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. 2025 Nov 28;44(1):109–119. doi: 10.1002/bsl.70024

Sex Work and Sexual Victimization: A Comparative Study of Students’ and Police Officers’ Perceptions of Sex‐Working Rape Victims

Liza Zvi 1,✉, Mally Shechory Bitton 1
PMCID: PMC12865668  PMID: 41314622

ABSTRACT

Attitudes toward sexual violence and victim‐blaming are culturally dependent and should be examined within specific social and legal contexts. The present study sought to compare Israeli police officers' (N = 220) and students' (N = 230) perceptions toward sex working rape victims. Participants were presented with a vignette describing a rape, where the victim was either identified as a sex worker or not. They then provided ratings of blame and sentencing, along with assessments of victim resistance and harm and their emotional responses toward the victim. Significant differences emerged between the groups. Although overall victim‐blaming was relatively low, police officers attributed more blame when the victim was identified as a sex worker, while students' blame attribution remained unaffected by the victim's status. Similarly, police officers were more lenient toward the perpetrator than students regarding punishment, particularly when the victim was identified as a sex worker. These differences also appeared in emotional responses and evaluations of victim resistance and harm, indicating that police officers held more stereotypical and skeptical attitudes compared to students. The findings suggest that law enforcement attitudes may reflect a unique institutional perspective, shaped by organizational norms within the police force, the broader legal discourse, and police officers' work‐related exposure.

Keywords: rape myths, sex work, sexual assault, stigma, victim blame, victim empathy

1. Introduction

Rape myths and stereotypes remain deeply embedded in societal understandings of sexual violence (Hudspith et al. 2024; Hyży and Mitka 2024; Lilley et al. 2023; Richardson et al. 2025; Willmott et al. 2021; Willmott and Hudspith 2024). These widespread, pervasive beliefs—such as the idea that “real” rape occurs between strangers in public spaces, or that victims who dress provocatively are responsible for the assault (Estrich 1987)—continue to influence public attitudes and institutional responses. Closely tied to such notions is the concept of the “ideal victim” (Christie 1986), typically portrayed as a weak, respectable, and morally upright woman who is assaulted by a powerful, unknown man. This socially constructed ideal shape expectations regarding victims' appearance, behavior, background, and circumstances, establishing a narrow standard against which all sexual assault victims are judged.

Victims who deviate from these expectations are more likely to face skepticism, social and legal blame, and reduced access to justice. For example, it is well established that victims of acquaintance rape are attributed greater blame than victims of stranger rape (for a review and meta‐analysis, see Persson and Dhingra 2020). Alcohol consumption by the victim is also a consistent predictor of victim blame, as is wearing revealing clothing (Gravelin et al. 2019; Romero‐Sánchez et al. 2018). A recent meta‐analysis of 40 studies further confirmed that patterns of victim blame, and more broadly perception of sexual violence, stem from patriarchal socialization, including sexism, gender role expectations and rape myth acceptance (Trottier et al. 2025).

Women engaged in sex work are highly vulnerable to sexual violence and rape (Deering et al. 2014; Horan and Beauregard 2018; Zara et al. 2022). Yet—as clear examples of non‐ideal victims—their experiences of victimization may be dismissed or delegitimized (Sprankle et al. 2018; Velasco and Sanmartín 2025). Sex work is heavily stigmatized in many societies. It challenges prevailing expectations surrounding gender and sexuality and is often perceived as morally transgressive, positioning sex workers outside the boundaries of socially legitimate roles. In contexts where sex work is criminalized, it is also treated as a legal offense, reinforcing the perceptions that those who engage in it are not only morally suspect but also lawbreakers.

Female sex workers experience intersecting forms of marginalization, arising from both their involvement in sex work and their gender—a combination that forms a powerful axis of exclusion (e.g., Benoit et al. 2005; Cochran et al. 2024; Daniel et al. 2025; Fuentes 2023). This marginalization is often further compounded by additional intersecting factors, such as socioeconomic status, ethnicity, drug use, experiences of trauma or mental health challenges (Benoit et al. 2018; Harris et al. 2025; Sanders et al. 2025). For instance, women who are immigrants, belong to ethnic minorities, or come from low socioeconomic backgrounds, face layered disadvantages that heighten their exposure to stigma and structural exclusion. Intersectionality theory (Crenshaw 1989) emphasizes that social identities and structural inequalities are deeply interconnected and interact in complex ways, creating intersections that give rise to unique, compounded experiences of exclusion, vulnerability, and inequality (Fuentes 2023; Zack 2024). This framework elucidates how the convergence of multiple social and personal factors synergistically intensifies the marginalization and exclusion experienced by female sex workers.

The stigma attached to sex work and social marginalization of female sex workers render reporting victimization to the police particularly difficult (Struyf 2023). This difficulty is closely linked to concerns about prejudicial or discriminatory responses, such as being disbelieved, blamed, or treated as less worthy. The anticipation of such treatment intensifies their stigmatized identity and creates significant barriers to reporting victimization or seeking assistance (Page 2010; Struyf 2023; Sullivan 2007). Research on police responses revealed biased and discriminatory treatment to women engaged in sex work who experienced rape. These victims were perceived as less credible complainants (Page 2010; Randall 2010; Sullivan 2007) and were attributed greater blame compared to victims not engaged in sex work (Zvi 2022). Negative sentiment and assessment of their victimization as less severe were also reported (Zvi 2022).

It has been suggested that police officers adhere to rape myths and operate within a “culture of skepticism” that promotes suspicion toward female sexual assault complainants (Jordan 2004; Kelly 2010; Page 2007; Sleath and Bull 2012). This may be reinforced by the masculinist structure of police organizations, which tend to uphold rigid gender norms, such as emphasizing traditional masculine roles, hierarchical authority, and expectations of toughness, while women remain underrepresented in senior positions and decision‐making roles, constituting a minority within many agencies (Bailey et al. 2025; A. Farrell 2015; J. Farrell 2017; Silvestri 2018). These organizational norms can shape officers' perceptions and responses, contributing to minimization or dismissal of women's reports of sexual assault. Officers' occupational exposure to sex workers—often in the context of criminal enforcement—may further shape their perceptions, potentially leading to more complex and ambivalent attitudes toward both victims and perpetrators (Myers‐JDC‐Brookdale Institute 2024).

Although the literature suggests that rape myths and stereotypes may exert a greater influence within law enforcement compared to the general public, research directly comparing public and law enforcement attitudes toward female sex‐working rape victims remains scarce. A key question is whether officers' attitudes reflect broader societal views or, indeed, a unique institutional culture. Clarifying this distinction is important for understanding whether police perspectives are shaped primarily by societal norms or by the specific institutional environment and experience of the police. The aim of the present study was to examine this issue in the Israeli context, by comparing the responses of police officers with those of students.

1.1. The Present Study

Attitudes toward sexual violence and victim‐blaming are culturally dependent and should be examined within specific social and legal contexts (Symoom 2025). In Israel, where the present study was conducted, a previous comparison between police officers and students has shown that police officers endorse rape myths more strongly than students, alongside greater sexual conservatism and tolerance for violence (Shechory Bitton and Jaeger 2019). As discussed above, police bias toward a female rape victim identified as a sex worker has also been documented (Zvi 2022). However, it remains unclear whether officers' attitudes toward female sex worker victims mirror public sentiment, or perhaps, reflect a unique institutional worldview.

This question is particularly relevant in the Israeli context, where the legal framework regarding sex work has recently changed. In 2018, the Prohibition of Prostitution Consumption Law was enacted, with the goal of reducing prostitution by penalizing those who purchase sexual services, thereby aiming to curb demand and promote the protection and rehabilitation of individuals engaged in sex work. The law reflects a protective approach toward women in the industry, recognizing them as victims who are often compelled into sex work by difficult life circumstances, as part of a broader strategy that includes expanding treatment and rehabilitation options for individuals engaged in sex work (The Prohibition of Prostitution Consumption Law, 2018).

Understanding law enforcement attitudes toward sex‐working rape victims is essential, as they can affect legal protections, fair treatment, and efforts to support victims' rehabilitation. Determining whether officers' attitudes are shaped primarily by institutional culture rather than societal norms is key, as it suggests that organizational policies, training, and professional experiences with victims play a central role in shaping their responses, potentially independent of broader public opinion. This insight has practical implications for designing interventions and training programs aimed at improving police responses to sex‐working rape victims. The present study addressed this question by comparing the responses of police officers and students to a rape case involving a female sex worker.

The participants in the present study were given a rape scenario in which the victim is a young student, who is either sex working or not. The rape took place in her apartment, by a stranger (not a client of the sex‐worker victim). We aimed to present a realistic scenario by situating the assault within a specific setting and considering the victim's social identity. Sex workers represent a socially and personally diverse population, and the contexts in which sexual assaults against them occur are equally varied. Although statistics from Israel are lacking, research indicates that involvement in sex work has become increasingly common among university students in western countries (Reilly 2008; Roberts et al. 2007, 2013; Sagar et al. 2016). Data from Israel indicate that a significant portion of sex work takes place in discreet apartments, with approximately half of sex buyers purchasing services in such settings. Furthermore, female sex workers have reported greater exposure to violence in these apartments, describing them as posing a higher risk than brothels (Myers‐JDC‐Brookdale Institute 2024). However, enforcement of the Prohibition of Prostitution Consumption Law is largely concentrated in brothels: only 1% of actions take place in private homes or hotels, whereas over 95% of enforcement occurs in brothels. This focus on visible, organized venues appears to have driven more sex work into private sites, where workers face higher risks of violence due to the limited oversight and protection (Myers‐JDC‐Brookdale Institute 2024).

2. Method

2.1. Participants and Procedure

Participants in this study were 220 police officers and 230 students (a total of 450 participants). Among them were 108 male police officers (49.1%) and 112 female police officers (50.9%), and 114 male students (49.6%), and 116 female students (50.4%). 110 police officers (55 men and 55 women), and 116 students (58 males and 58 females), were presented with a vignette describing a student engaged in sex work, and 110 police officers (53 men and 57 women), and 114 students (56 males and 58 females), received a vignette describing a student who is not involved in sex work. Police officers were somewhat older than the students (Table 1); however, no other group differences were found. Across the entire sample, about half of the participants were male, and most were Jewish. Close to half identified as secular, and about one‐third as traditional. Over half were married or in a steady relationship, while most of the remainder were single. Nearly 60% had a high school education, and others had an academic level of education. Police officers had been on the job for up to 39 years (M = 6.05 years, SD = 6.90).

TABLE 1.

Demographic characteristics by group (N = 450).

Total (N = 450) Police (n = 220) Students (n = 230) Difference
Age, M (SD) range 27.59 (6.79), 20–59 29.67 (8.54) 25.55 (3.49) t (287.63) = 6.72, p < 0.001
Sex, n (%) Male 222 (49.3) 108 (49.1) 114 (49.6) Z = 0.10 (p = 0.920)
Female 228 (50.7) 112 (50.9) 116 (50.4)
Religion, n (%) Jewish 417 (92.7) 190 (86.4) 227 (98.7) —
Non‐Jewish 33 (7.3%) 30 (13.6) 3 (1.3)
Religiousness, n (%) Secular 218 (48.4) 106 (48.2) 112 (48.7)

χ 2 (2) = 3.18 (p = 0.204)

(Without “other”)
Traditional 145 (32.2) 77 (35.0) 68 (29.6)
Religious 81 (18.0) 33 (15.0) 48 (20.9)
Other 6 (1.3) 4 (1.8) 2 (0.9)
Marital status, n (%) Single 196 (43.6) 98 (44.5) 98 (42.6)

Z = 0.41 (p = 0.679)

(Without “divorced, widowed”)
In a relationship, married 250 (55.5) 118 (53.6) 132 (57.4)
Divorced, widowed 4 (0.9) 4 (1.9) 0 (0.0)
Level of education, n (%) Elementary 8 (1.8) 6 (2.7) 2 (0.9)

Z = 1.60 (p = 0.108)

(“High school” vs. “academic”)
High school 261 (58.0) 136 (61.8) 125 (54.3)
Academic 176 (39.1) 75 (34.1) 101 (43.9)
Other 5 (1.1) 3 (1.4) 2 (0.9)
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Student participants were recruited online through Qualtrics, a secure web‐based platform for survey distribution and data collection. Their participation was voluntary and compensated with academic course credit. Police officers were recruited through convenience sampling by criminology students who also served as volunteer officers. Participation was voluntary, and all participants were assured that their responses would remain anonymous and confidential. The study was reviewed and approved by the Ariel University Ethics Committee for the faculty of Social Sciences. In conducting the research, all ethical standards were maintained in accordance with the American Psychological Association (APA) ethical principles and the Declaration of Helsinki. Given the inclusion of police officers, particular ethical attention was paid to minimizing any potential sense of obligation or coercion due to participants' professional roles. It was emphasized that their data would not be accessible to supervisors or any organizational authority and would be available only to the study investigators and used solely for research purposes. Informed consent was obtained prior to participation. Students provided electronic consent through the online survey, whereas police officers provided written consent before completing the questionnaire. All participants were informed that they could decline to take part or withdraw from the study at any point without consequence.

2.2. Measures

2.2.1. Demographic Questionnaire

Participants provided demographic information, including their sex, age, and family status, as well as whether they had children. In addition, they reported their educational attainment and their level of religiosity.

2.2.2. Vignettes

Participants were randomly assigned to read one of two nearly identical scenarios describing the rape of a 23‐year‐old female student by an unknown male assailant. In one version, the scenario included an additional detail indicating that the victim is engaged in sex work; in the other, this information was omitted. The full text of the vignettes is provided below:

Nofar is a 23‐year‐old second year business administration and economics student renting an apartment in Tel‐Aviv. She works as a bartender in one of Tel‐Aviv's local bars [in addition to sex working from her rented apartment]. One night, Nofar returned home after finishing her shift at the bar. While opening her front door, a male jumped at her from behind, shoving her inside the apartment. He dropped Nofar on her bed while holding her throat and ordering her to undress. Nofar realized that there was no choice, and the man forcefully raped her.

The only difference between the two versions was the inclusion or omission of the sex work detail, enabling assessment of its impact on participants' responses.

2.2.3. Blame Scale

To assess blame attribution, participants responded to three items commonly employed in prior research on attitudes toward criminal responsibility (e.g., Shechory‐Bitton and Zvi 2015, 2016, 2019, 2020; Shechory Bitton et al. 2024; Zvi and Shechory‐Bitton 2020a, 2020b, 2022). The items were: (1) The perpetrator is entirely to blame, (2) Blame is shared by both parties (joint blame), and (3) The victim is entirely to blame. Responses were measured on a five‐point Likert scale ranging from 1 (very little agreement) to 5 (very high agreement).

2.2.4. Sentencing Scale

To assess participants' perceptions regarding the appropriate sentencing of the perpetrator, three items were used: (1) The perpetrator should receive the maximum possible sentence, (2) A reduced prison sentence is appropriate due to extenuating circumstances, and (3) The perpetrator should not receive a prison sentence, with probation or community service as alternatives. Responses were measured on a five‐point Likert scale ranging from 1 (very little agreement) to 5 (very high agreement).

2.2.5. Perceptions of Victim Resistance and Harm

Participants responded to two items assessing perceptions of the victim's ability to resist the assault and the extent of harm experienced. The first item evaluated the belief that the victim could have physically and verbally resisted but did not. The second evaluated the perceived severity of the consequences suffered by the victim. Responses were recorded on a five‐point Likert scale ranging from 1 (very little agreement) to 5 (very high agreement).

2.2.6. Feelings Toward the Victim

Participants rated their feelings toward the victim on an eight‐item scale, with four items assessing positive feelings of empathy and sympathy, and 4 assessing negative feelings of anger and contempt. Responses were given on a five‐point scale (1 = slightly to 5 = considerably). Two scales were computed from the item means: positive feelings (α = 0.83), and negative feelings (α = 0.88).

2.3. Data Analysis

Data were analyzed with SPSS ver. 29. Descriptive statistics were used with demographic variables, and groups were compared with t‐tests and Z tests for the difference between two independent proportions. The study variables (perception of blame, punishment, victim resistance and consequences) had skewed distributions (skewness = −3.45 to 3.43, SE = 0.11), and were thus exponentially and logarithmically transformed. Differences in the study variables by role (police officers/students), type of vignette (sex working/not sex working), and participant's sex, were analyzed with analyses of covariance, controlling for the participant's age. Significant interactions were interpreted with estimated marginal means, using the Bonferroni correction for multiple comparisons. Multiple linear regressions were calculated to assess the contribution of negative and positive feelings toward the victim, to the perception of blame, punishment, victim resistance and consequences. Negative and positive feelings toward the victim were entered to the regression models beyond role, type of vignette, the participant's sex, and the participant's age.

3. Results

3.1. Blame, Punishment and Consequences to the Victim

Results show that, overall, perpetrator blame was perceived as rather high, while shared blame, and victim blame, were perceived as rather low. Likewise, maximum punishment was rather highly endorsed, while support for minimum punishment, and for probation/community service, was rather low. The victim was generally perceived as having limited ability to resist, and the consequences for her were viewed as quite severe.

The participants' age was positively associated with shared blame (r = 0.16, p < 0.001) and victim blame (r = 0.14, p = 0.002), indicating that older participants tended to attribute more blame to the victim and to both parties. Additionally, age was negatively associated with maximum punishment (r = −0.20, p < 0.001), and with severity of the consequence to the victim (r = −0.15, p = 0.002), suggesting that older participants tended to recommend lower punishment and to perceive the victim's suffering as less severe. Thus, age was controlled for in further analyses.

Differences in blame, punishment, and consequences to the victim, by role (police officer/student), vignette group (sex working/not sex working) and participant sex, were analyzed with analyses of covariance, controlling for participants' ages, as shown in Table 2.

TABLE 2.

Means, and standard deviations, for blame, punishment and consequences to the victim, by role, type of vignette, and participant sex (N = 450).

Vignette‐sex working (N = 226) Vignette‐not sex working (N = 224)
Police officers Students Police officers Students

Male

M (SD)

(n = 55)

Female

M (SD)

(n = 55)

Total

M (SD)

Male

M (SD)

(n = 58)

Female

M (SD)

(n = 58)

Total

M (SD)

Male

M (SD)

(n = 53)

Female

M (SD)

(n = 57)

Total

M (SD)

Male

M (SD)

(n = 56)

Female

M (SD)

(n = 58)

Total

M (SD)
Perpetrator blame 4.22 (1.24) 4.78 (0.85) 4.50 (1.10) 4.81 (0.61) 4.90 (0.58) 4.85 (0.59) 4.81 (0.56) 4.72 (0.90) 4.76 (0.75) 4.88 (0.47) 4.86 (0.63) 4.87 (0.56)
Shared blame 1.85 (1.16) 1.29 (0.74) 1.57 (1.01) 1.31 (0.90) 1.05 (0.29) 1.18 (0.68) 1.21 (0.57) 1.14 (0.61) 1.17 (0.59) 1.14 (0.44) 1.19 (0.74) 1.17 (0.61)
Victim blame 2.07 (1.45) 1.60 (1.23) 1.84 (1.36) 1.19 (0.69) 1.07 (0.37) 1.13 (0.55) 1.19 (0.62) 1.16 (0.70) 1.17 (0.66) 1.04 (0.27) 1.05 (0.22) 1.04 (0.24)
Maximum punishment 3.89 (1.33) 4.38 (1.27) 4.14 (1.32) 4.64 (0.72) 4.88 (0.38) 4.76 (0.58) 4.62 (0.84) 4.79 (0.49) 4.71 (0.68) 4.79 (0.49) 4.81 (0.63) 4.80 (0.57)
Minimum punishment 1.78 (1.2) 1.31 (0.81) 1.55 (1.05) 1.31 (0.78) 1.34 (1.00) 1.33 (0.89) 1.40 (0.91) 1.18 (0.63) 1.28 (0.78) 1.21 (0.65) 1.21 (0.67) 1.21 (0.66)
Probation/community service 1.78 (1.23) 1.20 (0.80) 1.49 (1.07) 1.36 (0.97) 1.12 (0.59) 1.24 (0.81) 1.23 (0.82) 1.11 (0.45) 1.16 (0.66) 1.23 (0.81) 1.12 (0.59) 1.18 (0.71)
Victim could have resisted 2.31 (1.33) 1.80 (1.18) 2.05 (1.28) 1.71 (0.96) 1.38 (0.64) 1.54 (0.83) 2.08 (1.34) 1.84 (1.1) 1.95 (1.22) 1.48 (0.81) 1.40 (0.70) 1.44 (0.75)
Severity of consequences 4.15 (1.22) 4.53 (1.15) 4.34 (1.20) 4.76 (0.80) 4.90 (0.41) 4.85 (0.59) 4.62 (1.04) 4.70 (0.91) 4.66 (0.97) 4.95 (0.30) 4.91 (0.34) 4.93 (0.32)
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Perpetrator blame was estimated as higher by students than by police officers (M = 4.86 SE = 0.05 vs. M = 4.63 SE = 0.05) (F (1, 441) = 10.46, p = 0.001, η 2 = 0.023). It was estimated as higher for the not sex working vignette than for the sex working vignette (M = 4.82 SE = 0.05 vs. M = 4.67 SE = 0.05) (F (1, 441) = 4.08, p = 0.044, η 2 = 0.009), and as higher by females than by males (M = 4.81 SE = 0.05 vs. M = 4.68 SE = 0.05) (F (1, 441) = 9.15, p = 0.003, η 2 = 0.020). A significant interaction was found for the vignette group (sex working / not sex working) by sex (F (1, 441) = 8.41, p = 0.004, η 2 = 0.019). Its interpretation showed that males attributed higher blame to perpetrators in the not sex working vignette (M = 4.84 SE = 0.07) than to perpetrators in the sex working vignette (M = 4.52 SE = 0.07) (F (1, 441) = 11.89, p = 0.001, η 2 = 0.026), while no difference was found among females (F (1, 441) = 0.39, p = 0.531, η 2 = 0.001). Other interactions were not significant.

Shared blame was estimated as higher by police officers than by students (M = 1.37 SE = 0.05 vs. M = 1.18 SE = 0.05) (F (1, 441) = 8.26, p = 0.004, η 2 = 0.018). It was estimated as higher for the sex working vignette than for the not sex working vignette (M = 1.38 SE = 0.05 vs. M = 1.17 SE = 0.05) (F (1, 441) = 9.44, p = 0.002, η 2 = 0.021), and as higher by males than by females (M = 1.37 SE = 0.05 vs. M = 1.17 SE = 0.05) (F (1, 441) = 9.56, p = 0.002, η 2 = 0.021). A significant interaction was found for role (police officer / student) by the vignette group (sex working / not sex working, F (1, 441) = 9.03, p = 0.003, η 2 = 0.020). Its interpretation showed that police officers attributed higher shared blame in the sex working vignette (M = 1.56 SE = 0.07) than in the not sex working vignette (M = 1.17 SE = 0.07) (F (1, 441) = 17.99, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.039), while no difference was found among students (F (1, 441) = 0.01, p = 0.960, η 2 = 0.001). Another significant interaction was found for the vignette group (sex working / not sex working) by sex (F (1, 441) = 6.93, p = 0.009, η 2 = 0.015). Its interpretation showed that males attributed higher shared blame in the sex working vignette (M = 1.57 SE = 0.07) than in the not sex working vignette (M = 1.17 SE = 0.07) (F (1, 441) = 15.98, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.035), while no difference was found among females (F (1, 441) = 0.10, p = 0.753, η 2 = 0.001). Other interactions were not significant.

Victim blame was estimated as higher by police officers than by students (M = 1.50 SE = 0.06 vs. M = 1.09 SE = 0.05) (F (1, 441) = 29.26, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.062). It was estimated as higher for the sex working vignette than for the not sex working vignette (M = 1.48 SE = 0.05 vs. M = 1.11 SE = 0.05) (F (1, 441) = 27.01, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.058), and as higher by males than by females (M = 1.37 SE = 0.06 vs. M = 1.22 SE = 0.05) (F (1, 441) = 4.48, p = 0.035, η 2 = 0.010). A significant interaction was found for role (police officer / student) by the vignette group (sex working / not sex working, F (1, 441) = 16.11, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.035). Its interpretation showed that police officers attributed higher blame to the victim in the sex working vignette (M = 1.83 SE = 0.08) than in the not sex working vignette (M = 1.17 SE = 0.08) (F (1, 441) = 41.34, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.086), while no difference was found among students (F (1, 441) = 0.72, p = 0.395, η 2 = 0.002). Another significant interaction was found for the vignette group (sex working / not sex working) by sex (F (1, 441) = 4.06, p = 0.044, η 2 = 0.009). Its interpretation showed that males attributed higher blame to the victim in the sex working vignette (M = 1.63 SE = 0.08) than the not sex working vignette (M = 1.11 SE = 0.08) (F (1, 441) = 25.56, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.055), while the difference among females was much smaller in magnitude (sex working: M = 1.34 SE = 0.08, not sex working: M = 1.11 SE = 0.08) (F (1, 441) = 5.16, p = 0.024, η 2 = 0.012). Other interactions were not significant.

Maximum punishment was more strongly endorsed by students than by police officers (M = 4.76 SE = 0.06 vs. M = 4.44 SE = 0.06) (F (1, 441) = 11.38, p = 0.001, η 2 = 0.025). It was more strongly endorsed for the not sex working vignette than for the sex working vignette (M = 4.75 SE = 0.06 vs. M = 4.45 SE = 0.05) (F (1, 441) = 11.14, p = 0.001, η 2 = 0.025), and more strongly endorsed by females than by males (M = 4.70 SE = 0.06 vs. M = 4.50 SE = 0.06) (F (1, 441) = 8.61, p = 0.004, η 2 = 0.019). A significant interaction was found for role (police officer / student) by the vignette group (sex working / not sex working, F (1, 441) = 7.16, p = 0.008, η 2 = 0.016). Its interpretation showed that police officers were more likely to endorse maximum punishment in the not sex working vignette (M = 4.72 SE = 0.08) than in the sex working vignette (M = 4.17 SE = 0.08) (F (1, 441) = 17.62, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.038), while no difference was found among students (F(1, 441) = 0.23, p = 0.634, η 2 = 0.001). Another significant interaction was found for the vignette group (sex working / not sex working) by sex (F (1, 441) = 3.96, p = 0.047, η 2 = 0.009). Its interpretation showed that males were more likely to endorse maximum punishment in the not sex working vignette (M = 4.71 SE = 0.08) than in the sex working vignette (M = 4.29 SE = 0.08) (F (1, 441) = 13.94, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.031), while no difference was found among females (F(1, 441) = 0.93, p = 0.336, η 2 = 0.002). Other interactions were not significant.

Minimum punishment was more highly endorsed by police officers than by students (M = 1.43 SE = 0.06 vs. M = 1.26 SE = 0.06) (F (1, 441) = 4.68, p = 0.031, η 2 = 0.010). It was more highly endorsed for the sex working vignette than for the not sex working vignette (M = 1.44 SE = 0.06 vs. M = 1.25 SE = 0.06) (F (1, 441) = 6.30, p = 0.012, η 2 = 0.014), and more highly endorsed by males than by females (M = 1.43 SE = 0.06 vs. M = 1.25 SE = 0.06) (F (1, 441) = 6.35, p = 0.012, η 2 = 0.014). A significant interaction was found for role (police officer / student) by sex (F (1, 441) = 5.35, p = 0.021, η 2 = 0.012). Its interpretation showed that male police officers were more likely to endorse minimum punishment (M = 1.62 SE = 0.09) than female police officers (M = 1.24 SE = 0.08) (F (1, 441) = 10.86, p = 0.001, η 2 = 0.024), while no sex difference was found among students (F (1, 441) = 0.04, p = 0.846, η 2 = 0.001). Other interactions were not significant.

Probation / community service was more highly endorsed for the sex working vignette than for the not sex working vignette (M = 1.37 SE = 0.05 vs. M = 1.17 SE = 0.05) (F (1, 441) = 7.46, p = 0.007, η 2 = 0.017), and more highly endorsed by males than by females (M = 1.40 SE = 0.06 vs. M = 1.14 SE = 0.05) (F (1, 441) = 12.94, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.029). No difference was found for role (F (1, 441) = 2.71, p = 0.100, η 2 = 0.006). A significant interaction was found for the vignette group (sex working / not sex working) by sex (F (1, 441) = 5.29, p = 0.022, η 2 = 0.012). Its interpretation showed that males were more likely to endorse probation / community service in the sex working vignette (M = 1.57 SE = 0.08) than in the not sex working vignette (M = 1.23 SE = 0.08) (F (1, 441) = 12.43, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.027), while no difference was found among females (F (1, 441) = 0.10, p = 0.757, η 2 = 0.001). Other interactions were not significant.

The extent to which the victim could have resisted was perceived as higher by police officers than by students (M = 2.01 SE = 0.07 vs. M = 1.49 SE = 0.07) (F (1, 441) = 22.61, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.049). It was perceived as higher by males than by females (M = 1.90 SE = 0.07 vs. M = 1.60 SE = 0.07) (F (1, 441) = 8.54, p = 0.004, η 2 = 0.019), and no difference was found by the type of the vignette (F (1, 441) = 1.20, p = 0.274, η 2 = 0.003). All interactions were not significant.

Consequences for the victim were appreciated as more severe by students than by police officers (M = 4.86 SE = 0.06 vs. M = 4.51 SE = 0.06) (F (1, 441) = 19.74, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.043). They were appreciated as more severe for the not sex working than for the sex working vignette (M = 4.79 SE = 0.06 vs. M = 4.59 SE = 0.06) (F (1, 441) = 9.49, p = 0.002, η 2 = 0.021), and as more severe by females than males (M = 4.75 SE = 0.06 vs. M = 4.63 SE = 0.06) (F (1, 441) = 3.88, p = 0.049, η 2 = 0.009). A significant interaction was found for the vignette group (sex working / not sex working) by sex (F (1, 441) = 4.13, p = 0.043, η 2 = 0.009). Its interpretation showed that males were more likely to appreciate the consequences for the victim as severe in the not sex working vignette (M = 4.79 SE = 0.08) than in the sex working vignette (M = 4.47 SE = 0.08) (F (1, 441) = 12.85, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.028), while no difference was found among females (F (1, 441) = 0.56, p = 0.454, η 2 = 0.001). Other interactions were not significant.

3.2. Feelings Toward the Victim

Both negative and positive feelings toward the victim were rather low. As before, age was associated with negative feelings (r = 0.13, p = 0.004), and was thus controlled for. Differences in feelings toward the victim, by role (police officer/student), vignette group (sex working/not sex working) and the participant's sex, were analyzed with analyses of covariance, controlling for age, as shown in Table 3.

TABLE 3.

Means, standard deviations, and F values for feelings toward the victim, by role, type of vignette, and participant sex (N = 450).

Vignette‐sex working (N = 226) Vignette‐not sex working (N = 224)
Police officers Students Police officers Students

Male

M (SD)

(n = 55)

Female

M (SD)

(n = 55)

Total

M (SD)

Male

M (SD)

(n = 58)

Female

M (SD)

(n = 58)

Total

M (SD)

Male

M (SD)

(n = 53)

Female

M (SD)

(n = 57)

Total

M (SD)

Male

M (SD)

(n = 56)

Female

M (SD)

(n = 58)

Total

M (SD)
Negative feelings 2.44 (1.02) 1.99 (1.03) 2.22 (1.04) 1.79 (1.07) 1.46 (0.90) 1.62 (1.00) 2.46 (1.59) 1.94 (1.47) 2.19 (1.54) 1.51 (1.15) 1.37 (0.87) 1.44 (1.02)
Positive feelings 1.79 (1.11) 1.92 (0.99) 1.86 (1.05) 2.18 (1.01) 2.36 (0.91) 2.27 (0.96) 2.36 (1.27) 2.43 (1.11) 2.40 (1.19) 2.75 (1.18) 2.75 (1.16) 2.75 (1.16)
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Negative feelings toward the victim were expressed more strongly by police officers than by students (M = 2.22 SE = 0.08 vs. M = 1.52 SE = 0.08) (F (1, 441) = 44.75, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.092). They were expressed more strongly in relation to the sex working vignette than the not sex working vignette (M = 1.92 SE = 0.08 vs. M = 1.82 SE = 0.08) (F (1, 441) = 6.24, p = 0.013, η 2 = 0.014), and more strongly by males than by females (M = 2.06 SE = 0.08 vs. M = 1.68 SE = 0.08) (F (1, 441) = 12.69, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.028). All interactions were not significant.

Positive feelings toward the victim were expressed more strongly by students than by police officers (M = 2.57 SE = 0.07 vs. M = 2.06 SE = 0.07) (F (1, 441) = 29.57, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.063). They were expressed more strongly in relation to the not sex working vignette than the sex working vignette (M = 2.58 SE = 0.07 vs. M = 2.05 SE = 0.07) (F (1, 441) = 26.11, p < 0.001, η 2 = 0.056), and more strongly by females than by males (M = 2.42 SE = 0.07 vs. M = 2.21 SE = 0.07) (F (1, 441) = 7.26, p = 0.007, η 2 = 0.016). All interactions were not significant.

Multiple hierarchical regressions were calculated to assess the contribution of negative and positive feelings toward the victim to the perception of blame, punishment, victim resistance and consequences. For that purpose, negative and positive feelings were entered to the regression, beyond role (1‐police officers/0—students), type of vignette (1‐sex working/0—not sex working), participant's sex (1‐male/0—female), and age (Table 4).

TABLE 4.

Multiple hierarchical regressions for the perception of blame, punishment, victim resistance and consequences (N = 450).

Perpetrator blame Shared blame Victim's blame Maximum punishment Minimum punishment Probation/community service Victim could have resisted Severity of consequences
β (p) β (p) β (p) β (p) β (p) β (p) β (p) β (p)
Role (police officers) −0.11 (p = 0.028) 0.06 (p = 0.252) 0.18 (p < 0.001) −0.10 (p = 0.039) 0.06 (p = 0.259) 0.03 (p = 0.517) 0.13 (p = 0.007) −0.14 (p = 0.007)
Vignette (sex working) −0.08 (p = 0.095) 0.11 (p = 0.017) 0.20 (p < 0.001) −0.11 (p = 0.016) 0.11 (p = 0.016) 0.12 (p = 0.012) 0.01 (p = 0.991) −0.12 (p = 0.011)
Gender (male) −0.12 (p = 0.014) 0.10 (p = 0.035) 0.06 (p = 0.213) −0.11 (p = 0.025) 0.10 (p = 0.042) 0.14 (p = 0.003) 0.10 (p = 0.033) −0.05 (p = 0.302)
Age −0.02 (p = 0.752) 0.07 (p = 0.147) 0.04 (p = 0.432) −0.13 (p = 0.011) −0.01 (p = 0.874) 0.02 (p = 0.721) −0.01 (p = 0.882) −0.05 (p = 0.312)
Negative feelings −0.14 (p = 0.007) 0.25 (p < 0.001) 0.17 (p < 0.001) −0.07 (p = 0.146) 0.19 (p < 0.001) 0.20 (p < 0.001) 0.18 (p < 0.001) −0.25 (p < 0.001)
Positive feelings 0.01 (p = 0.989) −0.03 (p = 0.593) −0.02 (p = 0.650) 0.11 (p = 0.028) −0.05 (p = 0.331) −0.09 (p = 0.076) −0.16 (p = 0.001) 0.04 (p = 0.411)
R 2 0.07 0.12 0.15 0.11 0.07 0.09 0.14 0.13
F (6, 443) 5.84 (p < 0.001) 10.29 (p < 0.001) 12.93 (p < 0.001) 9.43 (p < 0.001) 5.51 (p < 0.001) 6.91 (p < 0.001) 12.02 (p < 0.001) 11.25 (p < 0.001)
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Results show that all regression models were significant, with 7%–15% of the variance in the dependent variables being explained in them. Beyond the group variables and age, negative feelings had a significant contribution to all dependent variables, except for maximum punishment. That is, higher negative feelings toward the victim were associated with lower perpetrator blame and perception of less severe consequences to the victim, as well as with higher victim blame, shared blame, minimum punishment, probation/community service, and belief that the victim could have resisted. Higher positive feelings toward the victim were associated with greater endorsement of maximum punishment and less agreement with the idea that the victim could have resisted.

4. Discussion

A previous study on Israeli police officers' attitudes revealed a bias against a female rape victim presented as a sex worker, compared to a female victim not engaged in sex work (Zvi 2022). It revealed that officers were more likely to attribute victim‐blame to the sex‐working victim and to assess the consequences she suffered as less severe. These findings were interpreted within the context of rape myths and stereotypes, but also as related to distinctive norms and attitudes associated with police subculture. However, without a comparison group, it remains unclear whether officers' perceptions indeed reflect unique characteristics of the police or, perhaps, broader societal views toward female sex workers in Israel.

Comparing police perceptions with those of university students, the present study supports the existence of a unique institutional culture within the police, characterized by greater adherence to rape myths and more skeptical and stereotypical attitudes toward female sex‐working rape victims. As the results show, the victim's identity as a sex worker influenced evaluations of the victim and perpetrator, yet these effects varied depending on the evaluator —police officers or students—and the participant's sex, as detailed below.

Although attitudes toward the perpetrator were generally negative, as would be expected, police officers, particularly male officers, expressed more lenient attitudes toward him and harsher judgments of the victim, especially when she was identified as a sex worker. Similarly, while overall levels of victim‐blaming were relatively low, blame attributions increased among police officers when the victim's involvement in sex work was specified. In contrast, among students, the victim's status as a sex worker had no significant effect on blame attribution. Police officers also showed greater leniency toward punishing the perpetrator compared to students, especially in the case of a sex worker victim.

Together, these findings provide support for the notion that police culture reflects a distinct and skeptical worldview—one that differs from societal perspectives, as represented by the student sample. This aligns with previous research documenting a “culture of skepticism” within police organization, manifested in a distrustful attitudes toward victims, particularly women from marginalized groups (Jordan 2004; Kelly 2010; Page 2007; Sleath and Bull 2012). Such patterns have been linked to the masculinist structure of police organizations, which tend to uphold rigid gender norms (A. Farrell 2015; J. Farrell 2017; Loftus 2008; Silvestri 2018). This dynamic may be particularly relevant in the Israeli context, where the police force operates under a “quasi‐military” centralized model (Jonathan‐Zamir and Harpaz 2014) and policewomen are underrepresented. According to a recent report, policewomen make up only 29% of the Israeli police force, with their representation decreasing at higher ranks (Knesset Research and Information Center 2025).

The participants' perceptions of victim resistance and harm further support the conclusion of a distinct police culture. The responses indicated that stereotypical attitudes were more pronounced among police officers than among students, consistent with prior research showing relatively high levels of rape myth acceptance among law enforcement (Sleath and Bull 2012), including in cases involving female sex worker victims (Page 2010). The results replicate findings from the Israeli context, showing stronger endorsement of rape myths among officers compared to students (Shechory Bitton and Jaeger 2019). In light of the Prohibition of Prostitution Consumption Law (2018), which seeks to protect women in the sex industry, it appears that officers' attitudes may pose a barrier to effectively supporting sex‐working rape victims and ensuring their legal protection, further highlighting the need for targeted training and interventions.

While the findings may reflect a masculinist structure of police organizations, they may also be shaped by the professional context in which officers encounter sex work. Officers' reports indicate that they sometimes encounter sex workers who present their involvement as a matter of personal choice and that such representations made it difficult for them to perceive these women as victims or to regard the purchase of sex as inherently harmful (Myers‐JDC‐Brookdale Institute 2024). Additionally, in some cases, sex workers expressed resentment toward police intervention, further complicating officers' perceptions of them as individuals in need of protection. It is further reported that in more visible settings—such as street‐based sex work or brothels—officers were more likely to express a sense of duty to assist women in exiting the sex trade. In contrast, this sense of obligation was less apparent when sex work occurred in more concealed environment, such as private residences, discreet apartments, or hotels (Myers‐JDC‐Brookdale Institute 2024). Officers' professional experiences with sex workers, particularly in ambiguous contexts, may shape more complex attitudes, potentially reducing their sensitivity to the harms these women experience. This dynamic may be even more pronounced in situations where the boundaries between victim and offender are blurred or ambiguous, such as cases involving sex workers engaged in illegal activities. For example, drug use, working in unlicensed venues, or violations of immigration laws can further complicate perceptions of victimhood.

The broader legal discourse should also be considered. Legal frameworks are known to shape public attitudes, and when sex work is associated with illegality, it may reinforce societal stigma and cast sex workers as morally suspect (Adriaenssens et al. 2025; Oliveira et al. 2023). Analyzing the effect of legal changes in prostitution laws in six European countries Adriaenssens et al. (2025) recently concluded that the criminalization of the purchase of sexual services led to a decline in public acceptance of sex work. In Israel, the Prohibition of Prostitution Consumption Law was designed to protect women in the sex industry, aiming to reduce harm and provide support for those compelled into sex work. However, as suggested by the European evidence, such legal shifts may also negatively influence societal attitudes. In this context, the present study found that both police officers and students expressed more negative and less positive feelings toward the victim when she was presented as a sex worker. This may be regarded as a general social sentiment toward women engaged in sex work. Given the effect of emotional responses on participants' perceptions of blame and punishment, this is particularly concerning.

Taken together, the present results suggest that police officers' perceptions differ from those of students, indicating that law enforcement attitudes may reflect a unique institutional perspective. The professional context in which police officers encounter sex work—shaped by legal and institutional discourses—along with repeated exposure to the complex and potentially criminalized nature of sex work and prevailing organizational norms, may influence how officers view the legitimacy and victimhood of sex workers. The stereotypical beliefs regarding victim resistance and harm and the associated negative attitudes point to broader institutional biases that extend beyond sex worker victims to female rape victims more generally.

In order to conduct effective investigations of rape and serious sexual offenses, officers need avoid relying on myths and misconceptions about the victim, the offender, and the offense (Allen et al. 2025; Barbin et al. 2025; Ferreira et al. 2025; Horvath and Davies 2025). The present results underscore the need for institutional reflection and targeted training programs aimed at reducing bias and fostering empathy toward victims in general and marginalized victims in particular within law enforcement. In the Israeli context, this need is salient given the goals of the Prohibition of Prostitution Consumption Law (2018), which aims to protect individuals in the sex industry and reduce their vulnerability to exploitation and harm. Enhancing awareness and reducing stereotypical perceptions could strengthen the police's ability to implement the law effectively, ensure meaningful protection for sex‐working victims, and support their rehabilitation.

5. Limitations and Future Research

Several limitations of the present study should be acknowledged. First, the reliance on self‐reported measures may have introduced social desirability bias. Given the sensitive nature of the topic, participants might have underreported negative or stigmatizing attitudes. However, anonymity and confidentiality were assured, which were expected to encourage honest disclosure and mitigate this bias. Second, the comparison was made between police officers and a sample of university students. While students provide a useful non‐professional baseline for assessing whether officers' responses reflect institutional culture rather than broader societal norms, they may not be representative of the general Israeli population, leaving open the possibility that public attitudes outside the student sample differ. This may limit the generalizability of the results. Third, in connection with this, the victim in the vignette was described as a young student, which could have heightened identification and empathy among student participants. It remains unclear whether similar patterns would be observed with different participant groups or alternative victim profiles. Finally, the vignette depicted an adult female victim; consequently, the results are specifically relevant to adult female victims and cannot be generalized to victims of other genders or age groups.

Future research should aim to broaden the scope of inquiry by examining public perceptions using more diverse samples in terms of age, ethnicity, religiosity, socio‐economic background, and geographic location. Symoom (2025) Recently showed how social identities affect victim blaming in patriarchal and political charged environments. Israeli society is a particularly relevant case in this regard, as it is shaped by patriarchal norms and marked by deep social divisions. Future research should also consider various victim characteristics—such as gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation, age (e.g., younger vs. older victims), and place of residence (e.g., living in a major city like Tel Aviv vs. a small peripheral town)—to explore how these factors influence judgments. Moreover, given emerging evidence that sex work is increasingly common among students, future studies may benefit from examining participants' personal familiarity with sex work or with individuals engaged in sex work. This could enhance our understanding of how both the public and law enforcement perceive the legitimacy, culpability, and victimhood of sex workers.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

Zvi, Liza , and Shechory Bitton Mally. 2026. “Sex Work and Sexual Victimization: A Comparative Study of Students’ and Police Officers’ Perceptions of Sex‐Working Rape Victims,” Behavioral Sciences & the Law: 44. no. 1), 109–119. 10.1002/bsl.70024.

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