Barriers and Facilitators to Higher Education Applications and Admissions Among People in Recovery

Abstract

People in substance use disorder recovery represent a marginalized and underserved student population. Improving access to higher education for people in recovery can benefit the individual, institution, and society at large. This study explored the barriers to college applications and admissions that people in recovery face and the resources that they draw on to overcome these barriers. Semistructured interviews were completed with 17 undergraduate students in recovery at a large public university without a collegiate recovery program. Inductive thematic analysis was used to document students’ experiences related to applications and admissions. Participants described barriers to higher education at multiple levels, including personal challenges (e.g., competing priorities), consequences of past use (e.g., a record of criminal legal system involvement), challenges in the social environment (e.g., substance use on campus), complex admission processes (e.g., regarding transfer credits), and stigma (i.e., anticipated, experienced, and internalized). Despite these challenges, students embodied an incredible amount of resolve. Participants were unafraid to ask for help and mobilized the resources available through their social networks. Having role models in recovery, support from faculty and staff, and flexible options for course scheduling were discussed as facilitators to higher education access. Findings highlight policies and practices that institutions of higher education can adopt to capitalize on the strengths of prospective students in recovery and promote equity and inclusivity for this underrepresented student population.

An estimated 9% of the U.S. population is in substance use disorder (SUD) recovery (Kelly et al., 2017), many of whom have not yet completed a college degree. Because initiation of substance use often occurs in adolescence (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2023), SUDs can substantially inhibit normative academic and vocational skill acquisition (Duffy & Baldwin, 2013). For many people in recovery, educational goals become important once a solid foundation of recovery has been established (Margolis et al., 2000). These goals in themselves can be a strong motivation for continued recovery (Duffy & Baldwin, 2013). While many people in recovery may decide to pursue higher education, they are likely to face unique challenges.

Education as Recovery Capital

A growing body of research indicates education, stable employment, and engagement in meaningful activities promote sustained recovery (Best et al., 2012; Cloud & Granfield, 2008; Granfield & Cloud, 2001; A. B. Laudet & White, 2008). The term recovery capital is used to describe the resources that can be drawn upon to initiate and maintain recovery (Cloud & Granfield, 2008; Granfield & Cloud, 2001). Among the four types of recovery capital—physical, human, social, and community—education is considered a type of human recovery capital, along with other personal attributes such as personal values, self-esteem, and self-efficacy (White & Cloud, 2008). In a qualitative study of the experiences of college students in recovery, Terrion (2013) found that students developed and mobilized all four forms of recovery capital through their education, describing significant changes in their values and belief systems, self-esteem, self-efficacy, and interpersonal community. Another study that surveyed alumni of collegiate recovery programs (CRPs; N = 88) revealed positive long-term outcomes in terms of employment, earnings, and sustained recovery (Brown et al., 2019). A large study of over 2,000 people in recovery from alcohol and opioid use issues found a positive association between engagement in meaningful activities, such as education and employment, and all dimensions of quality of life (physical, psychological, social, and environmental; Best et al., 2012). More engagement in meaningful activities was also associated with less anxiety and depression, fewer physical health symptoms, and greater self-esteem and self-efficacy (Best et al., 2012).

College Students in Recovery

People in recovery not only benefit from higher education, but also bring to their institutions unique perspectives and skill sets which benefit the university at large. Research shows that diversity in higher education has numerous educational and social benefits for students (Gurin et al., 2002). Students in recovery often become trusted and respected student leaders, contributing to and promoting a safe and healthy campus environment (Bratter et al., 2006). Undergraduate and graduate students in recovery also demonstrate better retention and graduation rates than the institutional average and achieve higher grade point averages than the general student population (A. B. Laudet et al., 2015).

Despite these strengths that they bring to their institutions, students in recovery are often underrepresented and underserved. Though an estimated 9% of the U.S. population is in recovery from a substance use issue (Kelly et al., 2017), data indicate students in recovery make up only 2.5% of the U.S. college student population (American College Health Association, 2023). This discrepancy may suggest recovering persons are less likely to enter college and/or less likely to persist and earn a degree. Still, the proportion of college students who identify as “in recovery from alcohol and other drug use” has grown from 1.7% in 2020, representing a 47% increase in less than 3 years (American College Health Association, 2020, 2023).

When admitted, college students in recovery face numerous challenges related to their recovery status. College campuses are said to be recovery-hostile environments, where undergraduate and graduate students in recovery often experience a lack of support (Bell et al., 2009; Kimball et al., 2017; A. Laudet et al., 2014, 2015; Misch, 2009; Terrion, 2013). Without the proper supports in place, research suggests a potentially harmful situation where academic demands may conflict with attendance at recovery-oriented activities, such as mutual aid groups, which are often viewed as essential in preventing return to use (Duffy & Baldwin, 2013; Iarussi, 2018; Kollath-Cattano et al., 2018). Moreover, campus cultures typically convey positive values related to substance use and can threaten recovery efforts, with the conflict between recovery status and college life well-documented in the literature (Ashford et al., 2018; Hennessy et al., 2021; Terrion, 2013). Undergraduate and graduate students in recovery commonly report feelings of exclusion, stigma, and differentness, which can be detrimental to mental health and well-being (Scott et al., 2016; Terrion, 2013).

CRPs and communities are student services designed to support the academic and personal success of students in or seeking recovery (Brown et al., 2018). A CRP is a set of university-sanctioned services for students who are in recovery. Although CRPs vary in their range of services, they all aim to provide a supportive environment within the campus culture that reinforces the decision to engage in a lifestyle of recovery from substance use and to ensure that students can maintain their recovery without sacrificing their educational goals (The Association of Recovery in Higher Education, 2024). A recent national survey of undergraduate and graduate student CRP members found that CRPs helped them succeed academically while maintaining their recovery and played an important role in their social life (Smith et al., 2024). Yet, the 165 CRPs across the United States (The Association of Recovery in Higher Education, 2024) represent only about 6% of 4-year institutions (National Center for Education Statistics, 2022).

Barriers to Higher Education Access

Social reproduction theory has been used to explain the ways higher education reinforces the dominant social structure resulting in marginalization of students from nondominant backgrounds (Serna & Woulfe, 2017). The theory proposes institutions of higher education have value systems that mirror the dominant culture, and that students with different values are screened out through various processes in support of social reproduction, or the maintenance of existing power structures. The screening out of prospective students in recovery might include, for example, complex application processes, selective admissions criteria, financial aid constraints, and social pressure to participate in activities involving substance use. In their review of college access and attainment research, Serna and Woulfe (2017) explained that people from marginalized populations often have lower expectations for themselves surrounding college access and attainment because of these norms and practices. For people in recovery, the view of higher education as unattainable, too difficult, too risky, or not “for them” may dampen their academic ambitions.

Though little research exists on the topic, it is reasonable to expect that people in recovery face barriers to accessing higher education similar to those of other underrepresented student populations, such as low-income students; students of color; lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and intersex students; and first-generation students. These barriers can include inadequate college preparation curricula, lack of information and support for navigating the college application process, and lack of support upon beginning postsecondary education (Dynarski et al., 2023; Fulcher Dawson et al., 2020; Perron et al., 2011). Underrepresented students report structural barriers to enrolling in higher education, including concerns about finances and uncertainty around application and financial aid processes (Means et al., 2019). Students of color also describe receiving and internalizing oppressive messages related to their pursuit of educational goals (Means et al., 2019). Prospective students in recovery are likely to experience similar barriers attributable to their recovery status.

Negative consequences are a hallmark of addiction. Indeed, a person is unlikely to meet diagnostic criteria for an SUD without them (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). For prospective students in recovery, the consequences of addiction—for example, poor grades, gaps in education or employment, and criminal legal system involvement—create additional barriers to college access that must be addressed during admissions. In 2015, 72% of colleges included criminal history questions on their applications (Stewart & Uggen, 2020). These policies have not been found to improve campus safety and can deter prospective students with criminal records from completing their applications (Custer, 2018). Applicants with a history of criminal legal system involvement report feeling judged, fearful of losing opportunities, angry about having to relive past events, embarrassed, and doubting their abilities during the application process (Custer, 2013). These concerns are unfortunately not unfounded; a survey of college admissions officials found that in the context of admissions decision making, 90% considered any felony conviction negatively, and 75% considered a drug or alcohol conviction negatively (Center for Community Alternatives, 2010). An experimental audit found that Black applicants disclosing a history of criminal legal system involvement were disproportionately penalized (Stewart & Uggen, 2020). Questions related to criminal history may place prospective students in an uncomfortable position where they feel pressure to disclose personal information about their addiction and recovery. Previous higher education literature has gone so far as to suggest prospective students in recovery should describe in their essays how they view their past choices, corrective emotional experiences, whether they have received treatment and if they participate in mutual aid, or if they have suffered the death of a loved one (Bratter et al., 2006). Expectations for forced disclosure regarding such personal matters may deter many people in recovery from applying.

The Present Study

While acknowledging the structural barriers that people in recovery face, this study aimed to highlight the strengths of these individuals, rather than the deficits. The purpose of this study is to understand (a) the barriers to college applications and admissions that people in recovery face and (b) the resources people in recovery draw on to overcome these barriers. A qualitative approach is used to obtain a detailed understanding of this phenomenon while giving voice to the lived experiences of people in recovery. Findings point to where institutions may focus to further develop the capacity of prospective students in recovery.

Method

Data were collected through semistructured interviews with undergraduate students at a large public university located in an urban community in the Midwest United States. The undergraduate student population at the university was 56.3% female, 85% aged 24 and younger, and racial–ethnically diverse (53.1% White, 17.3% Black, 14.2% Asian, 8.0% Hispanic, 4.2% multiracial, 2.2% international, 0.3% Indigenous; Wayne State University, 2023). Notably, at the time of the study, the university had no CRP or active student organization dedicated to supporting students in recovery.

Interview questions were developed following a review of the literature surrounding college students in recovery and barriers to college access among other underrepresented student populations (e.g., minoritized racial–ethnic groups, people with histories of criminal legal system involvement). Questions were intentionally structured to identify potential barriers and facilitators to college applications and admissions at the individual, interpersonal, and structural levels. For example, participants were asked “What kind of response did you get from people in your life when you shared you’d be applying to college?” and “What do you think was different about your experience of applying to college compared to other students who are not in recovery?” The interview guide was piloted with one undergraduate student in recovery and refined accordingly prior to data collection. The complete set of questions and prompts is available in the Supplemental Material.

Undergraduate students aged 18 years or older who were enrolled in at least one course at the time of the interview and who self-identified as in recovery from a substance use problem were eligible to participate in the study. Various strategies were used to recruit participants, including digital flyers posted on Facebook and the university’s social media platform. The university’s counseling center staff and instructors’ teaching substance use courses also assisted with recruitment by sharing recruitment materials with students. Interested individuals completed a brief screening form and were then contacted by the research team (via call, text, or email, depending on the participants’ preferred contact method) to schedule a phone or Zoom interview. Semistructured interviews were conducted with 17 individuals between December 2021 and May 2022, as a part of a larger study of the experiences of undergraduate students in recovery at a university without a CRP. For the present study, analyses were limited to 14 participants who reported being in recovery when they applied to college; three participants who were not yet in recovery when they applied to college were not asked questions about their experience with applying and being admitted to college.

Participant characteristics are presented in Table 1. Participants ranged in age from 18 to 44 (M = 27.9 years, SD = 7.1). About two thirds were women (64.3%), 28.6% were men, and one participant was nonbinary (7.1%). Most participants were non-Hispanic White (78.6%), though two were Hispanic (14.3%), and one was American Indian (7.1%). Participants reported between 2 months and 8.5 years of recovery (M = 4.2 years, SD = 2.6) and were in their first through fifth year in college (modal year = 3, SD = 1.1). Most were pursuing degrees in social science (64.3%) or health care (21.4%). Interviews ranged from 22 to 68 min in length (M = 47.7 min, SD = 16.2). Participants were compensated with a $20 Amazon gift card. The Wayne State University Institutional Review Board reviewed and approved all study procedures to protect human subjects.

Table 1.

Characteristics of sample of undergraduate students in recovery (N=14, December 2021 – May 2022).

	N (%)	M (SD)
Age (range 18 – 44)		27.9 (7.1)
18 to 23	5 (35.7)
24 to 30	4 (28.6)
31 and older	5 (35.7)
Gender identity
Woman	9 (64.3)
Man	4 (28.6)
Non-binary	1 (7.1)
Racial-ethnic identity
White	11 (78.6)
Hispanic	2 (14.3)
American Indian	1 (7.1)
Years in recovery (range 0.17 – 8.5)		4.2 (2.6)
Year in college (range 1 – 5)		2.9 (1.1)
Area of study
Social sciences	9 (64.3)
Healthcare	3 (21.4)
Business	1 (7.1)
Technology	1 (7.1)

Interviews were recorded, professionally transcribed, verified by the research team, and imported into Dedoose (Version 9.0.54) for analysis. Analysis followed Braun and Clarke’s (2006) approach to inductive thematic analysis. First, two members of the research team independently and actively reviewed each transcript, documenting reflections and potential codes and themes. As the approach to analysis was inductive, the coders attempted to set aside their preexisting knowledge and assumptions about the study topic and population. The two then met to discuss their reflections and draft a list of potential codes, grounded primarily in the data. They then returned to the data and each independently coded a portion of the transcripts. Next, the two coders met to reflect on the coded data and to discuss potential themes and relationships between codes, themes, and subthemes. At this stage, several codes were discarded or collapsed, while others were split. For example, the “stigma” code was split to distinguish between stigma that was anticipated, experienced, and internalized. This process resulted in a mutually agreed-upon codebook describing each theme, the codes observed within each theme, descriptions of each code, and exemplary quotes from the transcripts. The two team members then independently reviewed the other’s coded transcripts and recoded the data in accordance with the codebook, with a particular focus on the internal consistency of the themes (i.e., how well the coded extracts fit together) and their alignment with the data set as a whole (i.e., how well the thematic map reflects the entire data set). Finally, the two met to identify and discuss coding discrepancies and came to consensus on all coded data. Throughout the analysis, from data familiarization through the final meeting of the research team, memos were used to document the progression of the coding scheme.

Mindful of the ways our identities can influence the research process, the authors would like to disclose relevant information about our backgrounds. Four authors identify as in recovery and have lived experience of applying to college while in recovery. Data were collected by one Black man and one White woman and coded by two White women, all from middle- and upper-middle-class backgrounds, and all identifying as in recovery. We feel this lived experience uniquely equipped us to identify barriers and facilitators to college applications and admissions by promoting rapport with research participants, informing the development of a well-rounded interview guide, and framing results within the experience and dialog of our own communities’ values and priorities. Still, these intersecting identities, particularly those that are historically privileged, may have influenced the research questions, data collection, coding, and interpretation. For example, our identities may have influenced us to focus on some themes more than others. However, we engaged in ongoing reflection at each phase of the research, continually inviting one another to explore themes that did not align with our lived experience.

Findings

Results of the inductive thematic analysis examining barriers and facilitators to higher education access among people in recovery are summarized below, with additional exemplars presented in Tables 2 and 3. Following the approach of Sandelowski (2001), the term “many” is used when themes were present in more than 60% of the transcripts; “several” is used when themes were present in 30%–59% of the transcripts; and the term “few” is used when themes were present in less than 30% of the transcripts.

Table 2.

Barriers to college applications and admissions among prospective students in recovery.

Theme	Definition	Exemplar
Personal Challenges
Family and career obligations	Discusses concerns about balancing coursework with family or career obligations.	“I work full time, I have a kid… I'm in recovery, and I have a house to take care of.”
Financial strain	Describes college as a financial burden, for example in terms of the cost of tuition or books, or time away from work.	“I actually had to cash pay for my first two semesters because I didn’t understand how loans worked.”
Health conditions	Discusses concerns related to balancing coursework with the management of their recovery and/or comorbid physical or mental health conditions.	“You have to be very careful that you don’t throw yourself into a situation that’s going to throw you right back into where you be came from… I was about a year sober before I started thinking about going school and all that, because as an alcoholic or drug addict… you have to make sure that your sobriety holds on its own.”
Consequences of Use
Spotty transcripts	Mentions a record of poor grades or gaps in education or employment that correspond with periods of active drug use.	“I was kind of in and out of [community college] still using, in active addiction… You can see on my transcript the times where I was doing okay and I had gotten A’s and B’s, and then the times where I had F’s and withdrawals and failures of classes, and those were obviously the times where I wasn’t doing well at all.”
Criminal legal history	Describes having a criminal record as a perceived barrier to their academic or career goals.	“I had a criminal record, and things of that nature, that was a big factor holding me back. Like the fear, like mentally of like, am I even going to be able to get into this school because of my criminal path?”
Pressure to disclose	Describes feeling pressured to disclosed their recovery status during the application or admissions process.	“Through applying to several different four-year universities, I had to write like a whole letter [about my criminal background], and dig it all up again, and kind of relive those moments… It was like still slightly embarrassing.”
Social Environment
Social norms regarding drug use	Discusses concerns related to the prevalence of drug use on campus and/or social pressure to use drugs.	“I thought going to college would be more of… how it’s portrayed in the media. You always see the party culture side of it.”
Few role models	Mentions having few people in their social network who had gone to college.	“My parents didn’t go to college, and most of the people around me really didn’t have any college experience. So, I didn’t really have any guidance in that, like with peers and family. So, it was scary. I can remember being really anxious about it.”
Complex Admissions Processes	Describes feeling confused or unsupported while attempting to navigate application, admissions, or enrollment processes.	“There were some roadblocks with transferring credits for my associate degree, and just bureaucracy of applying and talking, being sent to one advisor, and then being with that advisor, and trying to be sent to another advisor...”
Stigma
Anticipated stigma	Talks about expecting to be judged or mistreated due to their recovery status.	“I was nervous about the application process of just being judged by my past, basically.”
Experienced stigma	Describes receiving oppressive messages related to their academic goals, feeling stigmatized or “othered” due to their recovery status, and/or being discriminated against during the application or admissions process.	“Even the CPS [child protective services] workers will tell me, ‘Don’t you think it’s too much that you’re going to school and your kids are transitioning home, and you’re working?’”
Self-stigma	Describes or exemplifies having internalized stigmatizing messages about people with addiction and/or in recovery.	“I was homeless and living on the streets… I shot drugs intravenously for 10 years. Going to college was not… it was not something that was even on my radar… I just thought it was for other people, not like me.”

Table 2.

Facilitators to college applications and admissions for prospective students in recovery.

Theme	Definition	Exemplar
Personal Strengths
Renewed resolve	Describes feeling internally motivated to further their education, for example to provide for their family or achieve their full potential.	“I didn’t want to work in a restaurant as a server my whole life. And I knew there was, I mean, I had to do something different if I was going to have a future for myself.”
Clear career goal	Describes having formed a clear sense of what they do or do not want to do in their career as a part of their recovery process.	“I have a passion for psychology. And I really always have, but it just took clean time and recovery and time getting to know what I am in sobriety and realizing that there is potential for me, that I was really able to kind of visualize the dreams and goals that I actually had for myself.”
Persistence	Describes or exemplifies determination or endurance, particularly in the face of obstacles.	“I’m a really driven person so when I set my mind to something I will do it, I will make it happen. I think that I really have a really good, hard work ethic… I just knew ‘Yeah, I’m going to do this. It doesn’t really matter how much work it is.’”
Resourcefulness	Describes or exemplifies the ability to deal skillfully with new challenges by identifying and utilizing available resources.	“Something that I learned in recovery is to ask for help no matter what. Doesn’t matter. I don’t get the help I need if I don’t ask for it, and to basically just chuck the ego aside. If I don’t know what I’m doing, I’m just like, ‘Hey, I don’t know what I’m doing.’”
Social Environment
Social support	Describes receiving emotional, informational, or instrumental support from people in their social network throughout their pursuit of higher education.	“I have a pretty good community of recovery support. I go to AA, and they were all supportive of that [going to college] for me. But a lot of support from my family [sic], because I did do so well academically before the addiction really started… So, they knew that I had the intellectual capability.”
Role models in recovery	Talks about looking up to other people in recovery who have gone to college.	“I got a lot of support from people in recovery, and those were the people that kind of mirrored that this was possible for me or gave me hope. I saw that they lived where I lived and they were successful. They were straight A students, they were doing things and involved.”
Family values	Mentions that parents attended college or encouraged them to attend college.	“I kind of grew up always… college was kind of always on the table for me. Both of my parents are educated and both of my siblings are… So it was kind of always assumed that I would go to college.”
Institutional Support
Faculty/staff	Talks about receiving emotional, informational, or instrumental support from university faculty or staff throughout their pursuit of higher education.	“My counselor [academic advisor], he’s aware that I’m in recovery and he’s very supportive of me just taking my time, and never pressuring me to do more than I can handle.”
Flexible format	Describes benefiting from a flexible curriculum in terms of scheduling and/or format.	“A lot of things being moved to online helped out. Especially with when I had to meet with advisors and stuff… I work close to [the university], so if I have to skate out of work for a little bit and meet in person I can. But making it easier for a lot of things – meeting online and advising appointments online – things done over phone and email a little bit more, helped out a lot.”
Community college	Describes transferring from a community college as helpful in terms of applying or transitioning to the four-year institution.	“The next couple years, I was sober and I was going to [community college]. And I was just taking like one class a semester, because anything more than that was kind of overwhelming at the time, getting sober and whatnot. And I graduated with my associates last December. And at some point in the last two years I realized that obviously I can do school sober.”

Perceived Barriers

Barriers to higher education access fell into five categories (Table 2): (a) personal challenges, (b) consequences of past use, (c) challenges in the social environment, (d) complex admission processes, and (e) stigma.

Personal Challenges

Participants discussed personal challenges related to family and career obligations, financial hardship, and the self-care practices necessary to maintain good health and recovery. Many participants were nontraditional students, starting or returning to college several years after completing high school or earning their General Education Development certificate. Because of their life stage, these nontraditional students had additional responsibilities that at times made it challenging to devote the necessary resources to coursework. For example, several participants discussed concerns about balancing coursework with family or career obligations and how these concerns influenced their ideas about what it would be like to go to college. One participant explained, “It was a little intimidating. … It’s like starting over and just having a lot on my shoulders, being a mom … working, going to school, and all of that … it was very overwhelming.” Others described college as a financial burden in terms of the cost of tuition, books, or other supplies. One participant discussed complexities related to securing financial aid:

I got in recovery so young. I was still young enough that there was all these barriers to go through where they [financial aid] wouldn’t go off my parents’ income. I had been an independent adult since a little bit before 16, but truly at 16 I was completely on my own, and I didn’t have any paperwork or documentation like emancipation papers or anything to show that. And so it was really difficult to navigate like, “No, my parents don’t support me. I’m independent. How do I get help for school looked at as the adult that I am?” I think that was really difficult.

Because of their unique life experiences and nontraditional pathways to higher education, these prospective students experienced barriers to ensuring the time, energy, and finances necessary to pursue a college degree.

Many participants discussed concerns related to balancing course-work with the self-care practices necessary to maintain recovery. One participant explained:

My drug of choice was Adderall. And so, I had a lot of fear as going back and thinking about what that would be like. … In the past, being overwhelmed and putting too much on my plate had been a trigger for me. And it had led to a relapse before, because at that point in time, I did not understand that was like the delusion of the addiction that was telling me I need this [Adderall] to be successful, even though it was ruining my life and I wasn’t making any progress or any good choices. … And so, I had a lot of hesitancy going back to school.

For this participant, the stress associated with academic demands was perceived as a potential trigger, and concerns about return to use led them to delay their education for some time. Other participants discussed competing demands associated with co-occurring mental and physical health conditions and how these conditions affected their pursuit of higher education. For example, one participant described mental health challenges that made admissions and enrollment processes difficult:

I’m ADHD [attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder], autistic, and BPD [borderline personality disorder]. With that autistic part, that was something that, although it was undiagnosed, the symptoms were very clearly there. … I couldn’t just speak to people. I couldn’t make appointments; I couldn’t do a lot of those things. And like I said, also I couldn’t drive.

For these participants, the symptoms of their SUD and comorbid health conditions created actual or perceived barriers to applying and enrolling in courses.

Consequences of Use

Consequences of past substance use, such as spotty transcripts and criminal legal system involvement, were discussed as a barrier to application and enrollment processes. For some, these consequences were associated with a sense of pressure to disclose their recovery status. Periods of substance use often coincided with poor grades or gaps in education or employment:

There was a lot of stopping and restarting. … I tried to get my associates in criminal justice in 2008, but I had a drug charge and. … The rules were stricter then. I dropped out and then I went back to school for a little bit. And then I had a divorce and I dropped out and got heavy into drugs. And then I got clean and went back to school and then I dropped out, went back to school again, then when I had that medical emergency, I was still going to school, but when CPS got involved, they made me drop out of school again. … And then I finally got to go back.

For this participant, the consequences of their use led to multiple disruptions in their academic journey, making it difficult for them to demonstrate their academic potential. Several participants perceived their criminal record to be a barrier. One participant explained, “I have a record that’s been expunged. The schools that I’m applying to right now are saying, ‘Even if you have an expunged record, we need to hear about it.’” Although a judge had ruled to remove this participant’s criminal charges from public databases, they were discouraged to find they were still asked to provide information that was visible only to law enforcement officials. Participants with histories of criminal legal system involvement described feeling anxious and embarrassed about having to include this information about their past in their application.

Having to explain these consequences during the application and admissions process sometimes caused participants to feel pressure to disclose their recovery status. This was often described as a stressful and stigmatizing process:

The biggest barrier for me back then was having to explain my suspension and everything around that. … It was very nerve wracking because I was still just trying to figure out what all of this meant to me, and who I was without drugs and alcohol in my life. So that was definitely a barrier because it made me feel like, “I’m going to be judged based on this and not based on anything else.” And it’s a similar way that I’m feeling now that I’ve been applying to law school as well.

This participant felt it was necessary to disclose their substance use history and recovery status in order to provide context for their suspension. However, they felt emotionally unprepared to do so and described feeling fearful about potential repercussions.

Social Environment

Social norms regarding drug use among college students and a lack of role models were factors in the social environment that were discussed as barriers. Participants described concerns about their ability to maintain recovery within an environment characterized by prevalent alcohol and other drug use. This was exemplified by one participant who was in early recovery when they applied to college:

I was like “There’s going to be kids having the natural college experience of going to parties on campus,” and all that stuff. I wanted to try to find a way to fit into that atmosphere in the safest way possible for myself. So, I had expectations that I would be okay, but I was also very anxious about it because I wasn’t even a year sober when I made the decision to go to [college].

This participant described a tension between wanting to “fit in” while also “staying safe,” suggesting they perceived the substance use environment on campus to be unsafe for a person in early recovery. Such trepidation may deter people in recovery from pursuing a higher education in order to protect their health.

A few participants discussed lacking people in their social network who had gone to college. This compounded their skepticism about how well people “like them” might fare in higher education. Notably, three participants mentioned that they were first-generation college students. One explained:

My parents didn’t go to college. … I have a lot of siblings, only one of them … had actually gone to school and got a degree, actually finished. Some of them had tried. And so, it was really scary.

For these students, the prospect of attending college felt particularly stressful and intimidating because it had not been modeled to them as attainable. These students also lacked guidance and instrumental support from their family members.

Complex Admissions Processes

Applications, admissions, and enrollment were described as complex and confusing, and some participants described feeling unsupported while trying to navigate these processes. For example, one participant explained:

I think the school offered it [help with financial aid]. I just think I didn’t realize it, or I didn’t understand, or I guess sometimes I felt like as an adult student that I was kind of showing up to the party a little late or that a lot of the stuff that typically like in high school and these different programs, that really helped you transition. … I felt like I didn’t realize all that existed. I missed some key information for my success.

As a nontraditional student, this participant felt they did not receive the same level of informational and instrumental support as those who were continuing to college straight from high school. In addition to challenges with financial aid, participants noted issues with transfer credits and a lack of clarity about where to direct questions.

Stigma

Stigma toward addiction and recovery was anticipated, experienced, and internalized among participants. Participants described numerous ways stigma hindered their pursuit of higher education. For example, many participants discussed concerns that they would be judged or mistreated if the admissions committee knew about their recovery status: “There’s a lot of shame and shaming, and people won’t look at you the same. You’re afraid that people will look at you differently because they know that you’re an alcoholic, whether you’re in recovery or not.” Participants also described instances where they were personally stigmatized or marginalized. For example, one participant described receiving defeating messages related to their academic goals:

I also have a lot of people telling me this is a waste of time. It’s too much to put on my plate. It is pointless because I am going for social work and I’ll never make enough money to support myself and just a lot of negative feedback and just telling me it’s too much.

This idea that college may be too risky or demanding for people in recovery appeared to be internalized among some participants. For example, one participant explained “You can’t be newly sober and trying to go to school. … You’re just going to fail.” Internalized stigma was also discussed as a barrier to seeking help with the admissions process: “I still believed a lot of the stigma was real and I stigmatized myself. It was difficult to feel … equal when I would go to ask for help or talk to people and explain my situation.” Another participant explained, “I didn’t realize all the things that were out there, all the help. I didn’t realize that I could have all those things too.” These examples illustrate the ways in which internalized stigma deterred people in recovery from applying to college for some time.

Facilitators to Higher Education Access

Despite these challenges, participants described (a) personal strengths, (b) social support, and (c) institutional supports that facilitated their academic goals (Table 3).

Personal Strengths

Participants highlighted their resolve to continue their education, persistence, and resourcefulness. Participants described finding, in recovery, internal motivation or renewed resolve to further their education. Some participants were “nontraditional” students who came to the university in their later 20s or 30s after entering recovery. Often, they had previous attempts at higher education and were determined to earn their degrees this time. For example, one shared that they had pursued an associate degree after graduating high school but dropped out and reenrolled several times before they came into recovery. This student felt it was essential to complete their degree to “break the cycle” of poverty and trauma:

Whenever I got discouraged, I would just remind myself I am a statistic and I made my children another statistic. And if I want to change any of this generational trauma. … I can’t do it living off a $13 an hour job.

This participant was determined to create a better life for their family by earning a college degree. They drew on this end goal for motivation to persist throughout the application process.

Gaining clarity about one’s desired career path also provided internal motivation. Some participants felt their recovery process helped them to form a clear sense of what they did or did not want to do for work. Several described a desire to find a career where they could give back to their community or help others. Indeed, 85.7% of students in this sample were pursuing degrees in helping professions (i.e., social science or health care). One participant explained, “I really wanted to go into a field where I could kind of give back to my recovery community and serve others that were kind of impacted the same way that I am.” Inspired by the idea of assisting their recovery community in a professional capacity, this student became motivated to apply to college.

Persistence among prospective students in recovery was also a salient personal strength that helped facilitate college access. Participants exemplified remarkable determination, particularly in the face of the aforementioned barriers. For example, one participant discussed how persistence helped them to complete the application process:

I’m very responsible. … I have integrity. So, when I say I’m going to do something, if it’s just for a personal goal, or for other people, I stick to it. I do it no matter what. And that’s something that I pride myself on today is when I set a goal, I just do it. I think I have courage today—not I think—I do. I have courage today to do things that are unfamiliar. … Just having courage, having—I hate this term nowadays, but—resilience.

This participant highlighted their persistence by explaining that they were committed to attending college, no matter what. They had developed the self-confidence to try new things and continue forward when the process felt challenging.

Participants described instances where they conquered the application process by asking for help. When in doubt, they turned to friends, family members, colleagues, people in the recovery community, and university faculty and staff for assistance. One participant shared:

I would just say … “I don’t really know what I’m doing, can you point me in the right direction?” And that would turn into, they would check in on me once a week and say, “Hey, did you do that part of that … the next step, did you do this?” And then my [caseworker] told me to call [the state department that provides career assistance for people with disabilities] because I’m running out of funding for school. And [that department] helped me a lot. They helped guide me through the process. If I get stuck on something or overwhelmed and I think I can’t do it, I just say that, and someone will usually help.

By telling people in their support network that they were unsure of themselves, this participant gained regular informational and emotional support to continue their application. Likewise, they gained the support of their caseworker and, in turn, the state in securing funding for school. By being willing to acknowledge that they felt stuck, this participant got the help they needed. Participants also described attending seminars and utilizing other school-based resources to support their application.

Social Environment

Social support from high school teachers, friends in recovery, and parents who had attended college was a major factor in promoting college access among students in recovery. Nearly all participants mentioned receiving support from at least one of these sources as they applied to college. They described receiving emotional, informational, and instrumental support from people in their social network throughout their pursuit of higher education. One participant, for example, described how their high school teachers provided emotional and instrumental support as they were preparing their application:

My teachers definitely were a huge support system for me. … They’re very loving people. And they’re very supportive of me, always checking in on me and seeing how I’m doing. … When I was talking to them about being unsure of disclosing that [I was in recovery on my application] and I was asking them if it was too risky and stuff, they were definitely like, “Okay, you know that you want to add this to your application. Here’s how you can do it in a way that won’t put yourself at risk. …” They were honestly a huge part of my application process. They would give me little pointers, and they would help me proofread.

In this example, teachers provided emotional support through regular check-ins, informational support in suggesting how the participant shares their story, and instrumental support by helping with specific aspects of the participant’s application.

Some participants talked about receiving inspiration or support from other people in recovery who had gone to college. When participants connected with others who had similar substance use histories and were later successful in earning their college degrees, they realized that they, too, could follow this path:

I’m pretty active in the recovery community. … I got to see people share their stories and been in the same places that I was. Then, I got to see them graduate and apply for grad school. I think that really helped, and hearing people’s full stories and being like, “Well, maybe if they could do it, I could do it.”

This participant drew inspiration from friends in recovery who had similar experiences with addiction and recovery and was later able to earn their bachelor’s degree and apply to graduate school.

Inspiration and support from other people in recovery were especially valuable for those participants whose parents had not gone to college. First-generation students shared that because their parents had not pursued higher education, they lacked “guidance in that.” Accordingly, they experienced fear about the process, from starting the application to seeing their education through. The importance of emotional support from people in recovery in these cases was evident in the following excerpt:

So my sponsor, she was a big supporter in that and reassured me a lot that I was good enough to go to school because I think a lot of that for me was like the self-worth wasn’t there with school and. … Because it was like uncharted territory and she just reassured me to like, you feel this fear and just do it anyway, because you’re able to, like, I’m able to do it. And a lot of people in recovery, a lot of my good friends, and even then, my. … He’s now my husband, but my boyfriend at the time is just, “Oh you can do this. You’re smart enough,” you know?

This participant benefited from reassurance that they were adequately equipped to succeed in college. This reassurance helped them overcome fears about charting educational territories that were new not only to the participant but to their family as a whole.

In contrast, a few participants mentioned that they had parents who had attended college and encouraged them to attend college. Growing up in a family where college was familiar and expected put these students at an advantage. Whereas some participants perceived college as unattainable, participants who grew up in households where the importance of higher education was emphasized had always envisioned themselves attending college. One participant explained, “I do come from a family of people that are educated, and it’s always been something embedded in me that it’s vital to have your education.” For these students, college was naturally perceived as attainable, and family members were more likely to provide informational and instrumental support.

Institutional Support

Finally, participants described support from university faculty and staff and flexibility in scheduling classes as helping college feel accessible. A few participants discussed receiving emotional, informational, or instrumental support from university faculty or staff. For example, after disclosing a history of criminal legal system involvement on their application, one participant was required to meet with the department dean. This participant described the dean’s response to hearing about the context surrounding their criminal charges and their recovery status:

There wasn’t an emotional reaction, it was much more like, “Hey, this is more common than you think”. People with criminal records, and people that are in recovery. And she had just mentioned like the state board, how you have to be licensed in [our state] to practice. … And she reassured me that honesty goes a long way in school, and with the state, and with employers. … It was very helpful. It was reassuring, and it helped me to relax a little bit about that, about the licensing and jobs and everything.

Here, faculty reassured the prospective student that their situation was not uncommon. The dean provided emotional and informational support surrounding future efforts related to licensing and employment.

Some participants talked about benefiting from what they perceived to be a flexible curriculum in terms of scheduling (e.g., night classes) and format (e.g., online or hybrid). When asked about factors that influenced their decision to return to college, one participant explained:

Well, part of it was the pandemic and a lot of things going online. That was a big thing. Working full-time, I don’t have as much time as someone right out of high school who might be working part-time. … That openness, or I guess flexibility, is what helped push me.

This flexibility may be particularly important for nontraditional students in recovery who must schedule courses around family and career obligations, as well as their recovery practices (e.g., mutual aid group attendance).

Many participants described transferring from a community college as helpful in terms of applying or transitioning to the 4-year institution. These participants gained confidence in their ability to apply to and be accepted to college by attending and succeeding at community college. One participant explained:

I went to a community college for a couple of years, so I think that process was a lot easier, and it was also a lot cheaper. By the time that I transferred to [the four-year college], I kind of knew the layout of what was going on.

Though the benefits of transferring from community college may not be unique to students in recovery, community college as a facilitator to college access was a salient theme given the notable number of students in recovery who discussed benefiting from this pathway to a 4-year institution.

Discussion

People in recovery represent a marginalized and underserved student population. Improving college access and attainment among people in recovery has the potential to benefit individuals, institutions, and society at large. While prior research has detailed undergraduate and graduate students’ challenges being on a college campus without a CRP (Bell et al., 2009; Iarussi, 2018; Kimball et al., 2017; Kollath-Cattano et al., 2018; A. Laudet et al., 2014; Misch, 2009) and the benefits of college education as recovery capital (Best et al., 2012; Brown et al., 2018; Terrion, 2013), this study is among the first to examine the process of seeking college admissions among people in recovery. Findings highlight unique challenges that prospective students in recovery face and opportunities for supporting these underrepresented students on their pathway to higher education.

Consistent with social reproduction theory (Serna & Woulfe, 2017), we found that the values and norms of institutions of higher education were at times misaligned with the realities of people in recovery, thereby creating barriers to higher education access. For example, many students had nontraditional, nonlinear pathways to higher education and, as a result, had competing demands (e.g., family and career obligations) that created actual or perceived barriers to college enrollment. Students discussed applications and admissions processes that reflected attempts to “screen out” students in recovery (Serna & Woulfe, 2017), such as questions about criminal legal system involvement and complex or confusing admission processes that favored traditional students. At times, social norms surrounding higher education and stigma toward people with addiction were accepted and internalized among prospective students in recovery, leading them to doubt their abilities and delay their application.

In the face of these challenges, however, students embodied an incredible amount of resolve. This suggests a great deal of resilience among students in recovery, an idea supported by research which frames SUD recovery as a form of resilience in itself (Rudzinski et al., 2017). Participants were unafraid to ask for help and mobilized the resources available through their social networks. While in this sample, institutional support tailored to the unique needs of students in recovery was limited, findings highlight policies and practices that institutions of higher education can adopt to capitalize on the strengths of these students.

Implications

Findings from this study underscore the importance of institutionalized campus-based recovery support services. Prior studies suggest CRPs may improve outcomes for undergraduate and graduate students engaged in services (Hennessy et al., 2021; A. B. Laudet et al., 2015; Smith et al., 2024; Vest et al., 2021) and attract successful students to the institution (A. B. Laudet et al., 2016). This study adds to this body of research by suggesting ways visible, embedded CRPs may promote equity for prospective students in recovery. For example, self-stigma and a lack of role models were discussed as barriers to college access, whereas having exposure to students in recovery was identified as a motivator. Prior research has shown CRPs can reduce feelings of stigma and differentness among undergraduate and graduate students in recovery (Scott et al., 2016). Our findings suggest CRPs may also benefit the broader population of people in recovery by demonstrating that people in recovery do belong and can succeed in college. Further, institutionalized CRPs can serve as a first touch point for prospective students in recovery, and CRP staff can help connect prospective students with staff in admissions, advising, and financial aid. Some CRPs offer scholarships, thereby alleviating financial concerns students in recovery may have. Several participants in this study were first-generation students and/or student parents, and these students reported additional challenges. CRP staff should therefore be well-versed with the campus and community resources available to these subpopulations of recovering students. Many CRPs offer recovery ally training to on- and off-campus collaborators (e.g., academic advisors; Beeson et al., 2019). These programs may help prepare faculty and staff to better address the needs of recovering students with sensitivity.

Beyond developing and expanding CRPs, institutions of higher education can adopt policies and practices more broadly that promote equity and inclusivity for prospective students in recovery. Anticipated, experienced, and internalized stigma were common experiences that affected participants’ academic ambitions and at times led them to delay their academic goals. Prospective students with histories of criminal legal system involvement expressed considerable discomfort and concern related to application questions about their criminal legal system involvement. These findings add to a body of research documenting the potential consequences of inquiring about criminal history on college applications (Custer, 2013). The criminal history information required in the college admissions process is often more extensive than what employers typically request for job applications (Scott-Clayton, 2017). Colleges and universities should consider the necessity of such inquiries, particularly in the absence of any safety benefits (Custer, 2018). The U.S. Department of Education recently recommended higher education institutions refrain from collecting and using criminal background information in the admissions process, and as of 2023, seven U.S. states have banned the use of criminal background questions during the college application process (U.S. Department of Education, 2023). Institutions may also consider including a positive statement in their application materials about the benefits of diversity in higher education that explicitly encourages people in recovery and/or with histories of criminal legal system involvement to apply. For example, admissions materials at the School of Social Work at the University of Michigan include a section on criminal history disclosure which states, “We understand that some applicants’ history of criminal convictions may have been the inspiration that led them to the field of social work. … We strongly support applications from all interested prospective students.” Such statements may help alleviate fears of being judged or mistreated and counteract stigmatizing messages that have been internalized among prospective students in recovery. Finally, many participants in this sample had transferred to the 4-year institution from surrounding community colleges, highlighting local community colleges as a key source for engaging prospective students in recovery. Institutions should ensure there is a clear pathway from community college to a 4-year degree that includes flexible curriculum options and that academic advisors serving transfer students are familiar with the needs and strengths of students in recovery.

Limitations and Future Research

Study findings should be interpreted within the context of certain limitations. Member reflection and triangulation were not used; future studies are needed to replicate findings. Participants were undergraduate students at one public university without a CRP. Future studies should examine college access among people in recovery within other settings, including those pursuing admission at a college or university with institutionalized recovery support services. Such studies would help further elucidate policies and practices that support people in recovery. Also, the sample lacked any Black students, which has been noted as a common void in the literature on students in recovery (Huggins, 2021). Future studies should explore the ways intersecting identities such as race affect college access among people in recovery. Studies should also explore potential variances in college access by age, substance use and treatment history, field of study, first versus returning attempt, and undergraduate versus graduate student status. Finally, this study examined the experiences of students who ultimately overcame barriers to college access. Their challenges, needs, and resources may differ from those who have not accessed higher education. Further research is needed to examine the perspectives, goals, and challenges related to college access among the broader population of people in recovery.

Still, the study provides novel information about the role of structural-, institutional-, and individual-level barriers in limiting access to higher education. People in recovery commonly experience internalized stigma about their ability to manage the stressors of higher education and structural stigma from the presence of a criminal history. Both were compounded by the lack of formalized institutional support tailored to their needs. Many of the barriers people in recovery faced mirror those experienced by other underrepresented populations in higher education. These include those of first-generation students, student parents, and those who return to school on a nontraditional timeline, who may lack the information networks needed to navigate the complexity of both admissions and university life. It is critical that universities continue to address these barriers, particularly in partnership with community colleges, CRP staff, and people in recovery themselves. In doing so, campus communities can reap the unique strengths that students in recovery can contribute to campus culture.