‘Migration and grief go hand in hand‘ a qualitative analysis of losses and grief among first – and second-generation individuals with Turkish migration history in Germany through the lens of the minority stress model

ABSTRACT

Background: Individuals with migration history from Türkiye form one of the largest migrant communities in Germany, comprising around 1.5 million first generation migrants and 1.4 million second generation individuals born in Germany. Research indicates that both migration-related and contextual factors (e.g. discrimination and stigma) are linked to elevated psychological distress in this group. While these experiences can be understood within the framework of minority stress, little is known about how migration-related losses and grief intersect with such stress processes in this population.

Method: This qualitative study employed two semi-structured focus group discussions (N = 18), conducted separately for first and second generation individuals with a migration history from Türkiye. With participants’ consent, focus group interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, and analysed using thematic analysis in MAXQDA. The minority stress model was extended to include migration-specific stressors.

Results: Migration-related loss and grief are central experiences among individuals of Turkish origin in Germany, deeply shaping their sense of belonging and identity, with discrimination and structural inequalities further exacerbating their impact on mental health. The results extend the minority stress model by integrating migration-specific stressors, particularly loss and grief, illustrating their interaction with minority stress processes. Moreover, grief transforms across generations, as the second generation internalizes parental grief while also facing new stressors, particularly discrimination, emphasizing the need for an intergenerational perspective.

Conclusion: This study highlights the complex interplay of migration-related stress, grief, and identity among individuals with Turkish migration history in Germany. By extending the minority stress model, it underscores the impact of interpersonal racism and societal rejection while emphasizing intergenerational differences. The findings provide a foundation for future research and interventions, underscoring both individual and communal resilience within the Turkish community and informing tailored mental health support for diverse migrant populations.

HIGHLIGHTS

• Migration-related loss and grief are central experiences among individuals of Turkish origin in Germany, shaping their sense of belonging and identity. These experiences are further intensified by discrimination and structural inequalities, highlighting their relevance for mental health research and interventions.

• The study expands the minority stress model by integrating migration-specific stressors, particularly loss and grief, demonstrating how they interact with minority stress processes to shape psychological outcomes.

• Grief persists but transforms across generations. The second generation internalizes parental grief while facing new stressors, particularly those linked to discrimination in Germany. These findings highlight the need for an intergenerational perspective on migration-related distress.

1. Introduction

1.1. Individuals with Turkish migration history in Germany

The migration of individuals with a migration history from Türkiye to Germany primarily dates back to the 1961 recruitment agreement between the Federal Republic of Germany and Türkiye, which led to the arrival of thousands of so-called ‘guest workers’ (Federal Foreign Office, 2021). Over time, many of these workers settled in Germany, creating a large Turkish diaspora. As of 2021, approximately 2.9 million individuals with a migration history from Türkiye reside in Germany, making up one of the largest migrant communities in the country (BPB, 2024). Of these, around 1.5 million are first-generation migrants, while 1.4 million are their descendants, born in Germany. The population with a migration history from Türkiye is marked by diverse experiences, reflecting various migration waves, from labour migration to political asylum-seekers, particularly among Kurdish minorities.

1.2. Psychological distress in individuals with Turkish migration history in Germany

Despite the limited number of large-scale studies on the mental health of individuals with Turkish migration background in Germany, one study among Turkish-speaking patients reported high prevalence rates of somatization disorder (41.2%), major depression (37.3%), and PTSD (31.4%), with more than 80% presenting at least one comorbid disorder; depressive and post-traumatic symptom severity was significantly higher than in German reference samples, whereas somatoform symptom severity did not differ (Erim et al., 2011). A recent systematic review across north-western Europe similarly found consistently elevated depression prevalence among Turkish immigrants, alongside strong associations between depressive symptoms, ethnicity, and perceived ethnic discrimination (Sempértegui et al., 2023). Consistent with these findings, discrimination and everyday stigma have been shown to be strongly linked to depressive and somatoform symptoms – partly via increased stress – while a strong sense of ethnic belonging may serve as a protective factor in individuals with Turkish migration history in Germany (Mewes et al., 2015).

1.3. Migration-related grief and mental health

Migration-related grief is defined as an initially adaptive response to multiple interpersonal, material, and abstract losses during and after migration or flight. However, under the influence of adverse factors, this response can become psychopathological (Achotegui, 2019; Casado et al., 2010; Nesteruk, 2018). A systematic review by Renner et al. (2024) found that all included studies reported a significant association between migratory grief and psychological distress. Despite these findings, research on the interaction between migration-related grief and mental health outcomes remains limited (Dingoyan et al., 2017; Knipscheer et al., 2009; Morawa & Erim, 2014). Furthermore, while evidence from intergenerational trauma research suggests that adverse experiences can affect psychological outcomes in subsequent generations (El-Khalil et al., 2025; Kostova & Matanova, 2024), direct studies on the transmission of migration-related grief are currently lacking, particularly in Turkish-origin populations in Germany.

1.4. Minority stress theory

The minority stress theory was initially proposed by Meyer (1995). The model aims to explain the stressors faced by individuals with marginalized identities, originally focusing on sexual minorities. It contains external stressors, such as discrimination and violence, internal stress processes, including expectations of rejection and internalized stigma, and coping strategies; the interplay of these factors within the model explains their impact on mental health (Meyer, 2003). Adaptations of the minority stress model (MSM) have already been made to better represent the specific life situations of (multiply) marginalized populations and to improve its relevance outside of Western Context (Frost & Meyer, 2023). For example, Valentín-Cortés et al. (2020) applied the theory to undocumented Latinx Immigrants in the USA, finding heightened adverse mental health outcomes, such as anxiety caused by a growing anti-immigrant environment in society, that led to a range of stressors related to minority identity. An expansion rather than an adaptation of the model was conducted by Valdez et al. (2022), incorporating historical legacies such as colonial violence and migration among Puerto Rican men to contextualize health inequities (Figure 1).

Figure 1.

Minority stress model, adapted by the authors (originally Meyer, 1995).

1.5. Aim of the study

This study seeks to address significant gaps in understanding migration-related grief by exploring the experiences of migration-related losses and their emotional and psychological impacts among individuals with migration history from Türkiye in Germany. Building on existing research on trauma and mental health, this study adopts a participatory, qualitative approach to explore the full spectrum of losses – material, social, cultural, and existential – and their specific manifestations as grief. Uniquely, it examines intergenerational dynamics, investigating how grief experienced by the first generation is perceived and interpreted by the second generation, and how these experiences differ across generations. Insights from focus groups will illuminate lived experiences, inform the development of culturally sensitive measurement tools, and guide the creation of tailored interventions, highlighting the study’s novel contribution to both theory and practice.

2. Method

This study employed a qualitative design using semi-structured focus group discussions. Following established methodological recommendations, focus groups are typically conducted with small groups of approximately six to ten participants, as this size allows for diverse perspectives while ensuring that all individuals can meaningfully contribute (Kühn & Koschel, 2018; Morgan & Spanish, 1984; Schulz et al., 2012). Groups of this size provide enough diversity of perspectives to stimulate interaction, yet remain small enough to prevent dominant voices from steering the discussion. This balance is particularly important when exploring emotionally complex topics such as migration-related grief. Based on these considerations, ten individuals were invited per group, with an expected attendance of around eight participants.

In February 2024, separate focus groups for Generation 1 and Generation 2 of individuals with migration history from Türkiye were conducted at the Department of Psychosomatic Medicine, University of Leipzig, led by authors AR and KL. This approach aligns with recommendations for recruiting homogenous groups when multiple target groups are being distinguished, ensuring that each generation's unique experiences and perspectives are thoroughly explored (Schulz et al., 2012). Generation 1 includes individuals who migrated from Türkiye, while Generation 2 compromises those born in Germany to at least one parent who also migrated from Türkiye. This definition aligns with the German Microcensus by the Federal Statistical Office, which classifies Generation 2 as individuals with at least one parent without German citizenship by birth (BAMF, 2019). Importantly, participants in Generation 1 and Generation 2 were not related to one another. AR and KL are licensed psychological psychotherapists and hold a PhD in mental health.

2.1. Procedure

A comprehensive recruitment strategy was employed, including outreach to local organizations in Leipzig associated with the Turkish community, such as mosques, restaurants, and associations familiar to the authors. These organizations were informed about the study's background and objectives and were asked to distribute recruitment flyers. Additional participants were recruited through online platforms, via word-of-mouth promotion, and with the assistance of a Turkish-speaking advisory team member who also supported the facilitation of the focus groups. Recruitment strategies followed the approach outlined by Dingoyan et al. (2012), ensuring culturally sensitive and effective recruitment of participants from communities with migration history from Türkiye. Recruitment took place between August 2023 and January 2024. Ethical approval was obtained from the Ethical Board of the University of Leipzig (reference number: 225/23-ek). Results are reported in line with the Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research (COREQ; see supplementary material A; Tong et al., 2007).

2.2. Data collection

After receiving verbal information about the study's purpose and content, participants were provided with written information in Turkish or German, based on their preference, and had the opportunity to ask questions. Following informed consent, participants completed a socio-demographic questionnaire. Data were collected through in-depth focus group interviews using a semi-structured interview guide developed by AR and KL. The interviews were conducted in German, with a Turkish-speaking team member available to assist with translation if needed. The study explored the following themes:

• Migration-related losses

• Migration-related grief

• Illnesses resulting from grief

• Generational effects

Participants were encouraged to express their subjective perspectives and experiences. In addition to discussing migration-related losses, they were asked to write down these losses on index cards. Focus group interviews lasted between 124 and 145 min. Participants received compensation for their effort of 50 Euro. All discussions were audio-recorded, transcribed, and reviewed for accuracy. To ensure anonymity, names and locations were removed from the transcripts.

2.2.1. Participants

Inclusion criteria were: (1) having migrated from Türkiye (Generation 1) or being born in Germany to at least one parent who migrated from Türkiye (Generation 2) and (2) having sufficient proficiency in the German language to follow and actively participate in a group discussion.

N = 20 individuals were scheduled for interviews, of whom N = 18 completed the focus group interviews and socio-demographic questionnaires. Generation 1 consisted of n = 8 participants, and Generation 2 consisted of n = 10 participants. Two male participants of Generation 1 did not attend the focus group interview without providing a reason for their absence.

Sociodemographic characteristics, as well as aspects of identity and religiosity among the entire sample and by generation, are detailed in Table 1. The mean age of the participants was M = 37.94 years, with a range of 25–59 years. Sex and gender were consistent across all participants, with one participant identifying as non-binary, one-third of participants as male, and approximately two-thirds as female. Slightly more than one-quarter of participants identified as non-heterosexual. Educational qualifications were high, with just over one-quarter holding a Bachelor's degree and slightly more than half holding an advanced university degree. Somewhat more than half of the participants were in a partnership. Most participants had permanent resident status.

Table 1.

Participant characteristics and differences between Generation 1 and 2 of individuals with Turkish migration history.

	Total (N = 18)	Generation 1 (n = 8)	Generation 2 (n = 10)
Age, M (SD)	37.94 (10.56)	38.63 (12.74)	37.04 (9.14)
Sexa
Female, n (%)	11 (64.7)	7 (87.5)	4 (44.4)
Male, n (%)	6 (35.3)	1 (12.5)	5 (55.6)
Gender
Female, n (%)	11 (61.1)	7 (87.5)	4 (40.0)
Male, n (%)	6 (33.3)	1 (12.5)	5 (50.0)
Diverse, n (%)	1 (5.6)	0 (0.0)	1 (10.0)
Sexual identity/orientation
Heterosexual, n (%)	13 (72.2)	7 (87.5)	6 (60.0)
Otherb, n (%)	5 (27.8)	1 (12.5)	4 (40.0)
Highest educational qualification
University entrance qualification, n (%)	3 (16.7)	1 (12.5)	2 (20.0)
Bachelor's degree, n (%)	5 (27.8)	4 (50.0)	1 (10.0)
Advanced degrees, n (%)c	10 (55.6)	3 (37.5)	7 (70.0)
Monthly household net income (€),	1844.35 (1077.79)	1690.00 (990.07)	1981.56 (1191.87)
M (SD)
Living in a partnership
Yes, n (%)	10 (55.6)	4 (50.0)	3 (37.5)
No, n (%)	8 (44.4)	4 (50.0)	5 (62.5)
Having at least one child
Yes, n (%)	3 (16.7)	3 (37.5)	0 (0.0)
No, n (%)	15 (83.3)	5 (62.5)	10 (100)
Living situation
Living alone, n (%)	4 (22.2)	1 (12.5)	3 (30.0)
Living with partner/children, n (%)	7 (38.9)	3 (37.5)	4 (40.0)
Shared housing, n (%)	7 (38.9)	4 (50.0)	3 (30.0)
Citizenship
Turkish, n (%)	8 (44.1)	5 (62.5)	3 (30.0)
German, n (%)	8 (44.1)	3 (37.5)	5 (50.0)
Both, n (%)	2 (11.2)	0 (0.0)	2 (20.0)
Residency status
Permanent, n (%)	14 (77.8)	4 (50.0)	10 (100)
Temporary, n (%)	3 (16.6)	3 (37.5)	0 (0.0)
Pending asylum process, n (%)	1 (5.6)	1 (12.5)	0 (0.0)
Family residence
Türkiye, n (%)	17 (94.4)	8 (100)	9 (90.0)
Germany, n (%)	1 (5.6)	0 (0.0)	1 (10.0)
Reasons for moving to Germany
(multiple responses allowed)		2 (18.2)
Employment contract, n (%)		5 (45.5)
Studying, n (%)		2 (18.2)
Family, n (%)
Political reasons, n (%)		2 (18.2)
Internal Migration within Germany
Yes, n (%)		7 (87.5)
No, n (%)		1 (12.5)
Country of birth of parents
Both Türkiye, n (%)			8 (80.0)
One Türkiye, one Germany, n (%)			2 (20.0)

Descriptively, Generation 2 of individuals with migration history from Türkiye included fewer women, identified as heterosexual less often, had fewer children, and reported higher educational levels and household incomes compared to Generation 1. For Generation 1, the primary reasons for migrating to Germany were education, employment, family, and political factors, all cited with equal frequency. Their migration occurred between 3 and 54 years ago, with a median of 5.5 years. Generation 2 also more frequently held German or dual citizenship.

2.2.2. Data analysis

With participants’ consent, focus group interviews were audio-recorded. The recordings were transcribed, and a thematic analysis of the qualitative content (Braun & Clarke, 2006) from the transcripts and index cards was conducted using MAXQDA software (version 2024). The analysis was guided by the MSM (Meyer, 2003), which was extended inductively to include migration-specific stressors and benefits that were not fully captured by the original framework. To ensure transparency and traceability of analytic decisions, coding steps, analytic memos, and refinements of the coding framework were documented in MAXQDA, thereby creating an audit trail of the analysis. Memo writing and regular team discussions supported reflexivity throughout the analytic process.

Data analysis followed five phases:

1. Initial familiarization, including repeated reading of transcripts to understand the material’s structure and highlight key passages.

2. Deductive development of main categories based on the interview guide, ensuring alignment with the overarching research questions.

3. Independent coding of the material by AR and KL using these main categories.

4. Inductive development of subcategories within each main category to capture nuances and emergent aspects of the data.

5. Further independent coding by AR and KL using the refined coding system, which was translated into English.

The final coding system consisted of seven main categories and several inductively developed subcategories, which are presented in detail in Table 2. In phases 3, 4, and 5, discrepancies and adjustments were discussed and resolved through consensual coding (Kuckartz, 2016). During these iterative rounds, the coding system was revised as needed, and recoding was performed independently by AR and KL. This stepwise approach ensured a shared interpretative framework and increased the analytic depth and trustworthiness of the results.

Table 2.

Coding system with quotes and frequencies.

Subcodes		Main categories and quotations	G1	n (%)2	N3,4
Circumstances in the Environment					133
Cultural Differences		I have the feeling that in Türkiye, well, we have it in our culture; it's so deeply embedded, this sadness, this pain; it's in our books, it's in our songs; it's always this love that could never be experienced. […] And […] when I more or less compared it to people who grew up in Europe, it was always like, ‘Okay, somehow, no, that's not what I mean. There's something else that I can't say much about with words.’	1	12 (63.2%)	19
		P1: I was just wondering when you said the effects, compensation, and, well, what others should think about us and so on. I was wondering – is that really something typical for migrated people? Because, in my experience, that has always been the case in Türkiye as well. This mentality, or these Turkish family structures, is where it is extremely important what others think about you and so on. Or am I wrong? So / Or am I wrong? P2: No, that's / What you portray reflects directly on your family. It's just a collectivist society.	2	7 (36.8%)
East-West-Disparities		When I lived in [a southern German city]5, I had to withdraw because of my religion. Because of the political views, I was not able to have much contact with the normal Turkish fellow citizens. When I came here, I considered myself lucky because there are actually mostly young people, almost all of them are young people, they could be my daughter. And I'm happy to have contact with the young people. And then, as I said, after 30 years in Nuremberg, maybe ten Turks, three years in Leipzig, I don't know how many Turks (laughs).	1	1 (6.3%)	16
		It's quite significant because the structures of the ones recently arrived in the West are quite different from those in the East. Because […] it makes a big difference whether it started in the 60s or only in the 90s, like that. Before that, there were no Turks here [author's note: in the new federal states].	2	15 (93.8%)
Internal Migration		In the first year, I had to move from Weimar to Leipzig, and I didn’t know anyone. No one could help me with the move, and I had no idea (incomprehensible) whom I could call. I had no relatives.	1	4 (26.7%)	15
		So my parents’ migration from Türkiye to Germany in the West, in NRW in this case. And there they created a safe space for themselves with the people in the neighbourhood. And then to move away from there for my studies and come to Leipzig in this area. You tore yourself away from this safe space and familiar environment a bit. And then / has then migrated again in that sense.	2	11 (73.3%)
Migration for Educational and Employment Opportunities		In Türkiye I had poor working conditions, which was my main reason for coming to Germany.	1	5 (35.7%)	14
		And then they just said: ‘Okay, let's go to Germany, the land of milk and honey, and earn our own money. And then we'll come back here.’ That was the plan. Of course, it all turned into a huge mess.	2	9 (64.3%)
Availability and Characteristics of Turkish Community		The Turkish community back then was very different. They were workers, children of workers, labourers, hardly anyone studied, not to mention had a high school dipoloma or university entrance qualification. And now I have the opinion that the Turks who have come here now have actually come here because of work. And they are really the ones who study and are educated.	1	5 (35.7%)	14
		And they're all ethnic Germans. You're the only one in a high-rise residential building we were the only Turkish family.	2	9 (64.3%)
Societal Attitudes and Actions towards Migrants		Back then it was the same with xenophobia and so on, where people would say: ‘Okay, so you'd rather go back to your own country because you might be accepted there as a Turk.’ But that wasn't the case.	1	6 (46.2%)	13
		Above all / migration background also has a negative connotation [].	2	7 (53.8%)
Political Situation		When I'm over there [author's note: in Türkiye], you have to be careful, also in terms of the political view, you mustn't speak so openly. Then you see all these things that are going on in / for all the oppression and then the women or all this gender thing, what they are experiencing in Türkiye.	1	2 (18.2%)	11
		Also because of all these election results and AfD and also this feeling that some people sometimes look at you in a funny or somehow strange way. So the atmosphere is strange. […] And also racism, discrimination, in that area.	2	9 (81.8%)
Patriarchy		Not named	1	0 (0.0%)	7
		That [my mum] actually thought she could find a job here. And that was not the case. So she just remained a housewife. And that was also their quarrel, between my parents, where my father said: ‘Hey, what should I do? I'm going to work. Someone has to look after the children, right?’ Not that he did not want to. But it just wasn't possible, right? And she suffered as a result.	2	7 (100.0%)
Classism		And there are also a lot of people who look down on the people who came here because, with a few exceptions, they were mostly people from rural areas, uneducated and simply had no work where they were.	1	2 (33.3%)	6
		But when I came here, it was a completely different crowd, you know, you really have to admit that. There are fewer Turks living here in Leipzig, but this is a certain elite, or how do you say it, it's certain levels (incomprehensible); then you can have a conversation.	2	4 (66.7%)
Forced Migration		Yes, of course, I have no chance of flying to Türkiye now; I'm here as an asylum seeker.	1	4 (80.0%)	5
		Now, years later, other people are coming. They have to get out because everything is being reduced to rubble, right? The conditions are completely different, aren't they?	2	1 (20.0%)
Duration since Migration		When I think about how time, my first time, I missed it so much. So I found every opportunity and flew back or phoned, and it wasn't like the current time, was it? There weren't so many flight options, phone calls weren't on WhatsApp or anything, it was like that with the coins, (laughs) so ancient. I can completely understand your feelings, but with time, when you're living properly. I got married here too. I stayed here for my relationship. My children were born here. So now I feel like I've really arrived here. Now you are completely new, of course it takes a while.	1	5 (100%)	5
		Not named	2	0 (0%)
Other mentioned Circumstances		Availability of adequate psychosocial support system (e.g. Turkish-speaking therapists), natural disasters (e.g. earthquake), rural-urban disparities (e.g. Istanbul vs. village)	1/2	Each <5	8
General stressors in the context of migration					231
Migration-related Losses					141
Loss of Family, familial Bonding or Family Support		And then, as a person who hadn't been to Türkiye for four years or seen well-known family like that, it was an unbearable thing for me.	1	18 (43.9%)	41
		Exactly, so my biggest loss in terms of migration is/was my family. So grandma, grandpa, everyone had grandmas, grandpas. Aunts, cousins. I only had them in the summer.	2	23 (56.1%)
Loss of culture-specific Factors		Language develops and changes. I can remember very clearly when we were in Türkiye with the family, my cousin said to my father: ‘We don't use it like that here anymore. That's how it used to be.’ And I mainly learnt the language from my parents. In other words, the way they left Türkiye is their language. So they go on holiday to Türkiye and don't really get along because they don't follow this development, this linguistic development, for example. Language is just one example. Yes, and yes, that was a / for me, so, yes, right, yes, of course, we talk like that, and maybe that comes across as strange or funny to the others. Apart from maybe the fact that we don't know some words or have an accent, whatever,that also comes along with it, yes.	1	17 (70.8%)	24
		And what is also very important for me, for example, is knowledge that has somehow been lost. About the culture, about the country, and about how my parents grew up. Where they grew up and the different customs. So, I'd say I grew up relatively conservatively and with a lot of customs, actually. But I would say that sometimes the connection was simply missing, because the customs took place there a lot. But then somehow continuing to live them here, yes, more or less went a bit wrong in my childhood. And as a child and teenager, I always had a lot of questions in my head.	2	7 (29.2%)
Loss of Friends or Community		You can get information very often, take your time and maintain these relationships well. But still, what I know is that if something happens to someone from my community in Türkiye, I'm not the first person they would call. In other words, this direct contact goes down so quickly.	1	15 (83.3%)	18
		My parents are very religious. That means there's a barrier there anyway. And with every experience that comes along that doesn't fit into their world view, they have withdrawn more into their own imagined ideal Türkiye. In other words, they have taken hardly any part in public life here in Germany. […] And I can't really pinpoint the moment. It was suddenly gone. And then it only applied if you were dealing with Turks, then only within the mosque. So, then with those who are also religious.	2	3 (16.7%)
Loss of Belonging		So I / somehow (…) maybe I don't quite belong here anymore, so. [author's note: in Türkiye]	1	1 (6.7%)	15
		But we talked more about this feeling of being a stranger here. Although sometimes over there too / but over there it's the same, because / So you're not given the feeling that you belong here.	2	14 (93.3%)
Loss of (distinct) Identity		For me, that was many years ago, and I still have this intense feeling that my Turkish identity has remained in the country.	1	5 (33.3%)	15
		I probably lost a piece of my identity because I was often caught between two stools, especially as a teenager, due to migration. And I didn't know which side was the real one. Who do I want to be? Who am I really?	2	10 (66.7%)
Loss of Roots		I wrote roots because I think that I am like a plant without water because I have no roots here.	1	2 (28.6%)	7
		Okay, where is my home? I don't even have the certainty to say: ‘Okay, this and this is my home.’	2	5 (71.4%)
Other mentioned Losses		Loss of safety, loss of life goals and future perspectives, loss of job or income, loss of place of origin, loss of ability to provide care or bid farewell (to dying community members), loss of spontaneity	1/2	Each <5	21
Interpersonal Stressors					37
Family relational Challenges		For me personally, they are too attached to the family in Türkiye. I've caught myself saying a few times: ‘But we're here now, try to build an environment here. That would do us all good.’ The thoughts they had about family, it's normal, it's their family. I don't have that connection with them like they do.	1	2 (11.8%)	17
		There were certain things where the parents had no ears or senses for us children, because their everyday lives were very much about their problems.	2	15 (88.2%)
Changes in Relationships		It may sound a bit strange, but sometimes you feel this sadness when you see these people, this community that you've actually left behind, again. Sometimes that sadness comes, because, okay, first glance maybe like this/ everything is like, wow, I've found you again now, you give the person a really big hug. But at some point, you realize, wow, okay, it's / so much has changed. It's like, you're no longer the person you were, I'm no longer the person I was. And you can see how these years have changed.	1	7 (77.8%)	9
		We had a close bond with our family members. Unfortunately, that was broken when the older ones passed away, right? […] And then the cohesion was no longer there. And that was another loss, wasn't it?	2	2 (22.2%)
Challenges in establishing new Relationships		But although, my colleagues ask me private question, but they do not give their own private number, example.	1	4 (80.0%)	5
		My parents are very religious. That means there's a barrier there anyway.	2	1 (20.0%)
Other Interpersonal Stressors		Parental violence, parentification	1/2	Each <5	6
Additional General Stressors					53
Death of Close Ones		Mum was traumatized because she lost her father at a very early age. So she was a teenager.	1	0 (0%)	14
		My father took his own life when I was five years old. And […] I asked myself, for example: ‘Does that also have something to do with the fact that he came to Germany to work here?’ Would he be alive if he had somehow built his life in Türkiye and so on? That is also a kind of loss that I, my family, brother and mum carry with us. And we still feel it today and always will. So it's also something that remains and doesn't go away.	2	14 (100%)
Post-migration Learning		I'm relatively new here. I think I so, don't know, I can't find the words I use.	1	8 (80.0%)	10
		And that also meant that he [author's note: father] just didn't feel like learning the language. Which in turn also meant that / he couldn't speak the language, he couldn't go to certain authorities. He couldn't come to my school and talk to the teachers there.	2	2 (20.0%)
Mental Health Stigma		Not mentioned	1	0 (0%)	7
		And […] if my father had gone to therapy, everything could have been different. […] He's not doing well at all and he's here in Germany waiting until he retires so he can go over there. And that's really painful to see. And many of the offers of help that are available here don't work for him. […] But I think he just doesn't want to go to a German therapist. […] P2: But surely there are also Turkish therapists. P1: Definitely, by now, my father wouldn't go to a therapist. I think that's another story (laughs).	2	7 (100%)
Poor Working Conditions		Not mentioned	1	0 (0%)	5
		He went to his factory and just, I'll say, I took a mental beating, right? And he stank of rotten eggs his whole life, of hydrogen sulphide. […] So he never got rid of that smell. No matter where he walked around, people knew where he was working.	2	5 (100%)
Precarious Housing Situation		And […] we lived in the asylum centre for five years. […] Yes, well, when you live in a place like that for five years, it's difficult to build up contacts.	1	2 (40.0%)	5
		First, the former Glanzstoff factories were taken over by the Dutch stock group. And then, they quickly brought in 3,500 Turks. They built them a settlement, put them all together. […] So, the usual.	2	3 (60.0%)
Other General Stressors		Bureaucracy, not having the possibility to visit or have contact to people in Türkiye, puberty, financial stressors	1/2	Each <5	12
Minority Stress Processes (distal)					60
Racism					48
Inter-personal Racism	Othering	And […] I also don't have much of an idea about what's happening politically or anything, or when I'm asked here now: ‘Yeah, blah, blah, blah, you're Turkish, for example, why don't you say so /’ ‘I don't know, man, I don't know. I live here, I don't know, I don't know everything, I can't do it either.’	1	1 (7.1%)	14
		Especially on issues related to racism, because then you were always […] labelled differently. And with petty things like: Oh, but you speak very good German. And I was always like: ‘Huh, but I'm from Berlin. Why am I even being told that? And why am I praised for it?	2	13 (92.9%)
	Physical Violence	And then they're kicked, […] she was eight months pregnant, the girl from Eritrea was kicked, thank God, she didn't lose her child, by the Nazis. So, those are terrible things. And I can't just say, ‘Okay, I don't have this personally, but the others do, I don't care.’ […] We are a community, including all foreigners, and that concerns me, of course.	1	1 (8.3%)	12
		My parents lived in a so-called guest worker house. And it was set on fire by right-wing extremists. My father and mother survived. They were able to get out in time. And my father still tells me to this day how bad it was for him. And this grief / Well, I always see this grief in him too. And this grief is passed on to me too. It's just totally crazy how he always talks about these flames, how they were blazing and how they were really high. Like, flames several metres wide.	2	11 (91.7%)
	Inequal Treatment	And that's what I thought when the Ukrainians came. Yes, of course, the Ukrainians […] are very welcome, […] their appearance fits the image of Germany. And so they're good, and we're the ones who are bad, especially the Turks.	1	2 (28.6%)	7
		P1: So with the two languages, three languages. The phenomenon is with Turkish, right, bilingual, right? The classic Europeans, like a Frenchman or an Englishman, are great when they're bilingual. […] For us Turks, it wasn't so well-recognized.	2	5 (71.4%)
	Other Forms of Inter-personal Racism	Exclusion, verbal violence	1/2	Each <5	5
Structural and Institutional Racism		Another slap in the face was when Ukrainian refugees came to Germany. The media […] clearly stated that these refugees were being treated differently because they were European, had Christian values, whatever those values were, and so on. That was such a slap in the face for me.	1	2 (20.0%)	10
		Like police violence. I've never experienced anything like that, but he [author's note: father] probably did and somehow passed it on to me.	2	8 (80.0%)
Other Forms of Discrimination		Discrimination in Türkiye (e.g. not being accepted as Turkish), gender-based discrimination (e.g. verbal insult to go cleaning as a woman), nos5 discrimination	1/2	Each <5	12
Minority Stress Processes (proximal)					2
		Expectations of rejection (e.g. expecting to be unwanted), internalized othering (e.g. feeling different)	1/2	Each <5	2
Characteristics of Minority Identity					21
Integration of Minority Identity		I […] I see myself like a monument or structure. I saw a structure by an artist, it was a person made of structure, but there was no side to this monument. There was a big hole, that side. I feel like this monument here. I am here in Germany in reality, but my heart, my feelings are completely in Türkiye.	1	5 (41.7%)	12
		So, somehow you just have the feeling that you're neither one thing nor the other.	2	7 (58.3%)
Prominence of Minority Identity		Well, I think, I have a son who turned 16 in December. And I brought him here when he was seven. And he's definitely noticed that, he's noticed that too. […] And he somehow doesn't feel like he belongs. […] So, it's like this: he's having identity issues at the moment.	1	2 (33.3%)	6
		So, that was the first time I was really confronted with a kind of identity crisis, right? Later, here in East Germany, then […] I thought, ‘Wow, I'm in East Germany now. And somehow I'm different, right?’	2	4 (66.7%)
Other Characteristics of Minority Identity		Valence of minority identity (e.g. feeling that being Turkish has negative connotations)	1/2	Each <5	3
Coping, resilience factors and social support					171
Cognitive-focused strategies					61
Perspective Adjustment		Well, actually the world is probably the same everywhere, so no matter where you go, you have to make the best of it.	1	13 (39.4%)	33
		And they actually mean well, right? You speak good German. You have to understand it in context.	2	20 (60.6%)
Humour		Yes, when I'm in Türkiye, I miss muesli (group laughs). Oat milk – that's my usual luxury (laughs).	1	2 (22.2%)	9
		Well, we made fun of it in the family to somehow deal with it (laughs).	2	7 (77.8%)
High Achievement Expectations		I wanted to come to Germany, and I worked hard for it. Then I came to Germany, started my master's degree, and that was on my mind the whole time: I had to finish my master's degree. Then I had to earn money. I had to continue my life, have friends, I don't know, maybe have a relationship, and so on. In the end, I managed everything, and then I was just overcome by crazy grief.	1	1 (20.0%)	5
		If your classmates give 100 percent, you have to give 150, 200 percent. Simply because you're Turkish.	2	4 (80.0%)
Other Cognitive-focused Strategies		Vizualisations (e.g. dreams of life elsewhere), diffentiation from parents (e.g. planning to do things differently), overcompensation of cultural values (e.g. achievement expectations), expectation management (e.g. not expecting recognition), idealization (e.g. of Türkiye), (cultural) devaluation (e.g. labelling Germans as dirty)	1/2	Each <5	14
Behavioural-focused Strategies					27
Cultural Reconnection		And actually talking about feelings, about / For me, well, when I speak for myself, then in Turkish, because I can somehow get these things out with a / What do you call this fishing thing? [Group says: ‘Fishing rod’] fishing rod, like that.	1	6 (46.2%)	13
		Well, I really enjoy listening to Turkish music too. […] And that gives me a stronger sense of connection. I really like wearing pants with floral patterns that come from the provinces. And sometimes people look at me strangely for that.	2	7 (53.8%)
Self-advocacy		Not mentioned	1	0 (0%)	5
		But I still think it's important to reflect that to people. […] So, you don't have to look foolish, but you can say: ‘Well, let's discuss this first: What does it mean to be German?’ […] Well, with my former self, I just kept quiet and wouldn't have said anything. Today, of course, I say something.	2	5 (100%)
Visiting Türkiye		But often make phone calls and often travel to Türkiye […].	1	2 (40.0%)	5
		In the summer, the famous caravan through the Eastern Bloc. Austria, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria.	2	3 (60.0%)
Other Behavioural-focused Strategies		Moving to a different place within Germany due to dissatisfaction	1/2	Each <5	4
Social-focused Strategies					41
Social Support / Community		And then, in that moment, with that grief, the only solution was to simply spend time with my friends or with my colleagues […]. And I was able to find some roots in Germany, walking down a street and seeing someone, saying ‘Hi.’ It was like, okay, now I have people here too […].	1	13 (52.0%)	25
		Yes, even then, just friends here locally or something. When Solingen [Author's note: racially motivated arson attack in 1993] happened, I remember that my best buddies were Germans, of course. And they tried to cheer me up. And they knew that it was bad, but according to the motto: So, you are not alone.	2	12 (48.0%)
Psychosocial Support System		Not mentioned	1	0 (0%)	11
		But I think you have to be the type to be that open. My father isn't really that type, but he's opened up a lot in the last few years. And I've asked him a lot of questions about how he feels and what he needs. And at some point he said, ‘He wants to go to therapy now, too.’ Well, that was four or five years ago. That's how he started, too. And I'm just happy that he sees it that way in me. And sees that I'm actually doing well and that I've worked a lot on the issue. And that he's somehow willing to go to therapy, especially as a man, and also as a Turkish man. Because it has nothing to do with weakness. But it's always seen as a weakness, even in the Turkish community. Especially as a man, to seek help because you're somehow emotionally overwhelmed.	2	11 (100%)
Other Social-focused Strategies		Caregiving / peer support (e.g. cooking, childcare), collective solidarity (e.g. for people still living in Türkiye), helpful role models (e.g. parental resilience and positive communication)	1/2	Each <5	5
Avoidance-focused Strategies					26
Masking /Fitting-in		[…] [If] I'm not feeling well, I can't say: ‘I'm not feeling well.’ Because then that will make people even sadder, and they can't influence the situation at all. And then you simply learn […] this coping mechanism […] to say everything more softly, gently, and neutrally, […]. I don't want my mom to worry about me all the time, because she does that anyway. And I don't want to intensify that.	1	3 (16.7%)	18
		Very important, a social facade. No one must see in any way that there might be problems within the family.	2	15 (83.3%)
Social Withdrawal		When I lived in [a southern German city], I had to withdraw because of religion. Because of my political views, I was not able to have so much contact with the normal Turkish fellow citizens	1	1 (20.0%)	5
		In other words, they have taken hardly any part in public life here in Germany.	2	4 (80.0%)
Other avoidance-focused Strategies		Avoidance (e.g. refusing to learn German, procrastination)	1/2	Each <5	3
Problem-focused Strategies					16
Problem-solving		If I feel or sense this sadness, I must go to Türkiye […].	1	2 (40.0%)	5
		And I was really making plans: What will I do if there's a fire, if someone sets us on fire? I was really thinking: Where can I get away from here? What can I do?	2	3 (60.0%)
Other Problem-focused Strategies		Preservance (e.g. keep going despite difficulties)	1/2	Each <5	1
Emotion-focused strategies					10
		Emotional expression (e.g. talking about feelings), hope amidst adversity, faith, listening to music, acceptance	1/2	Each <5	10
Mental Health Outcomes					236
Emotional distress					174
Grief	Main category grief	And this sadness, this longing, […] everything that I have left behind, and my process of coming to terms with it, of integrating myself here, of rebuilding myself with all of this, everything makes me myself here.	1	16 (55.2%)	29
		Well, I think I find grief particularly interesting because I often feel confronted with it myself, or with my parents and grandparents.	2	13 (44.8%)
	Yearning	I have always identified myself as sitting between two chairs, […] when I am over there, I miss here, when I am here, I miss over there.	1	12 (75.0%)	16
		I had a very close relationship with my grandparents. […] And that's why you miss having them around all the time.	2	4 (25.0%)
	Feeling torn between two Worlds	[…] [You] said so beautifully, […] a part of your heart will always remain in Türkiye. I think that's really the art of dealing with it, because, really, a part will always stay there, and you have to function here.	1	8 (66.7%)	12
		So, yes, I have a lot of, yes, the feeling of being torn between the many worlds in which I grew up.	2	4 (33.3%)
	Sadness	Of course, they know […] that I miss home and that I am sad.	1	8 (100%)	8
		And sometimes I'm a bit overwhelmed by it, because there's a lot of sadness that's been passed down through generations.	2	0 (0%)
	Unspoken familial Grief	I'm no longer the daughter you had, but a different person. And that's sometimes difficult to deal with. […] [And] that's also connected to grief, well, for me it is.	1	1 (16.7%)	6
		And the grief that affects me is the conversations that were never had, because they couldn’t be. That was the only sentence I ever heard. It was just this one: ‘We didn't know any better.’ I came home once, after years, and I was so drunk, so angry, and so disappointed, and I just kicked the door in. It flew completely across the room. And then the son was standing in the living room, and I asked, ‘Why?’ And they just said that: ‘We didn’t know any better.'"	2	5 (83.3%)
	Transgenerational Grief	I believe that I also adopted certain things from my parents as a child. […] That's why, in the first part, you asked a question that made me think, this isn't just about me, it's also about what my parents experienced and that they automatically projected it onto us, consciously or unconsciously. […] What does it trigger in me? […] My sister asked my mother a few weeks ago: ‘If you were to change one thing in your life, what would you do differently?’ And my mother actually said: ‘I wish I'd never come to Germany.’ And that sentence still bothers me because I think I can find many answers for myself in it.	1	2 (33.3%)	6
		And sometimes I'm a bit overwhelmed by it, because there's a lot of sadness that's been carried on through generations. And I feel like it lives in people and in me, too.	2	4 (66.7%)
	Other grief-related emotional Distress	No-grief (e.g. not feeling grief at the death of relatives in Türkiye, although expected by the family), collective grief (e.g. Community-wide mourning after NSU attacks or earthquakes), grief over unrealized potential (e.g. what could have been if parents had acted differently), nostalgia for the past Türkiye (e.g. ‘The ideal of Türkiye that never existed.’), secondary grief (e.g. grief due to the suffering of parents)	1/2	Each < 5	10
Frustration and Anger		No, what I also think is that sadness and anger, actually anger and aggression, belong together. […] You just don't belong to Germany, you're not a part of Germany. And the racism and xenophobia and all that. […] [Some] people then also have anger and aggression […].	1	6 (33.3%)	18
		But it's just this frustration that rises up inside you, and where I say, ‘Yeah, okay, there's frustration within the Turkish community: Okay, we don't really feel like we belong here.’ And from certain people who are here, who are German, saying, Okay, we don't really want them here. But I don't know. And all of that together is kind of simply overwhelming.	2	12 (66.7%)
Feeling of not Belonging / Feeling Excluded		It used to be said, ‘Yes, if you integrate, if you learn the language, if you get a good job, study, blah, blah, then you've arrived.’ I feel like I'll never arrive. Never, never, never will I arrive in this country.	1	8 (53.3%)	15
		The negative thing is that you know that you never really belong.	2	7 (46.7%)
Identity Uncertainty		And then, it's always a process of, okay, you have to completely reorient yourself, you have to learn again, you really have to look back at yourself and understand, who am I?	1	4 (30.8%)	13
		We […] were also searching. We didn't even know where to go. In Türkiye, you weren't Turkish. And here, you weren't German. And that's basically remained the case to this day.	2	9 (69.2%)
Feeling hurt		But what I notice is that when I experience such things, it hurts me even more because I only experience these sections from A to B [Author's note: refers to limited contact with friends in Türkiye].	1	4 (36.4%)	11
		I think that there are drastic experiences where you really get it in your face, and it hurts.	2	7 (63.6%)
Guilt		Still, when I think about these people who are still in Türkiye, when I think about this policy that are getting worse every day, when I think about this inflation that people really can't afford to live with two loaves of bread and one cheese, then I think to myself: ‘Okay, […] why was I lucky enough to be able to leave now, but many other people aren't?’ […] And so, even though I have nothing at all, I still feel so guilty. And that's such a heavy weight on my shoulders that doesn't let me breathe well here in Germany, or not like, okay, now I have a relaxed life.	1	6 (60.0%)	10
		And when Grandma died, it was personally […] quite unpleasant for me that I didn't feel any grief at all. Because the woman was like a stranger to me. And that's a shame. As an adult, I can understand it now, but as a child, you felt so guilty, too.	2	4 (40.0%)
Loneliness		I don't know, there was a birthday party today, we talked, but I felt lonely.	1	4 (50.0%)	8
		Yes, loneliness was, actually, what the parents had for the most part.	2	4 (50.0%)
Feeling Overwhelmed		And that's just how it was, I don't know. At first, I had such a hard time figuring out how to function in this new country. Because it was completely different for me, yes.	1	4 (57.1%)	7
		It was then simply very difficult at home because both [author's note: parents] were always completely overwhelmed.	2	3 (42.9%)
Other emotional distress		Loss of trust, feeling shy, hopelessness, dissatisfaction, disappointment, feeling incomplete, anhedonia, fear/anxiety	1/2	Each < 5	16
Cognitive Distress					31
Contemplation of Moving to Türkiye		Sometimes I don't recognize myself, and then I say: ‘Should I go back?’	1	12 (57.1%)	21
		Then you say, ‘Someday I'll go back. And I want to see the country the way it was back then.’ But a lot has changed.	2	9 (42.9%)
Other Forms of Cognitive Distress		Frustrated hopes and expectations (e.g. plans to return to Türkiye disrupted by unforeseen challenges), cognitive confusion (e.g. between past perceptions and current reality), concerns about safety (e.g. due to right-wing extremist attacks)	1/2	Each < 5	10
Mental Disorders					31
Psychosomatic Disorders		We have a muscle here, and it's called Soulmuscle. And he said it was too tight, […] I had this hip pain, leg pain, and after […] a point, I couldn't walk. And then I had to go back to Türkiye, drive. And I did so much physiotherapy there. […] When I did physiotherapy here, for example, it didn't help; it got worse, but when I went to Türkiye and started, with my family of course, I felt better day by day. I started to not feel the pain anymore. It's like a miracle. The pain was gone (laughs).	1	6 (100%)	6
		Not mentioned	2	0 (0%)
Depression		I was [diagnosed] with depression last year.	1	3 (60.0%)	5
		And at the same time she is actually depressed [author's note: mother].	2	2 (40.0%)
Trauma Symptoms		Not mentioned	1	0 (0%)	5
		I wasn't used to those wooden stairs in North Rhine-Westphalia. And when I first saw them, my first thought was: ‘That’s going to burn. I mean, it would burn badly.’ […] And then I really started making plans: What would I do if it caught fire, if someone set us on fire? I really thought about it: Where could I escape to? […] I didn’t experience it back then. I didn’t witness it either, but somehow it’s still there. It’s still very present."	2	5 (100%)
Other Mental Health Outcomes		self-esteem issues, culture shock, stress, perfectionism, suicidality	1/2	Each < 5	15

Notes. Main categories were taken deductively from the minority-stress-model, all subcategories were derived inductively from the material. ¹G = Generation 1 or 2; ²Frequency of naming Generation 1 or 2; ³Total frequency: sum of Generation 1 und 2; ⁴ If the sum of the top category is higher than the sum of the subcategories, the top category was additionally named; ⁵anonymized city.

3. Results

The following results are presented in accordance with the interview guide. To improve clarity and transparency, we present the findings on two complementary levels. In the narrative text, we focus on the three most prominent themes that were discussed most frequently and in greatest depth across the focus groups. This allows the central topics that shaped participants’ experiences most strongly to be highlighted. In contrast, Table 2 provides the full coding system, including all main categories, subcategories, frequencies, and illustrative quotations. The table, therefore, documents the complete thematic range that emerged during the analysis, including less frequently mentioned but conceptually relevant categories. These lower-frequency categories are reported in the table for methodological transparency but are not discussed in detail in the narrative text, as they did not constitute major cross-cutting themes across participants. This two-level presentation reflects both the thematic emphasis expressed by participants and the analytical structure developed during the coding process. Additionally, intergenerational reports and transgenerational interactions are clearly marked and discussed in the relevant sections.

To contextualize the findings within a theoretical framework, the original MSM was extended to include migration-specific stressors in order to more accurately capture the lived migration experience.

3.1. Participants’ motivations for participation

At the beginning of each focus group, participants reflected on their reasons for taking part. Five overarching motives emerged: (1) emotional processing and meaning-making after loss or displacement (e.g. ‘to work through grief’); (2) the need for expression and recognition in a validating space (e.g. ‘a chance to speak about pain’); (3) cultural and identity-related reflections on belonging between contexts (e.g. ‘grieving between two cultures’); (4) altruistic or research-oriented motives (e.g. ‘helping others by sharing’); and (5) biographical or contextual influences such as difficult migration histories or experiences of discrimination (e.g. ‘migration under difficult conditions’). While first-generation participants more often focused on personal losses, second-generation participants highlighted inherited or intergenerational grief and identity-related questions.

3.2. Migration-related losses and migration-related grief

A large number of various migration-related losses (N = 142) were reported in both groups. The most commonly shared losses fall into the category of interpersonal losses: the loss of family, family cohesion or support, as well as the loss of friends and community. The suffering and death of relatives in Türkiye were also described as very burdensome, as recounted by a second generation individual about her mother’s experience:

And what was also very impactful was the time when her mom died, that she somehow also felt guilty and cried a lot. That she somehow, yes, couldn't care for her and that she actually missed her death. She was only just able to see her as she was laid in the grave. She saw her face briefly, but otherwise she missed a lot, yes, in that sense.

The loss of belonging was a repeatedly shared loss in both groups, often accompanied by a feeling of being different or not being welcome. The second generation also frequently mentioned the loss of a distinct identity:

I probably lost a piece of my identity because I was often caught between two chairs, especially as a teenager, due to migration. And I didn't know which side was the real one. Who do I want to be? Who am I actually?

Various forms of grief (N = 87) were inductively identified, such as sadness, yearning, nostalgia and an extensive feeling of grief. Another important aspect mentioned in both groups was the conflicting nature of grief and feeling torn between two worlds: [W]hen I'm there, I miss here, when I'm here, I miss over there. Collective grief within the Turkish community in Germany was also reported, particularly in response to racist attacks or natural disasters like earthquakes. Furthermore, secondary grief, experienced in response to parents’ grief, was noted as significant: But I also felt a lot of sadness that a lot had been wronged against my father. And that he had a really hard life. In the second generation, unspoken familial grief and the absence of grief at the death of relatives in Türkiye  – due to a perceived lack of connection  – were cited as burdensome:

So you miss a grandma or grandpa, not the person you saw every summer. Yes, you saw them for five or six summers, then they passed away or one of them passed away. And then (…) the question came up: “Aren't you sad?” And they wanted to make me sad somehow. I thought to myself: “Well, then kick me in the shins, right?” But it just didn't work, right? I knew that someone had died, that they had somehow been part of the herd. But, (…) no?

Several elements in the categories of environmental factors, (migration-related) stressors and distal minority stress processes (such as discrimination) were mentioned that can turn sadness into grief as triggers that could exacerbate or mitigate grief, highlighting its dependency on these variables. When asked about illnesses that can be caused by migration-related grief, participants mentioned depression and psychosomatic symptoms, such as hip pain.

The cultivation of melancholy as a cultural expression was also discussed, whereby a distinction was made here between an accepted grief over the suffering of others and a stigma of showing one's own suffering.: Person 1: The Turks also have a certain melancholy, don't they? (…) It's also cultivated. It's part of the culture. It's part of being Turkish. So you can definitely show tears or something, because there's so much suffering in life, right? Person 2: But not for your own suffering.

3.3. Group differences and transgenerationality

The following section examines differences between the participant groups and highlights transgenerational dynamics shaping their experiences. Of all external reports (N = 49), 93.9% were based on children reporting on their parents’ life narratives and experiences, while only 6.1% were parents reporting on their children. A particularly high proportion of external reports was observed in topics such as precarious housing situation, grief, transgenerational grief, and loneliness. Additionally, transgenerational interactions were an important topic in the second group, particularly concerning the impact of parental overload, grief and traumatic experiences on children – for example, trauma symptoms following an arson attack on the parents’ home.

When asked about the grief experienced by each other's generation (i.e. the first generation was asked about the grief of the second generation and vice versa), the second generation provided detailed accounts of their experiences with their parents’ grief and its impact on them. In contrast, the first generation discussed challenges in maintaining a sense of connection or distance regarding the grandparents in Türkiye but did not address the grief experienced by the second generation or the potential effects of their own grief on their children. The participants were explicitly asked about generational similarities and differences in coping with grief. Here, children described recognizing strategies and patterns of their parents in themselves, such as perceiving religion as a source of support, distracting themselves (e.g. through media consumption) or replicating their parents’ conflict behaviour. Differences included the strength of the connection with relatives in Türkiye and a varying emphasis on action versus reflection. Additionally, transgenerational processing was noted, with parents’ grief often manifesting as sadness in their children, and second generation individuals demonstrating a greater willingness to seek support from psychosocial systems. In the following, the results are incorporated into the theoretical framework of the MSM (Meyer, 2003) and expanded to include migration-related factors.

3.4. Circumstances in the environment

This section describes various forms of migration and motivations for migration, as well as social and environmental factors. Identified forms of migration were migration for educational and employment opportunities, forced migration and internal migration. Educational and employment migration was mentioned in connection with the recruitment of guest workers in the 1960s and 1970s, as well as in relation to the current poorer working conditions in Türkiye. The second generation, in particular, reported on their parents’ long-held desire to return to Türkiye in connection with their migration to Germany: Because they all came and said: We'll earn money here and then we'll leave again. And, plop plop, they were there. And then it was over, no: We're going back. Furthermore, the perception was noted that while in the past it was primarily workers who came to Germany, many people now also migrate for educational and study reasons. Within Germany, the availability of the Turkish community was named as an important factor in the environment for first and second generation individuals: And I come from Bavaria. I was born in Bavaria, in a small town, 800 inhabitants, one train station. And that was it. I was the only Turk at school. That was terrible. Here, the focus particularly lay on differences between West and East Germany, especially in the sense that the immigration of people from Türkiye started much later in East Germany, and there are far fewer individuals with a migration history from Türkiye than in the old federal states. At the same time, some individuals from the second generation stated a felt connection to people from the new federal states.

And I have the feeling that they are somehow / somehow it sometimes feels like we share the same story, even though it might not be the case. But somewhere, maybe because of the GDR¹, I don't know. Somehow, a lot of people feel like you're somehow related to them. That sounds so crazy.

Overall, the political situation in both Germany and Türkiye was named as an important influencing factor on mental health outcomes. In particular, hostile social attitudes towards individuals with migration history from Türkiye and right-wing extremism were reported as a threat. Additionally, social environmental factors such as patriarchy, classism and rural-urban disparities were mentioned. Other relevant factors in this category include the availability of adequate psychosocial support, duration since migration, cultural differences and natural disasters.

3.5. General and migration-related stressors

General stressors reported in this study include various factors that, while also relevant to other populations, are particularly stressful in the context of migration (e.g. precarious housing conditions, poor working conditions). Interpersonal stressors were especially salient, including family-related challenges such as changes in role expectations post-migration (e.g. a mother who was formerly a bank clerk in her home country now looks after children in Germany due to a lack of external childcare support). Additionally, conflicts arising from elevated stress levels among family members were reported as well as the loss of parental care due to parental overload or changes in relationships with family members or friends in Türkiye, including the death of close ones. Other stressors included difficulties in establishing new relationships and adapting to post-migration demands, such as learning the language. The migration-related losses discussed in detail above can also be understood as migration-related stressors and integrated into the model at this point.

3.6. Minority stress processes (distal)

Although distal minority stress processes were not explicitly covered in our interview guide, they emerged as significant themes, particularly among participants in the second generation. Interpersonal racism was reported most frequently, ranging from numerous experiences of othering (e.g. being repeatedly asked why one speaks German so well, i.e. implying they are not perceived as ‘German’ despite being born in Germany) to incidents of physical violence: I still won't forget my first day of kindergarten. I was shoved into a corner by someone my own age / and I was four years old / with the words: ‘You fucking Turk'. Notably, participants, particularly in Group 2, cited the far-right extremist attacks of the 1990s (e.g. Hanau, Solingen) as highly impactful, frequently associating these events with fears and questions of identity.

3.7. Minority stress processes (proximal)

Proximal minority stress, characterized by the internalization of distal stressors, was infrequently discussed directly by participants. When mentioned, it primarily manifested as an expectation of rejection (i.e. feeling unwelcome) and internalized othering (i.e. perceiving oneself as different).

3.8. Characteristics of minority identity

The characteristics of minority identity involve its valence (positive or negative feelings toward the identity), prominence (the degree to which the identity is central to one's self-concept), and integration (how well the identity is harmonized with other aspects of self and society). Varying degrees of integration of minority identity were observed, ranging from low integration of minority identity (e.g. But this conflict, well, that is of course the identity) to high integration (e.g. Today, I am a cocktail of both). The prominence of minority identity was influenced by the diversity of the environment (e.g. the presence of other individuals with migration experience) and by experiences of racist attacks, which heightened awareness of minority status. Aspects of valence were not mentioned explicitly.

3.9. Coping, resilience factors and social support

Cognitive coping strategies were described most frequently, with perspective adjustments being the most prominent  – participants often described reframing experiences to feel less hurt by placing them in a broader context. But it's not because you don't belong [at work, author's note], but because somehow nobody does anything together in private. Social-focused strategies, such as seeking social support and engaging with the community, were also commonly reported. The 2nd generation also highlighted the utilization of psychosocial support systems as beneficial. Additionally, both groups mentioned behavioural-focused strategies, such as cultural reconnection (e.g. listening to Turkish music) and avoidance-focused strategies like masking or trying to fit in.

3.10. Mental health outcome

Emotional distress was the most frequently mentioned mental health outcome. The topic of grief, which was prominently addressed due to the nature of the research question, has already been discussed in detail above. The following section will focus on additional, spontaneously emerging themes. However, it is important to note that grief can also be classified as emotional distress within the model. Other notable emotional outcomes included frustration and anger (e.g. So in general, when I see what goes on here politically sometimes, I get frustrated), exclusion or not belonging, identity uncertainty, guilt (e.g. Earthquakes have happened and there are still consequences. There are still people who don't have a place to live. And so, when I have nothing, I still feel so guilty), and feeling hurt (e.g. Another slap in the face was when Ukrainian refugees came to Germany, it was clearly stated in the media, (…) that these refugees are treated differently because they are European, have Christian values (…). That was such a slap in the face for me).

Cognitive distress manifested as doubts about life in Germany and contemplations of returning to Türkiye. In addition to the self-reported depression and psychosomatic symptoms mentioned above, trauma symptoms such as re-experiencing were identified in the course of the interview, which were mainly reported as related to distal minority stress.

Participants reported a range of factors influencing their experience of grief. These included the time since migration and the possibility of maintaining contact with people in Türkiye. Social resources, including friendships, a sense of community, and engagement in community support, were frequently mentioned. Cultural practices, such as listening to Turkish music, reading Turkish literature, sharing humour, and eating traditional food, were described as both comforting and emotionally significant. Participants also highlighted the emotional impact of natural disasters and political instability in Türkiye, experiences of forced migration, and personal losses, particularly the death of loved ones in Türkiye. Societal conditions in Germany played a crucial role, with participants reporting that perceived or experienced discrimination, societal attitudes towards migrants, and instability in work, finances, and relationships shaped their emotional well-being. Furthermore, German festivities or visits from relatives in Türkiye were discussed as factors that could either intensify or alleviate grief.

Despite the focus on migration challenges, participants in both groups emphasized the benefits of migration. In particular, job and educational opportunities, multilingualism, cultural enrichment, greater independence, financial safety, distance from (political) difficulties in Türkiye and an elevated status within the family in Türkiye were named. Positive mental health benefits were also reported, such as enriched identity, enhanced empathy (e.g. empathy from personal discrimination) and feeling settled (Burnett et al., 1997).

4. Discussion

4.1. Main findings

In summary, participants reported a wide range of migration-related losses, with interpersonal losses (e.g. family, friends, and community) being the most common. Grief was experienced as sadness, yearning, nostalgia, and a pervasive sense of loss, often marked by feelings of being torn between two worlds. Grief was also shaped by environmental and minority stress factors, with triggers such as discrimination intensifying emotional distress. This aligns with Mewes et al. (2015), who identified a connection between discrimination and psychological distress in individuals with a history of migration from Türkiye. Interestingly, the cultural expressions of melancholy revealed a pattern where collective mourning was socially accepted and valued, while personal suffering was stigmatized, making it easier to mourn others than acknowledge one's own pain.

Applying and supplementing the minority stress model, our findings highlight multiple stress processes shaping participants’ experiences. Environmental factors like the political climate in Germany as well as regional differences (East Germany vs. West Germany) influenced stress exposure. These findings align with Valentín-Cortés et al. (2020), who linked adverse mental health outcomes to a growing anti-immigrant environment. Proximal stress processes were pronounced through the expectation of rejection or heightened minority awareness. Experiences of racism reinforced participants’ awareness of their minority status. Discrimination emerged as a key distal stressor, with striking accounts of racist violence, including the impacts of major incidents (e.g. NSU attacks) and gender-based discrimination, highlighting intersecting minority identities (Wandschneider et al., 2022). Coping and resilience strategies mainly included cognitive strategies (e.g. perspective shifts, reframing), along with emotional and behavioural strategies. In this context, our findings support the assumption made by Nesteruk (2018) that visits to the country of origin influence migratory grief.

In terms of mental health outcomes, participants reported significant emotional distress, including frustration, anger, feelings of not belonging, identity uncertainty, guilt, and emotional pain. Given that interpersonal losses were the most frequently reported, our findings supported those of Bromand et al. (2012), who found a relationship between social strain and mental distress in Turkish women in Germany. Mental health symptoms (especially trauma) were also linked to distal minority stress experiences, i.e. discrimination, which is widely supported by existing research (Paradies et al., 2015; Schouler-Ocak & Moran, 2023).

4.2. Transgenerational dynamics

The results highlight transgenerational dynamics in grief. The second generation frequently reported their parents’ grief and its impact, while the first generation rarely mentioned their children's grief. From the loss of interpersonal relationships to more abstract losses like belonging and identity, grief in the second generation appeared less rooted in migration and more shaped by discrimination and identity issues in Germany. Additionally, children not only recognized but also internalized their parents’ coping methods, such as finding solace in religion, using distraction, or adjusting perspectives. However, key differences emerged: while the first generation maintained stronger ties to relatives in Türkiye, the second generation sought more psychosocial support, indicating lower mental health stigma (Schnyder et al., 2017). Transgenerationally, the second generation processed grief related to discrimination and precarious living conditions. By finding a language for their parents’ suffering, they continued the emotional work of migration-related grief, emphasizing the ongoing impact of historical losses across generations. This aligns with Valdez et al. (2022), who stress the importance of integrating historical perspectives into the MSM to better contextualize present-day stress and inform future interventions.

4.3. Strengths and limitations

This study extends the MSM by integrating migration-specific stressors, like losses and grief, highlighting minority stress as key to understanding psychological impacts on individuals with migration history. Individuals with a migration history from Türkiye are often underrepresented in research due to barriers like mistrust, anxiety, or a perceived lack of empathy from German researchers, making our study a valuable contribution to understanding their burdens (Dingoyan et al., 2012; Hussain-Gambles et al., 2004).

Nonetheless, several limitations must be considered. The sample, skewed toward highly educated women with permanent residency, limits generalizability. Recruitment in an eastern German university city further narrows applicability due to regional socioeconomic, integration, and discrimination differences. Selection bias may have favoured socially connected individuals while underrepresenting those with fewer ties. Additionally, discussions in German, despite translation support, may not have fully captured linguistic nuances. As a cross-sectional study, it offers limited insight into the evolving nature of migration-related grief. Lastly, intergenerational accounts were predominantly provided by the second generation, potentially skewing transgenerational stress dynamics. A further limitation concerns the length of the focus group sessions (124–145 min). Although participants remained engaged throughout, sessions of this duration may lead to fatigue toward the end of the discussion and could have influenced both the depth and dynamics of contributions. Future studies might therefore consider shorter sessions or splitting extensive guides into multiple meetings to reduce potential fatigue effects. Although motivations for participation were addressed through the introductory question in the interview guide (see Supplement), they were not examined in depth, as this was not a central analytic aim of the study. Future research may therefore assess participation motives more systematically to better understand engagement processes in migrant populations.

4.4. Implications and future research

In addition to its substantive findings, the study also served as an exploratory foundation for the development of a standardized questionnaire on migratory grief for a subsequent large-scale survey. Through the qualitative focus groups, culturally specific concepts, central themes, and generational differences were identified that will inform the operationalization of migration-related grief in a culturally sensitive and psychometrically sound manner. Beyond this methodological contribution, the study offers several implications for research, clinical practice, and policy.

The study underscores the role of social environment in shaping migrant experiences, with structural barriers significantly contributing to migration-related stress. Policymakers should prioritize creating inclusive environments that address housing stability, discrimination, and cultural integration while respecting heritage identities (Slobodin et al., 2018). The focus groups reported experiences of collective mourning. Savcı (2016) conceptualizes mourning as a site for collectivity and political action, extending beyond shared vulnerability. This offers a resource for promoting the mental health of the Turkish-origin minority in Germany: by creating spaces for collective mourning, structures and institutions that contribute to their precarity can be jointly interrogated, laying the foundation for collective world-making and resilience-building (Savcı, 2016). This aligns with resilience research on other minority groups, emphasizing the shift from personal struggle to collective action for empowerment and systemic change (DiFulvio, 2011).

Future research should use longitudinal studies to track how migration-related stress and coping mechanisms evolve over time with larger, quantitatively-oriented surveys to improve generalizability. Studies should also explore intersectional inequalities, like gender, sexual orientation, or disability, to better understand their impact on migration-related stress and mental health. Furthermore, intervention-based research could evaluate the effectiveness of culturally sensitive mental health interventions addressing grief, identity issues, and minority stress within migrant communities.

5. Conclusion

This study provides valuable insights into the migration experiences of individuals with Turkish migration history in Germany, particularly regarding migration-related stress, grief, and identity. It extends the Minority Stress Model by integrating migration-specific stressors and emphasizes the importance of collective mourning and shared resilience. The findings contribute to a deeper understanding of the psychological burdens faced by this group and lay the foundation for future research and targeted interventions.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Data availability statement

The data presented in this study are available on request from the corresponding author. The data are not publicly available due to participant confidentiality and privacy.

Supplemental Material

Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/20008066.2026.2612833.