P10	Woman	Slovak	2nd	Law	Slovak
P11	Woman	Slovak	2nd	Humanities	Czech

We focused on second-year students as they are beyond first-year adjustment (Bayram & Bilgel, 2008) but not yet burdened by final-year pressures (Banu et al., 2015), making this stage optimal for studying stress and well-being. The comparability of Slovak and Czech systems enabled cross-country analysis (Herbst & Wojciuk, 2016), while two Ukrainian students at Slovak universities reflected the multicultural classroom context.

Participants were recruited through social media ads, leaflets, academic events, WhatsApp groups, random, and snowball sampling, where initial contacts referred others to reach the target sample size (Masaryk, 2021). Snowball sampling helped reach the target size of 11 by referrals across faculties. Although it yielded more psychology students, it also enabled disciplinary diversity and was suitable for an exploratory qualitative study. Participants who met the inclusion criteria were approached and given an explanation of the research procedure. Those who met the inclusion criteria and agreed to participate in the research were included in the research sample. Several potential participants had to be excluded, resulting in a final sample of eleven students who met all requirements. Semi-structured interviews using pre-established open-ended questions (Mashuri et al., 2022) explored themes of academic stress and well-being (Appendix A).

The diary method, which tracks events over time (Hyers, 2018), was employed to capture semester-long experiences, focusing on temporal variations in perceived stress and mental health (Braun & Clarke, 2013; Appendix B). We aimed to collect diary entries from all 11 participants (Bolger et al., 2003; Braun & Clarke, 2013), but due to participant attrition, only 7 provided the minimum of five entries over the five-month period. Weekly submissions were encouraged, though actual frequency varied from biweekly to monthly. While Thille et al. (2022) recommend a 12-week minimum, our design extended the period to five months to capture semester-specific dynamics more effectively. Diaries, administered via Microsoft Forms with eight open-ended questions, were available in Slovak and English. Entries were submitted weekly from October 30 to March 10 and were translated both manually and using a deep learning translator.

Procedure and ethical considerations

Participants were fully informed of the voluntary nature of the study, with no financial incentives offered, and all agreed to participate. Participants were interviewed both in-person and via online facilities. Informed consent forms were signed in person or sent and returned via email for remote participants. Demographic information was collected, and structured interviews, lasting 40 to 90 minutes, were recorded on offline devices to ensure anonymity. Ethical measures, including the use of codes for anonymity and the option to withdraw at any time, were strictly followed. After the interviews, participants were debriefed, and all recordings and transcripts were deleted after the study. The study was approved by the Ethics Committee of Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences, Comenius University Bratislava, Slovakia, No. 216-4/2023-2024. It adhered to the Declaration of Helsinki (1964), the European Code of Ethics (2017), and Act No. 18/2018 Coll. on Personal Data Protection in line with GDPR Article 89(2).

Data analysis

Data from semi-structured interviews were transcribed verbatim and analysed in ATLAS.ti, where codes and subcodes were iteratively refined using query and visualisation tools to identify recurring patterns (Friese, 2012). The process followed Braun & Clarke (2006, 2021) reflexive thematic analysis, a flexible method combining inductive and deductive approaches that emphasises the researchers’ active interpretative role in capturing students’ lived experiences of stress and well-being.

Diary entries were analysed separately through qualitative content analysis (Erlingsson & Brysiewicz, 2017). To capture temporal dynamics, data from seven diarists (P1, P3, P4, P6, P7, P8, P9) were segmented into five chronological periods, coded, categorised, and abstracted into themes using ATLAS.ti. The diary timeline (Figure 1), based on content analysis, presents themes in chronological order to illustrate shifts in stressors, coping, and well-being. It offers a visual summary of how participants described different semester phases and complements the interviews by highlighting temporal fluctuations. This process transformed descriptive accounts into concise interpretations of how stress and coping fluctuated across the semester.

Figure 1.

Chronological diary timeline and four dimensions: themes of stress, coping, support, and well-being. Source: Miro.com.

The two datasets remained distinct at the coding stage, interviews through thematic analysis and diaries through content analysis. Integration occurred only during interpretation, where triangulation highlighted convergences and divergences. This ensured that findings complemented rather than overlapped.

Primary coding and theme formulation were conducted by the first author (junior researcher, Master’s student) under the supervision of the second author (senior researcher, expert in educational psychology with extensive qualitative experience), guided by dialogue and finalised through consensus. Positionality combined the first author’s rapport, stemming from similarity in age and experience yet requiring reflexivity and professional distance, with the second author’s broader perspective and critical oversight. This balance of insider sensitivity and outsider reflexivity enhanced rigour and credibility. Representative codes and themes are presented in Table II.

Table II.

Main themes, subthemes, codes, and representative quotes.

Main theme	Subtheme	Codes (analytic categories)	Representative Quotes
1. 100 trails to learning	Diverse Paths in Academia	Parental influence; Career security; Pandemic shaping choices	“After high school, I initially didn’t want to pursue higher education. I decided. to secure my future.” (P2)
	High School: Friend, Foe, or Both?	Strict teaching; Inferiority; Resilience building	“In high school, I was stressed all year. we all used to hide under the desks.” (P1)
	The University Self: Exploring Student Identity	Expectations vs. reality; Security vs. freedom; Belonging	“I’m conflicted; on one hand, I yearn for freedom. on the other, I seek career progression.” (P2)
2. Inside out: interpreting the load	Carrying a Heavy Backpack	Somatic symptoms; Anxiety; Sleep disturbance; Depression	“During periods of stress, my mental health is always worse. manifests as anxiety and gloominess.” (P10)
	The Productive, Slightly Uncomfortable Edge	Productive stress; Confidence; Growth	“Establishing a routine. I feel it’s necessary as I need the pressure to perform.” (P2)
	Intersection of Culture, Stress, and Learning	Language barriers; Teaching differences; Culture shock	“Sometimes all the Slovak people understand the assignment, and we just don’t.” (P6)
3. Ease in academia	Finding My Calm	Organisation; Breathing exercises; Friend support, Ai Use	“I try to organise my duties. as long as I follow everything as planned, I can manage.” (P10)
	From Action to Escape	Exercise; Walking; Smoking; Alcohol; Spirituality, Duality	“Just going for a walk immediately makes my day better.” (P9)
	Universities as Mental Health Allies	Teacher support; Feedback; Gaps in counselling services	“The feedbacks. gave me the feeling that if I speak up, it will be heard.” (P8)
4. Blending diverse academic challenges	Finals Fever: Semester’s End Escalation	Deadlines; Exams; Overload	“The worst months for students are November and December. I have to catch up on everything.” (P1)
	Time’s Temptation: Procrastination	Last-minute work; Stress-shame cycle; AI as tool	“I am a huge procrastinator. until I really feel the stress, I don’t do anything.” (P1)
5. Diplomas and diagnoses	Stories of Struggles and Strength	Depression; Social anxiety; Trauma; Resilience	“I always had social anxiety. encouraged by my previous teachers.” (P5)
	Societal Changes and Wider Contexts	COVID-19 disruption; War in Ukraine; Environmental stressors	“Since then (war in Ukraine), I haven’t really experienced depression. I forgot I was depressed.” (P6)

Results

Utilising thematic analysis, we identified and synthesised 5 main themes and 11 sub-themes:

1. 100 Trails to Learning: Diverse Paths in Academia; High School: Friend, Foe, or Both?; The University Self: Exploring Student Identity.

2. Inside Out, Interpreting the Load; Carrying a Heavy Backpack; The Productive, Slightly Uncomfortable Edge; Intersection of Culture, Stress, and Learning.

3. Ease in Academia, Finding My Calm; From Action to Escape; Universities as Mental Health Allies.

4. Blending Diverse Academic Challenges; Finals Fever: Semester's End Escalation; Time's Temptation: The Pull of Procrastination.

5. Diplomas and Diagnoses, Stories of Struggles and Strength; Societal Changes and Wider Contexts.

100 Trails to learning: diverse paths in academia

This theme captures how students’ personal journeys, expectations, and motivations shaped their sense of satisfaction, well-being, and belonging at university. Their choices were often intertwined with family influences, hopes for security, and interest in particular fields, while the atmosphere of the faculty, the community around them, and their own aspirations added further layers. The pandemic also shaped these experiences, particularly in students’ decisions about their degrees and in the challenges of beginning university studies online.

P1 valued the open culture at her faculty compared to more conservative faculties.

“I also considered other faculties, but they didn't accept me, and I'm quite glad they didn't when I hear it’s more conservative and old-fashioned there. We are quite open to new things. So I'm glad I wasn't accepted there, looking back with some perspective.” (P1)

P10 chose law to drive social change, while P11 chose psychology to help others without emotional strain, underscoring the role of values and meaning in educational choices.

“I wanted to feel like I could make a change in society, and law seemed an easier path to do so. Plus, I've always had a strong sense of justice and wanted to help.” (P10)

P8 appreciates parental and peer support but emphasised the importance of independent decision-making in educational choices.

“My parents always supported me, as did my friends. Many people think about university in a way that they go where their friend goes, but I don't think that's very good.” (P8)

High school: friend, foe, or both?

This subtheme shows how high school may define later experiences in higher education. For some, it was harsh and demanding, marked by feelings of inferiority, poor mental health support, and strict or humiliating teaching practices, especially in Slovak and Ukrainian contexts, that left lasting effects, including stress about speaking or creative thinking. Yet, it also built resilience, decision-making skills, and social acceptance, revealing its dual role as both pressure and a catalyst for growth.

P1, P5 and P11 describe the high school environment and its role as quite detrimental to their mental health, identifying issues such as stress and feelings of inferiority.

“In high school, I was stressed all year because you work all year, and I think it was even worse in high school. For example, random calling. We all used to hide under the desks, like, please not me.” (P1)

“Unfortunately, it was like this in my school and teachers were very strict. Because of that I have the feelings of inferiority now and because I’m very sensitive, especially when it comes to answering in front of the class or presenting.” (P5)

The university self: exploring student identity

Students' expectations of university life varied. Some expected belonging, growth, or security, but often faced mismatches with academic realities. Some felt disillusioned, others conflicted between career goals and personal freedom. This subtheme shows how such gaps shaped identity, producing disappointment, ambivalence, or security. P1 anticipated more social time, while P6 hoped for a stronger sense of community. Others valued university for security and personal growth, though some felt conflicted between career goals and personal aspirations.

“When I came to the campus, I realised that it isn’t really my calling. So, I didn’t put much effort in, I thought it will be about nature, but it was different that I suspected. Then I got really disappointed.” (P5)

“I'm conflicted; on one hand, I yearn for the freedom to travel, but on the other, I seek career progression. University provides a sense of security, which I value, especially given my past in hospitality, where I felt like I was just toiling away. I want to engage in work that I truly enjoy.” (P2)

Inside out: interpreting the load

This theme highlights the varied ways students interpret stress, shaped by self-efficacy, values, and context. For some, stress was a burden tied to uncertainty; for others, it signalled meaning, growth, or leadership. While its physical sensations may be universal, students’ mental frameworks ranged from viewing stress as overwhelming to seeing it as manageable, motivating, or even absent in moments of flow.

P8 connects stress with self-efficacy, suggesting that confidence to handle tasks, even under pressure, can reduce long-term stress and regret by facing challenges rather than avoiding them.

“I learned especially when I'm stressed about something, it means it matters to me, and precisely for that reason, I mustn't let it go because in the past, when I didn't do something, or gave up on it, then I had more persistent stress and it was worse.” (P8)

Similarly, P5's reflection accents stress as a universal feeling and emphasises the necessity of developing leadership abilities via tenacity and hard work to overcome it.

“University gave me the realisation stress happens to everyone, no one is born with these leader abilities. It is all hard work to achieve these skills.” (P5)

P7's remarks on adjusting to life changes and challenging circumstances emphasise stress as a reaction to external changes, indicating differences in individual resilience and adaptability.

“Changes in the collective or changes in life, a bad job, etc. So, it tends to be more challenging for me to get used to it.“ (P7)

Carrying a heavy backpack

This subtheme examines how stress affects students daily, often leading to physical symptoms like chest tightness, elevated anxiety, and mental health declines. P1 and P9 describe stress as a constant, visible challenge, especially during exams.

“I think everyone notices it, it's visible even on some students when they are about to collapse during exams. So, I think everyone knows about it, not just at our faculty but generally.” (P1)

Students, including P1, P2, and P5, report symptoms like rumination, sleep disturbances, and anxiety. P10 notes that stress worsens her mental health, increasing anxiety and leading to episodes of depression. “During periods of stress, my mental health is always worse. I'm more likely to fall into a depressive episode, though often I don't even have time for that. It manifests more as anxiety and gloominess.” (P10)

The productive, slightly uncomfortable edge

This sub-theme presents a balanced viewpoint on academic stress, emphasising its dual function as a challenge and a driver of development and success. Students explain how stress, when kept within healthy bounds, motivates them to finish assignments and reach their objectives, turning pressure into a motivating factor for both academic and personal growth.

P2 regards stress as an essential component for optimal performance, implying a belief in its motivational benefits.

“Establishing a routine for steady learning is difficult, but I feel it's necessary as I need the pressure to perform.” (P2)

P5 linked academic stress to building confidence through completing and organising assignments, noting that the university environment supported her incoping and staying motivated. “Thanks to University, I found ways how I can improve myself… University gives me motivation to overcome my fears and stress.” (P5)

Intersection of culture, stress, and learning

The subtheme examines how cultural variations affect pupils moving between different educational systems. This issue explores the difficulties encountered by P5 and P6 as they made the shift from the educational systems in Ukraine to those in Europe, overcoming obstacles such as language hurdles, culture shock, and different teaching approaches.

“Many of my classmates are Ukrainian, so we don’t really have that in our schools, we also haven’t been taught English the same way it is in Europe. We never spoke out our thoughts, we were constantly doing tests, but never spoke. When I came here it was one of my main stressors.” (P5)

“Sometimes all the Slovak people understand the assignment, and we don’t because we are not used to it at all.” (P6)

Ease in academia: finding my calm

This theme shows how students sought ways to cope during their academic journey, turning to various outlets for support. They managed stress through organisation, journaling, and relaxation, while friendships and family provided vital emotional grounding. Technology like ChatGPT eased demands but also raised ethical concerns. Together, these strategies illustrate how calm was negotiated through routines, relationships, and reflection on learning. P8, P10, and P5 discuss how these strategies help them balance academic demands and emotional needs.

“I try to organise my duties somehow, so I know that as long as I follow everything as I planned, I can manage everything and don't need to be stressed. Sometimes I also use various breathing exercises to calm down and remind myself that it's not that serious and there are worse things.” (P10)

Testimonials from P2, P3, P5, and P8 underscore the role of friendships as vital support systems that alleviate stress and prevent mental health issues.

“I've had moments in life when professional help seemed necessary, but my friends have provided the support I needed.” (P3)

P5 observes a change in peers' academic drive, with a shift from aiming for high grades to just aiming to pass, partly due to the presence of resources like chat GPT.

“When I compare myself now to last year me, I was trying to get the best score but now not so much. (.) know you can use stuff like chat GPT. In the end I feel bad because of using it, because I think the university is the perfect place to get smarter, but I don’t know, trying to do things your way. ” (P5)

From action to escape

This sub-theme explores diverse stress management approaches, from proactive to escapist. P1 and P9 favour physical activities like walking for mood improvement, while P8 and P11 turn to exercise and spiritual practices for active coping.

“Movement in life is different. Just going for a walk immediately makes my day better, and I feel uplifted. Going for a swim, for sure. Movement in life, I love it. Just to move.” (P9)

In contrast, P2 and P6 admit using smoking to cope with test stress, acknowledging challenges in forming healthier habits.

“Unfortunately, my strategies are not the healthiest, like smoking a lot weed and cigarettes. Before exams, my anxiety peaks, and I wish I could adopt better habits, like steady studying, but I haven't managed that yet. I do try to get some fresh air and engage in activities like skateboarding when overwhelmed.” (P2)

Universities as mental health Allies

This subtheme explores the university’s role in shaping student stress and well-being, highlighting supportive factors such as mental health initiatives, teaching innovations, and welcoming teacher-student interactions, while also noting gaps like limited counselling services and inadequate facilities. P2, P6, P7, P8, and P9 emphasised that friendly instructors, modern teaching methods, and responsiveness to feedback reduce stress and foster personal development.

“The feedbacks, one professor talked about how he changed lectures based on feedback, which gave me the feeling that if I speak up, it will be heard.” (P8)

“Many professors try to use up-to-date methods of teaching or approaches to it, which I find very helpful. It's not just about learning theory and reading, but there are also some exercises or mentimeter.” (P7)

Blending diverse academic challenges

This theme explores various student stressors, including time management, academic performance, public speaking, and group work dynamics. Students face challenges balancing academic and personal commitments, managing large class sizes, and adjusting to academic culture. Admissions procedures, semester start, and homework demands add to the pressure, requiring resilience and adaptability.

P7 acknowledges the stress from high academic expectations and accepting imperfections:

“I would like to have A's but have to come to terms with the fact that they won't always be A's. So, that adds to the stress, but I think this year has been fine so far.” (P7)

Time management and workload are key stressors, as noted by P10.

“Giving school enough time but not neglecting other things. The hardest part is when schoolwork piles up, and I have to dedicate every spare moment to it.” (P10)

Additionally, speaking in class, whether caused by high class sizes or personal nervousness, was recognised as a major stressor for P2, P5, P8 and P8.

“Being a loud speaker in a group of people I don’t know, sometimes it gets difficult for me, my voice shakes, cracks a little bit, or goes really silent.” (P5)

P1, P6, P7, and P8 find group work frustrating due to the dynamics of teamwork, which can increase stress when contributions are uneven, or collaboration is inefficient.

“But when there are many (group assignments), it is challenging to work in a group, especially when people are not active. It's demotivating when you get a bad group.” (P8)

Finals fever: semester's end escalation

The quotes reveal a recurring pattern of academic stress, with November and December highlighted as particularly demanding due to piled-up assignments, seminar papers, and exams. This period’s intense deadlines cause rising stress levels until semester’s end. P1, P4, and P7 note that the workload and delayed task completion add to time management challenges, further increasing pressure.

“I think the worst months for students are November and December, and we had exams mostly in December last year and this year, and maybe two in January. So, November and December, I have to catch up on everything, submit everything.” (P1)

Time's temptation: the pull of procrastination

Procrastination is an important challenge for the participants, variably affecting their stress and well- being. This sub-theme examines how procrastination influences students' academic experiences, focusing on its direct impact on peaking stress and academic pressure. Student feedback indicates a pattern of procrastination, involving a cycle of postponing academic responsibilities until the pressure of approaching deadlines prompts action. The discussion also explores the impact of AI, namely applications such as ChatGPT, on students' procrastination techniques.

P1 describes procrastination as a habitual reaction to approaching deadlines, where the awareness of time limitations acts as the main incentive to start working.

“I am a huge procrastinator, so I do everything at the last minute, and until I feel some stress, like OH NO, I have to submit something in a day, I just chill. Internally I already feel that I have to do something, but until I really feel the stress.” (P1)

P7 and P8 both experience stress and shame due to procrastination, underlining the increased burden of handling numerous chores as deadlines move nearer.

“At school, it's probably like many students have, procrastinating, then everything piles up towards the end of the semester when we have to submit everything, and that's a trigger for such guilt for procrastination.” (P7)

Diplomas and diagnoses: stories of struggle and strength

This theme emphasises the duality of student life: students are both learners striving to meet academic expectations and individuals negotiating personal vulnerabilities, strengths, and growth. Mental health challenges such as seasonal depression, chronic social anxiety, and unresolved trauma frequently intersect with academic demands, intensifying stress but also fostering resilience and self-awareness. Students’ narratives reveal how academic duties collide with personal struggles, creating tensions that are at once burdensome and formative

P6's and P9’s encounters with seasonal depression highlight the influence of environmental influences on mental well-being.

“I also had depression because it was the beginning of autumn, and most of the time, I get these seasonal depressive symptoms. Vitamins (D, B) really helped at that time, so I knew it was caused by the weather.” (P6)

P11's progress demonstrates the capacity for personal development and shows the value of one's surroundings addressing previous hardships.

“As I left Slovakia and went to university, it improved by 180 degrees.” (P11)

P5 experiences chronic social anxiety, exacerbated by a difficult educational environment marked by stringent discipline, resulting in lingering anxiety.

“I always had social anxiety (.). It was encouraged by my previous teachers, especially with the ones who were punishing us and the director was Soviet-based strict women.” (P5)

Societal changes and wider contexts

Students’ struggles and strengths were not only personal but also shaped by wider contexts. Disruptions such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and environmental changes magnified vulnerabilities for some, while reframing priorities for others. These societal shocks reveal that student well-being is multi-layered, where psychological challenges are tied to societal changes.

The substantial impact of war on P6's mental health demonstrates how external crises may overpower preexisting mental health issues.

“Since then (war in Ukraine), I haven’t really experienced depression; it just didn’t matter at that point. So I basically had depression, and then so many things happened (war), and I forgot that I was depressed.” (P6)

P7 addresses a natural inclination towards worry, intensified by the pressure of adjusting to new schedules and self-imposed deadlines amid the COVID-19 pandemic.

“It was challenging to give myself deadlines. This was very tiring in terms of stress, I was very tired both physically and mentally. Even though nothing was happening, I wasn't in direct danger, but I felt terribly out of place.” (P7)

“Everyone had their problems (during Covid), associated with uncertainty whether with studies or in general.” (P7)

On the other side of things, P8 describes experiencing a newfound sense of self-efficacy, which emerged during the COVID-19 pandemic.

“Since I was alone during Covid, I accumulated these positive feelings, that I can manage it alone, without the negatives of whether I will embarrass myself.” (P8)

Diaries

Mid-fall milestones: navigating group works and assignments

In November, participants experienced a mix of calm and heightened stress due to assignments, group projects, weather changes, and balancing work and school. Coping strategies included strategic planning, social media engagement, and seeking support from family and friends. Some students initially felt balanced but faced increased tension and procrastination as deadlines approached, while others felt relaxed yet stressed by school and work responsibilities, leading to exhaustion.

“Stress, breakdowns and a lot of procrastination was this week. Stressful situations but basically, I got fired from my job overnight so now, all week I've been trying to get caught up on writing a term paper and studying for a test, I've managed both, but it wasn't until I felt the stress of the deadlines that I started to do anything.” (P1)

“This week for me alternated very pleasant and relaxing moments ( …)with stressful situations. The stressful situations were school, and work related, and mostly about not keeping up completely well and feeling tired.” (P7)

Pre-holiday Marathon: deadlines and determination

December was a crucial time for exam prep, assignment submissions, and group projects. With most exams scheduled for January, participants aimed to complete tasks to enjoy a short holiday break. This period brought stress from balancing finals, work, and study, but also moments of relief after completing exams. Coping strategies included listening to music, seeking support from friends, family, and pets. Overall, well-being varied, with some students feeling renewed optimism, while others felt fatigued and resigned.

P1 described moving from stress over exams and job searching to relief after securing a new job.

“In the beginning it was the stress of final exams and job search and overall, I'm already stressed out about the job I'm quitting and I'm happy to be in a different environment from January onwards. (…) On Wednesday I finished my exams for this month and had an interview which went well, and I have a new job secured.” (P1)

P9 maintained a balanced emotional state, while P7 felt initial stress from exams and deadlines but found comfort with friends despite missing some gatherings.

“I had two exams within a week and one project submission. At the start of the week, I felt stressed about what I had to get done. However, after the first exam on Tuesday, the stress subsided, and it turned into a general resignation. This caused me to study for the second exam much later than I intended. I was already tired of this semester. It was nice to spend time with my friends even though I didn't make all the meetings due to my friends' illness which made me sad.” (P7)

Popular coping strategies included planning, socialising, music, and physical activities like exercise and outdoor walks.

The calm before the storm: december's study Dilemma

In mid to late December, students balanced holiday enjoyment with academic deadlines and personal health issues. Many felt positive about Christmas and New Year's but faced stressors like excessive alcohol (P9), gift exchanges (P8), and sickness (P7). Despite holiday relaxation, academic pressures remained due to impending exams.

“There wasn't much stress, but I felt a hint of stress whenever I remembered that I still had exams to do in January.” (P1)

The impact on well-being varied: P1 felt positive, P7 struggled with loneliness during illness but found relief in recovery. She also felt stress from procrastination and group work pressures.

“I underestimated the beginning of writing assignments for one of the courses and didn't even get started. However, this assignment also required input from other people in my area which takes some time. And thus, I got caught up in the stress of exactly the kind of stress that makes me want to procrastinate, sit down in front of my cell phone, and scroll.” (P7)

Coping strategies included music (P1, P6), goal-setting (P1), physical activity (P3), and journaling (P8). Social support was essential, with P1 and P7 receiving comfort from family, and friends providing support for P7 and P6.

Semester's endgame: conquering the exams

January emerged as a challenging month for the participants, marked by heightened academic stress and personal hurdles. The exam period disrupted participants' daily routines and shaped their emotional health, manifesting in varied levels of anxiety, exhaustion, introspection, and resilience. The participants reported a high incidence of illness, including COVID-19, within their immediate environments. A consequence of academic procrastination during the holiday season was feelings of regret, guilt, and self-directed anger. Thus, the exam season served not only as an evaluation of academic prowess but also as a test of individuals' resilience, time management, and stress management capabilities. Coping strategies encompassed more sleep, relaxation, leaning on the support of friends and family, as well as cravings for sugary foods. For instance, P1, P3, P4, P6, and P7 found weekly comfort in their friendships, although the month of January allowed for less social interaction.

“The last time I experienced stress was when completing assignments. I spent the whole holiday thinking about how I'm going to have to work it out and how I don't feel like it because I'm on holiday. Even when I came back from vacation the feeling of not wanting to do those assignments stayed with me. I had completely internalised it. So, I felt unmotivated and frustrated. At the same time, I felt anger at myself. I could calmly do it during the semester and I start the day before the deadline!” (P7)

Bumpy takeoff: adjusting to a new semester

The start of the new semester brought both academic and personal challenges for participants. After a break, they faced difficulties adjusting to the academic routine and its demands, highlighting the hurdles of this transition.

For P7, the semester introduced stress tied to unappealing subjects and group projects, with concerns about forming effective teams. She found adapting to a large amount of information and new organisational structures in a short time overwhelming

“Knowing what will need to be done within the semester is overwhelming. At the same time, I'm in a different group for group work in three courses, since we could have taken the seminars as we wanted. Some of those subjects don't attract me in topic but also in assessment content for example. So, it's going to take pushing myself and stepping out of my comfort zone. This creates a certain amount of anticipatory anxiety in me.” (P7)

P8 experienced stress from feelings of alienation in both social and academic settings. Initially excited, she quickly felt disillusioned, regretting not studying abroad and feeling dissatisfied with her current location.

“I hate the idea of being stuck here but I'm also scared to take any steps to leave because my parents are here, and my friends, and I know how it works here. I also just don't have the money to go abroad. It stresses me out, seeing all these people going abroad through Erasmus and whatever, and I'm just stuck here, in large part to my own doing because I don't ever do anything to leave, using the excuse of being afraid.” (P8)

Discussion

This study offers one of the first longitudinal, qualitatively grounded explorations of academic stress and well-being among university students in Slovakia and the Czech Republic, combining semi-structured interviews with five-month diary data. The aim was to capture how students perceive and interpret stress, how it shapes their well-being, which themes recur across their academic lives, and how coping strategies and cultural or institutional contexts influence these processes.

Interpretations of stress (RQ1)

Students’ appraisals of stress reflected “inside out” meaning-making. For some, stress was a burden with somatic and affective sequelae such as rumination, sleep disturbance, anxiety, and low mood. For others, it represented a “productive, slightly uncomfortable edge” that sustained growth-an appraisal pattern consistent with context dependence and the role of efficacy and values (Kristensen et al., 2023; Mravec, 2011). Crucially, participants tied these appraisals to faculty climate and pedagogy: responsive teaching and dialogic feedback buffered strain and fostered belonging, whereas impersonal communication amplified uncertainty. This supports regional calls to embed well-being in academic design rather than treating it only as a clinical issue (Sedláková, 2021). Findings also underscore the transformative impact of higher education on identity and satisfaction, resonant with adolescence and emerging adulthood as stress-marked transitions (Arnett, 2000; Misra & McKean, 2000). Participants oscillated between stability-seeking and disillusionment when expectations were unmet, with the COVID-19 pandemic simultaneously introducing challenges and growth opportunities. Together, these insights highlight academic self-efficacy as a central regulator of stress responses and emphasise universities’ role in offering varied learning experiences and supportive connections (Kristensen et al., 2023).

Temporal fluctuations and contextual supports across the semester (RQ2)

The diary chronology revealed a recognisable academic rhythm: stress intensified in November–January during assignments, pre-terms, and exams; it briefly ebbed, then resurged at semester restart amid reorganised groups, new assessments, and registration bottlenecks. These fluctuations mirror international findings on within-semester stress (Barker et al., 2018; Pitt et al., 2017) but gained distinct meaning in Slovak and Czech contexts, where large seminar groups, competitive enrolment, group project challenges, and heterogeneous expectations shaped experiences (Herbst & Wojciuk, 2016). Stress was thus dynamic and event-structured rather than static, gradually depleting emotional and cognitive resources (Misra & McKean, 2000). Students repeatedly requested clearer workload signalling, earlier scheduling of deadlines, and more consistent communication to mitigate the recurrent “bottleneck” effect near semester’s end.

Specific stressors heightened these fluctuations. The pursuit of high grades and academic perfectionism intensified strain (Jogaratnam & Buchanan, 2004). Social anxiety, fear of public speaking, and unequal group work contributions were recurrent triggers (Yusoff et al., 2011), often compounded by weak lecturer communication and competitive learning environments. Within this cycle, procrastination functioned ambivalently-temporarily lowering stress but later generating guilt and overload-echoing longitudinal evidence (Tice & Baumeister, 1997). Several participants described “AI guilt,” or moral discomfort about relying on artificial intelligence tools for academic tasks, reflecting emerging concerns about authenticity and self-efficacy (Chan, 2024). Stress typically peaked by semester’s end, confirming the “Semester’s End Escalation” pattern (Barker et al., 2018; Pitt et al., 2017), as workloads became overwhelming without strategic planning and institutional buffering.

Institutional, academic, and social supports acted as contextual mechanisms of these fluctuations to an extent. Friendships and peer networks emerged as buffers, offering emotional validation and practical advice. Students consistently emphasised social support as vital for maintaining well-being, consistent with evidence that peer ties mitigate strain and foster resilience (Brailovskaia et al., 2018). Friends and family were perceived as first-line resources, while universities were credited with initiatives such as innovative teaching, mental health workshops, relaxation zones, and accessible libraries that enhanced motivation and engagement (Sedláková, 2021). Nevertheless, many students called for more structured discussion groups and peer-led seminars on stress management, echoing the effectiveness of such interventions in previous studies (Dziegielewski et al., 2004).

These accounts illustrate how institutional and social supports play a role temporal stress pattern: when informal networks were strong, students experienced smoother adaptation to peak stress periods; when institutional scaffolding was weak, stress amplified. Collectively, these findings demonstrate that academic stress reflects not only cyclical workload rhythms but also the availability and accessibility of support systems, which shape students’ capacity to sustain well-being throughout the semester.

Coping strategies (RQ3)

Students described a wide repertoire of coping strategies, from adaptive practices-organisation, planning, journaling, physical activity, breathing exercises, relaxation, and peer connection-to less effective responses such as avoidance, social withdrawal, and substance use. Expressive writing emerged organically in participants’ diaries as a spontaneous form of stress regulation, offering emotional relief during demanding academic weeks. This aligns with prior evidence that writing can function as an accessible, low-threshold coping tool (Mohamed et al., 2023). Within the semester rhythm, students who engaged in problem-focused behaviours-such as planning, time structuring, or seeking guidance-reported fewer overload episodes, whereas avoidance tendencies coincided with periods of heightened distress. These patterns suggest that coping strategies fluctuate alongside academic demands and that universities could strengthen well-being by embedding opportunities for reflective writing, structured workload planning, and early detection of avoidance cycles.

Importantly, coping was not limited to students’ personal resilience or inherent abilities. Participants often emphasised that timely guidance from lecturers, flexibility in deadlines, and access to counselling or peer-support services significantly reduced perceived stress. At the same time, reliance on institutional support was limited- students frequently refrained from counselling, citing low service availability, unclear referral pathways, and lingering stigma around help-seeking (Kotera et al., 2022). Many instead turned to informal coping through social interactions rather than professional support, despite the uneven provision of psychological services mandated by law in Slovak and Czech higher education (Fülöpová & Čerešnová, 2018; Kucharská & Janyšková, 2022). Thus, university-level interventions such as clearer communication, predictable assessment schedules, and proactive mental health initiatives could serve as functional coping resources that complement individual strategies. Integrating such structural supports may strengthen students’ adaptive capacities and mitigate recurrent stress peaks observed in the diary data.

Cultural and environmental contexts (RQ4)

Two layers shaped their experiences. First, educational socialisation: several students, including Ukrainians, contrasted the dialogic, participatory Slovak/Czech seminars with traditions of evaluative recitation and limited classroom talk. Entering a new discourse community in a second language heightened anxieties about public speaking, assignment misunderstandings, and help-seeking. Such transition stresses echo regional findings that stigma and self-criticism undermine well-being (Gavurová et al., 2022; Hajdúk et al., 2019; Kotera et al., 2022), underscoring the need for scaffolding of discussion norms, assessment literacy, and language-sensitive feedback. Second, societal shocks and seasons: COVID-19, the war in Ukraine, and winter seasonality shaped well-being through anticipatory anxiety, disrupted routines, and, for some, seasonal depression, while others reported gains in self-efficacy. These pressures compounded academic stress, echoing analyses that institutional culture and resources condition well-being (Kovács et al., 2024). Students valued clear course structures, humane pacing, dialogic pedagogy, and stigma-aware support services. Complementary evidence from Poland shows foreign students’ coping and health behaviours are shaped by finances, language access, and campus organisation, with barriers (information gaps, scheduling, climate) and facilitators (affordable food, safety) jointly steering stress management (Chrzan-Rodak et al., 2024). Collectively, these findings situate Slovak/Czech students’ stress within a regional ecology where academic cultures, migration-linked transitions, and societal shocks intersect.

Diary chronology (RQ2–RQ3)

The diary data provided real-life insights into temporal fluctuations of stress and coping, directly addressing RQ2–RQ3 on stress patterns and related experiences. Each diary theme corresponded to specific semester phases (see Figure 1). In November, assignment deadlines and group projects dominated, with poor communication and uneven workload distribution emerging as key stressors, captured in the theme “Pre-Holiday Marathon: Deadlines and Determination.” By December, the convergence of tests and pre-terms intensified pressure, while holiday anticipation briefly reduced tension before family and health issues reintroduced strain (“The Calm Before the Storm: December’s Study Dilemma”).

January marked the peak period of “Semester’s Endgame: Conquering the Exams,” when students faced the highest stress levels, often compounded by illness. Stress temporarily subsided in February but resurfaced with renewed coursework, reflected in “Bumpy Takeoff: Adjusting to a New Semester.”

These sequential patterns confirm that stress was dynamic and cyclical, intensifying during high-demand phases and easing during transitions. The diaries revealed shifts in coping, from early-semester avoidance and socialising toward more active strategies such as planning, exercise, and peer support at peak stress. Importantly, participants described how everyday challenges (illness, finances, relationships) amplified academic strain, illustrating the interdependence of academic and personal stressors.

Together, these findings demonstrate that diary themes trace the temporal rhythm of stress across the semester, offering fine-grained evidence that complements interview data and highlights how coping evolved alongside contextual pressures.

Limitations

Several limitations must be noted. First, self-selection bias may have occurred, as students experiencing higher stress could have been more inclined to participate, although recruitment through varied channels included some reporting minimal stress. Second, the diary method required sustained engagement, and retrospective entries risked memory inaccuracies, reducing reliability (Bolger et al., 2003). Third, the sample showed gender imbalance, with women overrepresented, potentially skewing perspectives while underrepresenting male and nonbinary voices. Fourth, the study was limited to a small number of Slovak and Czech universities, restricting generalisability to the wider region. Finally, as a qualitative design, the findings illuminate processes and meanings but cannot establish causality.

Conclusion

This research advances understanding of academic stress among Slovak and Czech students, showing how stress fluctuates across the semester and how coping spans from adaptive planning to avoidance. Combining interviews and diaries provided nuanced insights that can inform interventions and policy. The findings point to the value of whole-university, stepped approaches that ensure counselling access, expand peer supports, and address stigma (Kotera et al., 2022; Orygen, 2020). Clearer assessment design, distributed workload, and stronger participation support may ease pressure (Tice & Baumeister, 1997), while coping literacy initiatives such as planning, relaxation, and expressive writing could strengthen resilience (Mohamed et al., 2023). Finally, fostering responsive climates and preparing for seasonal or societal disruptions through well-being campaigns and peer networks may further enhance support (Brailovskaia et al., 2018).

Author contributions

Both authors contributed to the study conceptualisation, methodology, and design. Material preparation, data collection, data curation, and analysis were performed by the first author under the supervision of the second author. The first draft of the manuscript was written by the first author and both authors commented on previous versions of the manuscript. Both authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Supplementary Material

Supplementary Material

appendices.docx

Biographies

Nina Majerová is a Master student of Social and Occupational Psychology at the Institute of Applied Psychology, Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences, Comenius University Bratislava, Slovakia. Her research interests include psychological and social perspectives of higher education.

Lenka Sokolová is a Professor of Educational and School Psychology at the Institute of Applied Psychology, Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences, Comenius University Bratislava, Slovakia. Her research interests include student and teacher well-being, school-based interventions and psychology learning and teaching.

Supplemental Material

Supplemental data for this article can be accessed at https://doi.org/10.1080/17482631.2025.2602369.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Funding

Funding was not provided for this study.

Data availability statement

The data are available upon reasonable request by the first author of the study.