Skip to main content
Springer logoLink to Springer
letter
. 2026 Mar 7;50(1):18. doi: 10.1007/s11013-025-09966-9

Embracing Pluralism: Rethinking Western Psychiatric Models for Equitable Global Mental Health

Augustus Osborne 1,
PMCID: PMC12967611  PMID: 41793549

Abstract

The global mental health movement has brought much-needed attention to the vast burden of mental illness worldwide, yet its overwhelming reliance on Western psychiatric models has generated critical debate regarding cultural relevance and effectiveness. This commentary examines the limitations of exporting Western diagnostic categories and treatments to diverse settings, highlighting the risks of cultural mismatch, medicalization of social suffering, and marginalization of indigenous healing systems. Drawing on recent evidence from task-shifting, community-based interventions, and hybrid models, we demonstrate that locally grounded approaches such as Zimbabwe’s friendship bench and collaborative programs between traditional and biomedical practitioners can be highly effective, culturally resonant, and sustainable. However, the unchecked predominance of Western paradigms has sometimes led to increased stigma, over-reliance on pharmaceuticals, and the erosion of community trust. To address these challenges, this paper recommend a pluralistic and participatory approach to global mental health, emphasizing culturally adapted care, local leadership, equitable research funding, and respectful integration of multiple healing traditions. The future of global mental health depends on humility, partnership, and a commitment to social justice, ensuring that mental health services are not only scientifically sound but also meaningful and accessible to all communities. Achieving effective and equitable mental health care globally requires moving beyond Western models to embrace pluralism, cultural adaptation, community engagement, local leadership, and equity.

Keywords: Pluralism, Cultural adaptation, Community engagement, Local leadership, Equity

Introduction

The global mental health crisis has become one of the defining public health challenges of our time. According to the World Health Organization, mental, neurological, and substance use disorders account for approximately 13% of the global burden of disease, with depression alone projected to be the leading cause of disability worldwide by 2030 (World Health Organization, 2017). The COVID-19 pandemic has only intensified this crisis, exposing and amplifying the fragility of mental health systems everywhere. Yet, while the burden is universal, the resources to address it are not. In low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), up to 85% of people with mental health conditions receive no treatment at all, a figure often cited as the treatment gap (Patel et al., 2018). This gap has galvanized a global movement, led by international agencies, donors, and academic institutions, to rapidly scale up mental health services, often through the adoption and exportation of Western psychiatric models.

The Western model of mental health, rooted in the biomedical tradition, has come to dominate global mental health policy and practice. This approach emphasizes standardized diagnostic categories (such as those found in the DSM and ICD), pharmacological interventions, and individual psychotherapy as the gold standard of care. The World Health Organization’s Mental Health Gap Action Programme (mhGAP), for example, promotes the integration of evidence-based, largely biomedical interventions into primary care in resource-limited settings (World Health Organization, 2016). Global mental health initiatives such as the Movement for Global Mental Health have further advanced this agenda, with the aim of scaling up services to close the treatment gap (Movement & for Global Mental Health, 2024). The prevailing assumption underlying these efforts is that interventions effective in Western contexts can be successfully transferred, with minimal adaptation, to diverse settings worldwide.

This commentary builds on three theoretical premises: critical global mental health, which questions the universal applicability of Western psychiatric models; medical anthropology, which emphasizes cultural constructions of distress and healing; and decolonial theory, which critiques power imbalances in knowledge production and advocates for local agency in mental health care. By weaving these frameworks together, we aim to critique the dominance of Western psychiatry, defined here as a biomedical model rooted in Euro-American historical and scientific traditions and propose pluralism as a superior approach that respects cultural diversity and addresses systemic inequities. This theoretical foundation guides our examination of cultural mismatches, evidence for alternative models, and recommendations for equitable global mental health practice. Despite the global reach of Western psychiatric models, their universal applicability is increasingly subject to scrutiny within cultural psychiatry and related fields. There is growing concern that it can obscure local understandings of mental distress, marginalize indigenous healing practices, and inadvertently medicalize social suffering. As global mental health efforts continue to expand, a fundamental question emerges: Is the Western model of mental health care appropriate for all cultural contexts, or does its uncritical application risk undermining the very objectives of the global mental health movement?

Critique: Cultural Mismatch, Medicalization, and Neglect of Local Healing Systems

The first and perhaps most profound critique of the Western psychiatric model is its frequent cultural mismatch with the lived realities of people outside the Global North. Psychiatric diagnoses such as major depressive disorder or generalized anxiety disorder are constructs developed within specific historical, social, and linguistic traditions. When these categories are exported wholesale, they can fail to capture the ways in which distress is experienced, expressed, and understood in other societies (Summerfield, 2008). For example, in many parts of South Asia and Africa, psychological distress is commonly articulated in somatic terms such as burning in the head or pressure in the heart rather than as sadness or hopelessness (Kirmayer et al., 2014). Western diagnostic frameworks may misclassify such presentations as medically unexplained symptoms, thereby overlooking the cultural logic that gives them with meaning.The limitations of Western diagnostic frameworks, such as the DSM and ICD, are particularly evident when applied without adaptation to non-Western contexts. These tools, developed within specific Euro-American cultural and linguistic histories, often fail to account for local idioms of distress, leading to misdiagnosis or misunderstanding of suffering. For instance, as (Hanlon et al., 2008) demonstrate in Ethiopia, depression screening tools grounded in Western constructs missed significant cases because they did not reflect local expressions of distress, underscoring the need for culturally informed diagnostic approaches as advocated by cultural psychiatry scholars (Cloninger et al., 2014).

This cultural mismatch is not merely theoretical; it has direct implications for diagnosis, treatment, and engagement. Studies have shown that when mental health services are delivered using unfamiliar concepts or language, patients may be misunderstood, misdiagnosed, or alienated from care (Kohrt & Mendenhall, 2015). For instance, a study of Ethiopian primary care found that Western screening tools for depression failed to identify a substantial number of cases because local idioms of distress were not captured by the instruments (Hanlon et al., 2008). Conversely, experiences that are pathologized in Western contexts such as hearing the voice of a deceased relative are normative or even valued in other cultures (Luhrmann, 2021). The risk is that Western models not only fail to help but may inadvertently harm by pathologizing normal variations in human experience.

Closely related critique is the medicaling social suffering. The Western model tends to frame mental health problems as disorders of the individual, amenable to diagnosis and treatment by professionals. Yet, in many settings, what is labelled as mental illness is deeply intertwined with poverty, violence, forced migration, and structural injustice (Mills, 2014). By focussing on individual diagnoses and interventions, the Western approach can obscure the social determinants of distress and depoliticize suffering that is, at root, collective and systemic. This individualizing tendency is not merely theoretical; it shapes policy and funding priorities, often privileging pharmacological and psychotherapeutic interventions over social and structural change.

Equally troubling, as highlighted by cultural psychiatry critiques, is the neglect or active displacement of local healing systems that are often central to community trust and resilience. Across the world, people turn to a diverse array of healer’s traditional practitioners, religious leaders, and community elders for support with mental distress (Patel, 2011). These systems are not static or unscientific; many have evolved sophisticated approaches to healing that are embedded in local cosmologies and social networks. Yet, global mental health initiatives often marginalize or exclude these actors, either by failing to engage with them or by dismissing their practices as unscientific or superstitious. The result is a loss of community trust and a missed opportunity to build on existing strengths.

The consequences of this neglect are evident in the lived experiences of service users. In Uganda, for example, a qualitative study found that people with psychosis often sought help from both biomedical clinics and traditional healers, moving between systems in search of relief (Abbo et al., 2009). Many described feelings caught between competing logics of care, with neither system fully addressing their needs. In India, the dominance of Western psychiatric models in urban hospitals has led to a growing disconnect between mental health professionals and the communities they serve, particularly in rural areas where traditional healing remains central (Halliburton, 2009). The imposition of a single model of care, however, well-intentioned, risks undermining the pluralism that is essential for effective and sustainable mental health support.

While this commentary critiques the wholesale export of Western psychiatric models, it is important to recognize that evidence-based biomedical interventions have played a crucial role in reducing suffering from severe mental disorders worldwide. In contexts where local systems are weak or fragmented, Western approaches may provide life-saving care. However, both Western and indigenous models have limitations, including the risk of harmful practices, lack of regulation, or gender inequities within traditional healing systems. A balanced approach, one that draws on the strengths of each tradition while addressing their respective shortcomings, is therefore essential for advancing global mental health in a culturally responsive and effective manner. These cultural mismatches and systemic oversights necessitate a shift toward alternative models that prioritize local contexts, as evidenced by successful community-based and indigenous approaches.

Evidence: Outcomes from Task-Shifting, Community-Based, and Indigenous Models

Despite the predominance of Western psychiatric models, a substantial and growing body of evidence demonstrates the effectiveness and often the superiority of alternative approaches rooted in local realities. Among the most influential innovations is task-shifting, a strategy that delegates mental health care tasks from highly trained professionals to lay health workers or community members. This approach emerged not out of theoretical preference, but as a pragmatic response to the acute shortage of psychiatrists, psychologists, and psychiatric nurses in many LMICs. Yet, far from being a second best solution, task-shifting has produced outcomes that challenge the necessity of Western, specialist-driven care.

The friendship bench project in Zimbabwe is a case in point. This community-based intervention trains grandmothers who are respected elders with deep social ties to deliver problem-solving therapy on wooden benches in primary care clinics. A randomized controlled trial found that participants receiving the friendship bench intervention had greater reductions in symptoms of depression and anxiety than those receiving usual care, with effects sustained at six months (Chibanda et al., 2016). The intervention’s success lies not only in its low cost and scalability, but in its cultural resonance: grandmothers are trusted figures, and the therapy is delivered in Shona, using local idioms and metaphors. This example shows how interventions that are embedded in local cultural practices can achieve outcomes comparable to, or even surpassing, those of imported Western models.

Similar successes have emerged elsewhere. In India, the Atmiyata program equips community volunteers to identify and support people with mental distress, linking them to local resources and social support networks. A cluster-randomized controlled trial in rural Gujarat found significant improvements in depression and anxiety symptoms among those receiving the intervention, compared to controls (Weiss et al., 2022). In Pakistan, the thinking healthy programme trains community health workers to deliver cognitive-behavioural strategies to perinatal women, leading to improved maternal and child health outcomes (Rahman et al., 2008). These models are united not by adherence to Western protocols, but by their grounding in local relationships, languages, and systems of meaning.

Beyond task-shifting, there is mounting evidence that indigenous and culturally grounded models of care can be highly effective. In Uganda, partnerships between biomedical clinicians and traditional healers have increased access to care for people with severe mental illness, reduced harmful practices, and improved medication adherence (Abbo et al., 2010). In Nigeria, faith-based organizations have successfully integrated spiritual counselling with biomedical treatment, increasing community acceptance and reducing stigma (Gureje et al., 2015). These approaches do not reject biomedical interventions outright but rather situate them within broader cosmologies of healing that make sense to patients and families. While these examples provide compelling evidence for alternative approaches, it is critical to reflect on the methodological frameworks shaping such evidence. The dominance of randomized controlled trials (RCTs) and Western criteria of effectiveness in global mental health research often sidelines studies of traditional healing practices, which may not fit neatly into experimental designs. Expanding the evidence base to include participatory research and mixed-methods approaches is essential to capture the cultural and social dimensions of healing, ensuring that pluralism is not only practiced but also rigorously evaluated.

Emerging research also points to the promise of hybrid and pluralistic models that blend elements of Western psychiatry with local healing traditions. For example, in Nepal, a program for survivors of torture combined narrative exposure therapy a Western trauma intervention with local rituals and storytelling practices. The result was not only clinical improvement, but greater engagement and satisfaction among participants (Tol et al., 2008). In South Africa, mental health services that integrate traditional healers into the referral system have reported increased uptake and continuity of care, especially among marginalized groups (Sorsdahl et al., 2009). These examples challenge the notion that there is a single right way to deliver mental health care and suggest that pluralism rather than uniformity may be the key to effective global mental health. Despite the promise of these pluralistic models, the unchecked dissemination of Western psychiatric approaches continues to pose significant risks to cultural context and community well-being.

Risks: Loss of Cultural Context, Stigma, and Over-Reliance on Pharmaceuticals

The global export of Western psychiatric models is not merely a matter of clinical preference; it carries real risks both for individuals and for societies. One of the most profound is the loss of cultural context. When Western diagnostic categories and treatment protocols are imposed without adaptation, they can erode local understandings of suffering and healing. This is not just a theoretical concern; anthropological studies have documented how the introduction of Western psychiatric labels can disrupt existing social networks, undermine indigenous coping strategies, and even alter the course of illness (Kirmayer & Pedersen, 2014). For example, in Sri Lanka, the adoption of Western terms for depression and schizophrenia has led to new forms of stigma and social exclusion, as these diagnoses are seen as foreign and frightening (Fernando, 2010). Recent critiques, such as (Abimbola, 2023), further show how such impositions reflect unfair knowledge practices in global health, perpetuating stigma through a foreign gaze that marginalizes local perspectives.

Stigma itself is a critical, and often overlooked, consequence of Westernization. While advocates of global mental health frequently argue that the biomedical model reduces blame by framing mental illness as a brain disease, the reality is more complex. In some settings, the introduction of psychiatric labels has actually increased stigma, as people are seen as permanently broken or dangerous (Yang et al., 2007). In rural China, for instance, research has shown that medicalizing depression did not reduce stigma but instead led to greater social distancing and discrimination (Lee et al., 2005). The assumption that Western models are universally destigmatizing is thus empirically unfounded.

Perhaps the most troubling risk is the over-reliance on pharmaceuticals. The global mental health movement, with its emphasis on scaling up access to evidence-based treatments, has often prioritized medication as a cornerstone of care. While psychotropic drugs can be lifesaving for some, their widespread use in poorly resourced settings raises serious ethical and practical concerns. In many LMICs, medications are prescribed without adequate monitoring, follow-up, or informed consent (Saraceno et al., 2007). Side effects may go unrecognized or untreated, and the social and psychological dimensions of distress are often neglected. Moreover, the aggressive marketing of psychotropic drugs by multinational pharmaceutical companies has led to concerns about overdiagnosis and medicalization, echoing critiques that have long been levelled at Western psychiatry itself (Whitaker, 2010).

The consequences of these trends are visible on the ground. In Ghana, a rapid expansion of access to antipsychotic medications, unaccompanied by investment in psychosocial support or community-based care, has led to widespread reports of poor adherence, relapse, and abandonment of patients by families (Ofori-Atta et al., 2010). In India, the focus on medication in government mental health programs has sometimes led to the neglect of counselling, social support, and livelihood interventions that patients value most (Jain & Jadhav, 2009). The risk is not simply that Western models fail to help, but that they actively undermine more holistic, person-centred approaches that are better suited to local realities. Addressing these risks demands a reorientation of global mental health toward culturally adapted, locally led, and equitable approaches, as outlined in the following recommendations.

Recommendations: Culturally adapted care, local leadership, research funding

The evidence and critiques outlined above point towards a clear imperative: global mental health must move beyond a “one-size-fits-all” paradigm and embrace models that are pluralistic, context-sensitive, and rooted in the lived realities of diverse communities. Achieving this vision requires a fundamental reorientation of global mental health policy and practice across several domains.

First, mental health care must be culturally adapted and co-designed with local communities. The process of adaptation should not be a superficial translation of Western protocols, but a deep engagement with local idioms of distress, explanatory models, and healing practices (Kohrt et al., 2015). Such engagement entails more than focus groups or tokenistic consultations; it practices sustained partnerships with community members, service users, traditional healers, and religious leaders. For example, in Nepal, the adaptation of psychological interventions for survivors of gender-based violence involved not only linguistic translation, but also the incorporation of local metaphors, storytelling, and group rituals that resonated with participants’ experiences (Tol et al., 2020). Such culturally adapted care must go beyond superficial integration of Western and local systems to embrace pluralism, which fundamentally values multiple healing traditions as equal and contextually relevant, without privileging one over another. Unlike mere integration, which often subordinates local practices to biomedical frameworks, pluralism shifts power dynamics to prioritize cultural safety and community agency, ensuring inclusivity at every level of care design and delivery. In Kenya, community-based participatory research has been used to co-develop mental health interventions that address both individual symptoms and collective sources of distress, such as land loss and ethnic violence (Mutiso et al., 2020). These examples demonstrate that culturally adapted care is not only possible, but essential for effectiveness and sustainability.

Second, global mental health must prioritize local leadership and capacity building. Too often, mental health initiatives in LMICs are designed, funded, and evaluated by actors from the Global North, with limited involvement of local professionals or service users. This dynamic perpetuates dependency, undermines local expertise, and risks reproducing colonial patterns of knowledge production (Mills & Fernando, 2014). Shifting the balance of power requires investment in training, mentorship, and leadership development for local clinicians, researchers, and advocates. Programs such as the African Mental Health Research Initiative (AMARI) have shown that building research capacity in Africa not only strengthens local mental health systems but also generates new knowledge that challenges and enriches global paradigms (Sorsdahl et al., 2012). Similarly, the emergence of user-led organizations in countries like Uganda and India has transformed advocacy and service delivery, ensuring that the voices of people with lived experience shape the agenda (Mugisha et al., 2019). Ultimately, sustainable progress in global mental health depends on the leadership of those who are closest to the challenges and opportunities on the ground. Recent work, such as (Abimbola, 2019), underscores the importance of local leadership in countering the foreign gaze in global health, advocating for knowledge practices that prioritize community-driven solutions.

Third, there is an urgent need for research funding and agenda setting that values pluralism and innovation. The current research landscape is heavily skewed towards biomedical and psychological interventions developed in high-income countries, with limited support for studies of indigenous, community-based, or hybrid models (Patel et al., 2011). This imbalance not only limits the evidence base but also constrains the imagination of what is models. Funders, journals, and academic institutions must broaden their criteria for “evidence-based” practice to include methodologies that capture cultural, social, and spiritual dimensions of healing. Mixed-methods research, implementation science, and participatory approaches are particularly well suited to evaluating complex, context-dependent interventions (Jordans et al., 2009). Importantly, research should also examine the unintended consequences of global mental health initiatives, including issues of stigma, medicalization, and cultural loss. By expanding the research agenda, the field can move towards a more inclusive and responsive science of mental health.

Fourth, policy makers and practitioners should foster pluralism in service delivery. Instead of seeking to replace local systems with Western models, global mental health should promote respectful collaboration and integration. This could involve formal referral pathways between traditional healers and biomedical clinics, joint training programs, and the recognition of multiple forms of expertise (Nortje et al., 2016). In Ghana, for example, a pilot program that facilitated dialogue and cooperation between Pentecostal pastors and psychiatric nurses led to improved outcomes for people with psychosis and reduced harmful practices such as chaining (Ae-Ngibise et al., 2010). Such partnerships require careful negotiation of differences in worldview and practice, but the potential benefits for access, engagement, and cultural safety are substantial. Practical steps include establishing formal referral pathways between traditional healers and biomedical clinics, developing joint training sessions, and creating community advisory boards that include representatives from both systems.

Finally, equity must be at the heart of all global mental health efforts. This means prioritizing the needs of the most marginalized those who are poor, rural, displaced, or stigmatized not as an afterthought, but as a central goal. Equity-focussed monitoring and evaluation frameworks, such as those developed by the WHO’s Quality Rights initiative, can help ensure that mental health services are not only available, but also accessible, acceptable, and effective for all (World Health Organization, 2019). Without such an explicit focus, there is a risk that global mental health will reproduce or even exacerbate existing inequalities.

Implementation of these recommendations may face barriers such as donor-driven priorities, limited political will, and resistance from professional associations. Addressing these challenges requires advocacy, coalition-building, and the demonstration of successful pilot projects to shift policy and funding priorities.

Conclusion

In synthesizing the critiques of Western psychiatric dominance, the evidence for community-based and indigenous models, and the risks of cultural erosion, this commentary underscores pluralism as a theoretically superior framework. Pluralism not only addresses cultural mismatches by valuing diverse healing traditions but also challenges systemic inequities through decolonial principles, fostering genuine partnerships that prioritize local agency. This interconnected approach offers a path forward that is both effective and just. The global mental health movement stands at a pivotal crossroads, where the urgency of the mental health crisis demands expanded services, yet the predominance of Western psychiatric models risks perpetuating inequities. As this commentary has argued, effective care must be pluralistic, context-sensitive, and anchored in lived realities a framework theoretically superior to uniform approaches because it bridges cultural divides, challenges biomedical dominance, and fosters equitable partnerships. This approach, distinct from mere integration, calls for humility and mutual learning, recognizing that Western practitioners have much to gain from indigenous traditions and community wisdom while addressing deeper inequalities of power and historical injustice. This commentary fills a critical gap in global mental health discourse by offering a comprehensive framework for pluralism that interlinks cultural adaptation, local leadership, and equity as core principles, moving beyond the often-limited calls for integration found in existing literature. By centering the voices of those most affected and advocating for systems as varied as the societies they serve, we aim to realize the promise of mental health without borders.

Author Contributions

AO contributed to the study design and conceptualisation. AO developed the initial draft. AO critically reviewed the manuscript for its intellectual content. AO read and amended drafts of the paper and approved the final version. AO had the final responsibility of submitting it for publication.

Funding

This study received no funding.

Data Availability

No datasets were generated or analysed during the current study.

Declarations

Competing interests

The author declare that they have no competing interests.

Ethical Approval

This study did not seek ethical clearance since it is a commentary.

Consent to Participate

This study did not seek ethical clearance since it is a commentary.

Consent for Publication

Not applicable.

Footnotes

Publisher's Note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

References

  1. Abbo, C., Ekblad, S., Waako, P., Okello, E., & Musisi, S. (2009). The prevalence and severity of mental illnesses handled by traditional healers in two districts in Uganda. African Health Sciences,9(Suppl 1), S16-22. [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  2. Abbo, C., Ekblad, S., Waako, P., Okello, E., & Musisi, S. (2010). The effectiveness of traditional healers in treating mental illnesses in Uganda. African Health Sciences,10(1), 62–69. [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  3. Abimbola S. (2019). The foreign gaze: Authorship in academic global health. BMJ Global Health, 4(5), e002068. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  4. Abimbola, S. (2023). When dignity meets evidence. The Lancet. 401(10374), 340–341. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  5. Ae-Ngibise, K. A., Cooper, S., Adiibokah, E., Akpalu, B., Lund, C., Doku, V., et al. (2010). Whether you like it or not people with mental problems are going to go to them: A qualitative exploration of the role of traditional and faith healers in the care of people with mental health problems in Ghana. International Review of Psychiatry,22(6), 558–567. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  6. Chibanda, D., Weiss, H. A., Verhey, R., Simms, V., Munjoma, R., Rusakaniko, S., et al. (2016). Effect of a primary care-based psychological intervention on symptoms of common mental disorders in Zimbabwe: A randomized clinical trial. JAMA,316(24), 2618–2626. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  7. Cloninger, C. R., Salvador-Carulla, L., Kirmayer, L. J., Schwartz, M. A., Appleyard, J., Goodwin, N., Groves, J., Hermans, M. H., Mezzich, J. E., Van Staden, C. W., & Rawaf, S. (2014). A time for action on health inequities: Foundations of the 2014 Geneva declaration on person- and people-centered integrated health care for all. International Journal of Person Centered Medicine, 4(2), 69. [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  8. Fernando, S. (2010). The cultural meaning of mental illness in Sri Lanka: Stigma, suffering, and the search for healing. Transcultural Psychiatry,47(3), 386–400. [Google Scholar]
  9. Gureje, O., Nortje, G., Makanjuola, V., Oladeji, B., Seedat, S., & Jenkins, R. (2015). The role of global traditional and complementary systems of medicine in treating mental health problems. Lancet Psychiatry,2(2), 168–177. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  10. Halliburton, M. (2009). Mudpacks and prozac: Experiencing ayurvedic, biomedical, and religious healing. Left Coast Press. [Google Scholar]
  11. Hanlon, C., Medhin, G., Alem, A., Araya, M., Abdulahi, A., Hughes, M., et al. (2008). Detecting perinatal common mental disorders in Ethiopia: Validation of the self-reporting questionnaire and Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale. Journal of Affective Disorders,108(3), 251–262. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  12. Jain, S., & Jadhav, S. (2009). Pills that swallow policy: Clinical ethnography of a community mental health program in northern India. Transcultural Psychiatry,46(1), 60–85. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  13. Jordans, M. J., Tol, W. A., Komproe, I. H., & de Jong, J. T. (2009). Systematic review of evidence and treatment approaches: Psychosocial and mental health care for children in war. Child and Adolescent Mental Health,14(1), 2–14. [Google Scholar]
  14. Kirmayer, L. J., & Pedersen, D. (2014). Toward a new architecture for global mental health. Transcultural Psychiatry,51(6), 759–776. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  15. Kirmayer, L. J., & Swartz, L. (2014). Culture and global mental health. In V. Patel, H. Minas, A. Cohen, & M. J. Prince (Eds.), Global mental health: Principles and practice (pp. 41–62). Oxford University Press. [Google Scholar]
  16. Kohrt, B. A., Jordans, M. J., Rai, S., Shrestha, P., Luitel, N. P., Ramaiya, M. K., et al. (2015). Therapist competence in global mental health: Development of the ENhancing Assessment of Common Therapeutic factors (ENACT) rating scale. Behaviour Research and Therapy,69, 11–21. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  17. Kohrt, B. A., & Mendenhall, E. (2015). Global mental health: Anthropological perspectives. Left Coast Press. [Google Scholar]
  18. Lee, S., Lee, M. T. Y., Chiu, M. Y. L., & Kleinman, A. (2005). Experience of social stigma by people with schizophrenia in Hong Kong. The British Journal of Psychiatry,186, 153–157. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  19. Luhrmann, T. M. (2021). Hearing voices in different cultures: A social kindling hypothesis. Transcultural Psychiatry,58(1), 3–22. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  20. Mills, C. (2014). Decolonizing global mental health: The psychiatrization of the majority world. Routledge. [Google Scholar]
  21. Mills, C., & Fernando, S. (2014). Globalising mental health or pathologising the global South? Disability and the Global South,1(2), 188–202. [Google Scholar]
  22. Mugisha, J., Ssebunnya, J., & Kigozi, F. (2019). Empowering communities to strengthen mental health systems in Uganda. International Journal of Mental Health Systems,13, Article 40.31182972 [Google Scholar]
  23. Mutiso, V. N., Musyimi, C. W., Nayak, S. S., Musau, A. M., Rebello, T. J., Nandoya, E. S., et al. (2020). Stakeholder perspectives on mental health stigma and poverty in Kenyan communities: An exploratory qualitative study. BMC Psychiatry,20, 378.32680485 [Google Scholar]
  24. Nortje, G., Oladeji, B. D., Gureje, O., & Seedat, S. (2016). Effectiveness of traditional healers in treating mental disorders: A systematic review. The Lancet Psychiatry,3(2), 154–170. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  25. Ofori-Atta, A., Read, U. M., & Lund, C. (2010). A situation analysis of mental health services and legislation in Ghana: Challenges for transformation. African Journal of Psychiatry,13(2), 99–108. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  26. Patel, V. (2011). Traditional healers for mental health care in Africa. Global Health Action,4, Article 7956. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  27. Patel, V., Chowdhary, N., Rahman, A., & Verdeli, H. (2011). Improving access to psychological treatments: Lessons from developing countries. Behaviour Research and Therapy,49(9), 523–528. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  28. Patel, V., Saxena, S., Lund, C., Thornicroft, G., Baingana, F., Bolton, P., et al. (2018). The Lancet Commission on global mental health and sustainable development. Lancet,392(10157), 1553–1598. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  29. Rahman, A., Malik, A., Sikander, S., Roberts, C., & Creed, F. (2008). Cognitive behaviour therapy-based intervention by community health workers for mothers with depression and their infants in rural Pakistan: A cluster-randomised controlled trial. Lancet,372(9642), 902–909. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  30. Saraceno, B., van Ommeren, M., Batniji, R., Cohen, A., Gureje, O., Mahoney, J., et al. (2007). Barriers to improvement of mental health services in low-income and middle-income countries. Lancet,370(9593), 1164–1174. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  31. Sorsdahl, K., Stein, D. J., Grimsrud, A., Seedat, S., Flisher, A. J., Williams, D. R., et al. (2009). Traditional healers in the treatment of common mental disorders in South Africa. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease,197(6), 434–441. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  32. Sorsdahl, K. R., Stein, D. J., & Lund, C. (2012). Mental health services in South Africa: Scaling up and future directions. African Journal of Psychiatry,15(3), 168–171. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  33. Summerfield, D. (2008). How scientifically valid is the knowledge base of global mental health? BMJ,336(7651), 992–994. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  34. The Movement for Global Mental Health. (2024). Retrieved May 30, 2024, from https://www.globalmentalhealth.org/
  35. Tol, W. A., Komproe, I. H., Susanty, D., Jordans, M. J., Macy, R. D., & De Jong, J. T. (2008). School-based mental health intervention for children affected by political violence in Indonesia: A cluster randomized trial. JAMA,300(6), 655–662. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  36. Tol, W. A., Leku, M. R., Lakin, D. P., Carswell, K., Augustinavicius, J. L., Adaku, A., et al. (2020). Guided self-help to reduce psychological distress in South Sudanese female refugees in Uganda: A cluster randomised trial. The Lancet Global Health,8(2), e254–e263. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  37. Weiss, H. A., Musci, R. J., Katti, B., et al. (2022). Effectiveness of a community-based mental health intervention for depression and anxiety in rural India: A cluster-randomised controlled trial. The Lancet Global Health,10(2), e236–e245.34921758 [Google Scholar]
  38. Whitaker, R. (2010). Anatomy of an epidemic: Magic bullets, psychiatric drugs, and the astonishing rise of mental illness in America. Crown. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  39. World Health Organization. (2016). mhGAP intervention guide for mental, neurological and substance use disorders in non-specialized health settings. WHO. [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  40. World Health Organization. (2017). Depression and other common mental disorders: Global health estimates. WHO. [Google Scholar]
  41. World Health Organization. (2019). WHO QualityRights guidance and tools. WHO. [Google Scholar]
  42. Yang, L. H., Kleinman, A., Link, B. G., Phelan, J. C., Lee, S., & Good, B. (2007). Culture and stigma: Adding moral experience to stigma theory. Social Science & Medicine,64(7), 1524–1535. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]

Associated Data

This section collects any data citations, data availability statements, or supplementary materials included in this article.

Data Availability Statement

No datasets were generated or analysed during the current study.


Articles from Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry are provided here courtesy of Springer

RESOURCES