ABSTRACT
The Acheulean represents the longest cultural period known to human history, lasting globally for more than 1.75 million years. It may have emerged as early as 1.95 Ma in Africa, spreading throughout much of the continent and then into Eurasia and lasting up to 350–200 ka in western Europe and South Asia, and even later in eastern Asia. Originally defined in the 1870s, the term Acheulean is one of the earliest and most contested classifications in prehistoric archaeology. Almost 150 years after its first appearance, it remains a source of continuous debate. This paper summarizes roundtable discussions that took place at the Musée de l'Homme (Paris) in November 2025 that focused on the meaning of the Acheulean and the diversity of its manifestations across Eurasia. Some 20 researchers, from various institutions across Europe, Asia, and the Pacific participated in this event, during which it became clear that the Acheulean had different meanings to the participants. Among the major points raised during the meeting was the question of how different specialists differentiate the Acheulean from the older Oldowan techno‐complex, with specificities emerging from each of their respective regions of study. The geographic origins and hominin species' attribution of the Acheulean toolmakers were also brought to the fore since important questions have been raised in the last decades by the growing record of hominin taxa that existed during this timeframe across Eurasia and the relatively late arrival of this techno‐complex in Europe. These issues become even more important when we consider the recent evidence emanating out of Asia, which indicates that hominins were present well before their earliest appearance in Europe. The purpose of this paper is not only to make a statement regarding how to define the Acheulean, but also to illustrate its diversity across Eurasia.
Keywords: Acheulean, early pleistocene, Eurasia, Middle Pleistocene (Chibanian), palaeolithic
1. Introduction
In order to delve more deeply into the question of the Acheulean and how it manifests across Eurasia, a workshop was organized in the Musée de l'Homme in Paris in November 2025 as part of the European Research Council funded Lateurope project (Directed by M.H. Moncel, ID 101052653), a program whose principal objective is to synthesize and understand the late occupation of western Europe compared to the rest of Eurasia. Given the numerous new discoveries of sites with Acheulean tools across Eurasia and re‐analyses of older lithic collections, we felt it was an opportune time to organize this small conference. Some 20 researchers from different theoretical, methodological, and regional backgrounds participated, traveling from various institutions across Europe and Asia, and even as far away as Hawai'i (Figure 1). The primary goals of the meeting were twofold: (1) to explore how the Acheulean is defined across Eurasia; and (2) to discuss questions related to the hominins responsible for the stone toolkits documented in different areas of the world. Participants also addressed the late manifestations of the Acheulean in Europe relative to Africa and Asia, as well as considering possible dispersal routes and questions relating to convergent evolution. Based on the archaeological evidence presented by the contributors it became clear to us that the Acheulean has divergent meanings to specialists working in different geographical areas and time periods. How the participants define the Acheulean, particularly in the respective regions with which they are most familiar, is presented here to illustrate how diversely it has come to be represented across Eurasia. What follows is a synthesis of the key points of general agreement (not to be confused with universal agreement) by the conference participants.
Figure 1.

Group photo of the participants from the What is the Acheulean? Conference that was held in the Musée de l'Homme in Paris in November, 2025.
The term “Acheuléen” derives from the site of Saint‐Acheul, a suburb of the city of Amiens in northern France, where this lithic industry was first described in 1872 by Gabriel de Mortillet, a major French prehistorian [1, 2]. This stage is defined by a “fossil directeur,” the biface (handaxe). Mortillet (1872) classified prehistoric periods on the basis of some typical artifacts and defined fourteen cultural phases, using the names of archaeological sites to describe and distinguish them. The “Acheuléen” follows the “Chelléen” (named after the site of Chelles in eastern France) and is characterized by well‐worked bifaces in what was believed to be a linear technical evolution compared to earlier periods. According to this view, the Chelléen was considered an Early Acheulean, marked by more crudely made bifaces. Although Mortillet did not discover the Acheulean, he named, described, and incorporated it into the first scientific cultural framework of prehistory (Acheulean, Mousterian, Solutrean, Magdalenian). Other classification systems have since been proposed, such as the Mode system put forth by Clark [3] and subdivisions within the Oldowan and Acheulean complexes proposed by Leakey [4].
In spite of these attempts to draw up a universal system for the evolution of ancient human culture, the conference participants emphasized that such eponymous site‐based divisions within the Palaeolithic are not necessarily uniformly applicable across Eurasia and Africa. For example, the technological “Stone Age” categories, widely used to classify Palaeolithic assemblages in the African context into three main categories (Early, Middle, Late), is a meaningful way to account for the behavioral variability in Africa compared to western Europe. Similar variability in nomenclatures is noteworthy in South Asia, with differential use of either African or European terminologies for the Palaeolithic. In some cases, regional nomenclatures such as the “Madrasien”, a name for the Acheulean in India [5], have continued to be used until recently, where the dual Lower Palaeolithic cultures of the Acheulean and pre‐Acheulean (Soanian) are now considered the norm (see [6] for further discussion). Another example is the question raised by Gao and Norton [7] (see also [8]) about the utility of simply applying the western European three‐stage Palaeolithic cultural sequence (Lower, Middle, Upper) to the Chinese record. In their view, the Chinese Palaeolithic stone tools can be assigned to one of two different cultural periods (Early and Late) given the absence or paucity of a distinct “Middle Palaeolithic” (see also [9, 10, 11, 12] for broader discussion across eastern Asia). Another point of debate regarding whether the eastern Asian stone tool assemblages can be assigned to the western European Palaeolithic classification system is the presence/absence of the Acheulean east of the so‐called Movius Line [13] (see below).
In order to evaluate variation within the Acheulean tool complex itself, Sharon and Barsky [14] proposed a three‐phase sequence by characterizing the Early Acheulean, the Large Flake Acheulean (LFA) [15] (and references therein) and the Late Acheulean, based on information from key sites situated in the Levant, and then expanding this model to test its validity on a regional level. The LFA is characterized by the development of a diversity of volumetrically complex operative schemes designed to obtain blanks that require little modification to be transformed into standardized morphologies known as LCTs (Large Cutting Tools). According to this view, it was the first Acheulean to arrive in western Europe, where it is mostly present on the Iberian Peninsula and has been reported in rare occurrences in southwestern France and Greece [14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20]. There was broad agreement that one of the most widely accepted routes this technology diffused from is the Out of Africa expansion through the Levantine corridor [21, 22]. In this context, some of the western European sites fit within the Late Acheulean as defined from eastern Europe [22, 23]. The Anatolian and the Aegean records, namely Kaletepe Deresi 3 and Rodafnidia, that extend the Acheulean map to the north and west of the Levantine corridor, support a more complex, multivariate scenario [24, 25]. Good evidence of this connection may be found in the oldest Acheulean site in Europe, Barranc de la Boella (Spain), that is documented as having analogous features to Early Acheulean sites in Africa and the Near East [23, 26]. Alternatively, technomorphological similarities in Large Flake production between North African and Spanish sites could suggest that these complex technologies may have arrived in southwestern Europe via the Strait of Gibraltar, though this connection may be considered more tenuous [21].
Participants agreed that these tentative divisions of the Acheulean can be roughly constrained chrono‐spatially as follows, though clearly not applicable across time and space: the Early Acheulean (˜from 1.9 to 1.8 Ma) corresponds with the emergence phase found in East Africa with some early “Out of Africa” dispersals into the Levant such as at ‘Ubeidiya, and some later evidence across broader Eurasia (between 1.9 and 1 Ma); the Large Flake Acheulean (“LFA”) or “Classical Acheulean” (1.0 Ma–0.5 Ma in Africa and later in different regions of Eurasia) reflects the demographic spread of standardized techno‐behaviors with hominins enlarging their capacity to spread into a range of environments; and the Late Acheulean (from 0.5 Ma up to 0.1 Ma or younger), with increased innovation and more frequent inter‐group contacts, as well as sharpened regional distinctions [27]. To synthesize, participants decided to focus on the general distribution of biface localities on well‐dated sites that are presented in Figures 2, 3, 4 and broken up into separate chronological units (Figure 2: 1.9 Ma–1.0 Ma; Figure 3: 1.0 Ma–0.5 Ma; Figure 4: 0.5 Ma–0.1 Ma).
Figure 2.

Minimum geographic distribution of early Acheulean biface occurrences (between 1.95 Ma and 1.0 Ma) in Africa and Eurasia. Red shade represents inferred areas of presence derived from clustered, well‐dated archaeological site locations. Envelopes were generated using distance‐based clustering and concave hull reconstruction, followed by moderate spatial expansion.
Figure 3.

Minimum geographic distribution of Acheulean biface occurrences between 1.0 and 0.5 Ma in Africa and Eurasia. Red shade represents inferred areas of presence derived from clustered, well‐dated archaeological site locations. Envelopes were generated using distance‐based clustering and concave hull reconstruction, followed by moderate spatial expansion.
Figure 4.

Close‐up on the latest Acheulean biface occurrences with a focus on Eurasia between 0.5 and 0.1 Ma. Minimal geographical distribution is shown by a red shade representing inferred areas of presence derived from clustered, well‐dated archaeological site locations. Envelopes were generated using distance‐based clustering and concave hull reconstruction, followed by moderate spatial expansion.
During the workshop, it was admitted that each phase is marked by a set of regionally specific expressions of technological and, very likely, social developments. These distinct phases are represented in temporal succession to one another, although not all of them are present in every region. Further, these sequences are subject to local variation. For instance, in India, an early LFA dates back to 1.5 Ma–1.07 Ma and continues through time, with handaxes and cleavers noted from early levels. The Late Acheulean in contrast, is poorly defined and dated in India. Many of the Acheulean stone toolkits in eastern Asia are younger and would fall into the Late Acheulean chronologically, despite displaying little‐to‐no evidence of increased innovation. Based on morphological grounds, many of these eastern Asian handaxes would probably be classified as Early Acheulean or LFA [28, 29, 30, 31]. At the heart of Eurasia, the LFA is widespread on Lesvos, sharing industrial features with Gesher Benot Ya'aqov (GBY), the iconic LFA assemblage of the Levant. However, the Lesvos sites all appear to be redeposited in horizons dated to the second half of the Middle Pleistocene, and only minimum ages are available for the stone tools [18, 20, 32, 33]. Should these Aegean assemblages then be treated as LFA or Late Acheulean?
Much of this discussion about whether or not this or that stone tool assemblage can be assigned to this or that Palaeolithic (or in Africa, Stone Age) subdivision assumes a priori that archaeologists are in agreement regarding the definition of each of these classificatory systems. For instance, are the Oldowan or the Acheulean categorizations defined the same way across Eurasia and Africa? Here, we explore further how the Acheulean is defined across Eurasia and Africa. But before we delve into that discussion it is important to discuss who may have actually produced the Acheulean.
2. Can We Identify Which Hominin(s) Produced the Acheulean?
There was large agreement from the participants that any assignment of a hominin species to Acheulean stone tool making is bound to remain a working hypothesis, even when hominin fossils are found in contextual association with an Acheulean assemblage. Through analogical reasoning, species that are coterminous with Acheulean assemblages are treated as possible candidates for the Acheulean innovation and production. But from a technological and behavioral point of view, does it really matter if we can identify the ‘genius’? And if so, was it one or many different ones? Given that we are dealing with more than 1.75 million years of geological time, when in all likelihood, a variety of different hominins produced and used Acheulean technologies there is a wide range of hominins that were present across Eurasia and Africa; to name but a few: Homo ergaster, H. erectus, H. antecessor, H. bodoensis, H. neanderthalensis, H. juluensis, H. longi, H. sapiens, and geographically restricted taxa like H. naledi, H. floresiensis, and H. luzonensis may have overlapped somewhat in time with the Acheulean. And this does not even include species like H. georgicus, H. caucasi, H. heidelbergensis, and H. rhodesiensis (see various discussions regarding how to treat these latter taxa for example, [34, 35, 36, 37]). A good example of a hominin found in association with Acheulean stone tools is the Middle Pleistocene site of Notarchirico in southern Italy. A juvenile femoral shaft fragment was found in 1985 at the site and in a recent analysis of the fossil, it was tentatively assigned to the “controversial taxon [sic] Homo heidelbergensis” [38]: 8. As the authors themselves acknowledge, by using the word “controversial”, H. heidelbergensis is currently a strongly debated taxon [38, 39].
It may only be possible to say that a particular hominin produced the Acheulean in those regions where only one hominin taxon has been proposed to have been present during a restricted time interval. A good example, provided by the Chinese participants, is southern China and the earliest handaxes which currently date to ~780 ka in the Bose Basin [12, 30, 40, 41, 42, 43]. Although other hominins (e.g., H. juluensis, H. longi) are present in China during the latter part of the Chibanian [12, 35], during the early Chibanian, only H. erectus has been proposed to have lived in southern China during this time period. In a case like this, we can say, with a fair degree of confidence, that H. erectus at ~780 ka produced the bifacially worked implements in the Bose Basin in southern China. Of course, this argument would need to be modified if it turns out that H. juluensis and/or H. longi (or another species yet to be identified) were actually present in southern China during the same time period. Although another hominid, Gigantopithecus, was clearly present in the region at this time as well, no studies exist to our knowledge that suggest they could have made and used stone tools. Except for cases like these however, participants emphasised that it would probably be more parsimonious to keep the behavior and biology discussions separate until the two records are detailed enough where one can contribute to a better understanding of the other. As it stands, the two records are usually too fragmentary to be able to say that this or that particular hominin taxon produced the Acheulean. The Notachirico case described above is a good example of how complex this picture is.
3. Contemporary Views on the Acheulean Technocomplex
There was agreement that the Acheulean is considered one of the most important technological developments of the Early Stone Age and a key threshold in technological, behavioral, and cognitive evolution, particularly given its level of technological standardization [15, 17, 23, 28, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48]. Original definitions of the “Acheulean” indicate that its main defining feature is the capacity to produce large flakes, a break with the previous Oldowan technocomplex, though it is generally accepted that the Acheulean often appears together with Oldowan core and flake industries [49, 50, 51, 52]. Further, the presence of particular typological and technological elements in a chronological regional range that conforms to a set of tools and by‐products like handaxes, cleavers, and trihedral pieces are important variables in the identification of the Acheulean technocomplex. This is equally true of the small retouched toolkits that begin to include converging edge formats and true points.
The Acheulean is often characterized by complex strategies to produce volumetrically and morphologically controlled blanks that were frequently transformed by subsequent modification into large shaped instruments or small retouched tools, resulting in sets of intentionally configured tool types; characteristics that are a marked break with the Oldowan. Some features, as pointed out by some of the participants, such as bifacial symmetry and measures of edge angle and face regularity, are relatively straightforward to identify, and several analytical approaches and tools have been developed to express them [53, 54, 55, 56]. As the standardization and diversification of these tool groups widened, so did the selection of various lithic raw materials that came to be chosen depending on their qualitative features and suitability in relation to tool types, for either the LCTs or the retouched items. Participants broadly consider that standardization and the capacity to apply a fixed set of different technological procedures to produce controlled flakes for the LFA and subsequently configure them into LCTs are important aspects of the techno‐complex on the whole (handaxes, cleavers, picks); notwithstanding other significant features, such as the wide array of small retouched tools that invariably accompany them and behavioral shifts indicating higher investment in complex social comportments. Indeed, not all Acheulean assemblages include a heavy‐duty toolkit and presence/absence could depend on such factors as regional traditions or even function of the sites [57, 58]. In most assemblages, heavy‐duty tools actually account for only a small proportion of the entire collection [59, 60, 61].
In general, participants emphasized the fact that the Acheulean is also characterized by a plethora of retouched tools. Further, there is a diversification in retouch types that, during the Oldowan, show technomorphological overlap with cores on flakes in some areas. Other features, agreed during the conference discussions that are unevenly spread through time and space, contribute to defining the Acheulean: Tool type variability in relation to raw material diversity; selected blank and extended areas of raw material procurement; bone tool production; spatially structured habitats; increased demography; specialized hunting and standardized butchery techniques, and, importantly, fire making [62, 63]. The emergence of bifacial stone knapping is not necessarily a result of the morphology of the original blank. For example, some participants emphasized that regarding bifacial stone knapping, identified at Atapuerca's Gran Dolina site in level TD‐6, dated to around 0.9 Ma, where some flat cobbles, which can serve as a preform for biface shaping, were expressly avoided [64].
Beyond shaped tools, large and small, the technologies used to manage cores are also considered by the participants to be important indicators of the Acheulean sensu lato. Large flake production (e.g., for making handaxes in the LFA) usually is limited to technical constraints and applied with a diversity of methods, including unifacial and non‐alternate bifacial methods [15]. Nevertheless, Acheulean stone reduction can be defined by its hierarchical and volumetric management of knapping, bifaciality, recurrence, and even overcoming raw material constraints [65], underlining important implications about hominin behavioral plasticity and technological flexibility. Unifacial and orthogonal production, widespread in Oldowan toolkits, continue to be represented, while extended operative schemes can lead to bifacial centripetal strategies that, in some cases, result in a relatively precocious appearance of Levallois production in western Europe around 0.45–0.35 Ma [65, 66]. It seems that LCTs persist into the Late Acheulean with less variation in shape (often on large flakes) and with an increase in shaping refinement than the flaking methods and modalities permit [17]. Concepts of unity and diversity can be part of the same phenomena between Europe and Africa as part of similar and different ways to adapt to the local environment [28].
By the Late Acheulean, technological standardization and productive complexity that constitute major hallmarks of the LFA, were transformed into varied regional traditions. This phenomenon explains the many region‐specific denominations developed by prehistorians to describe or create a common language for the spatial distribution of cultural units with specific idiosyncrasies in Eurasia (e.g., the Clactonian, the Micoquien, the Tayacian, or even the biface‐less Early and Late Acheulean assemblages of western Europe [58, 67] and the Acheulo‐Yabrudian of the Levant). Advanced stone tool technologies provided advantageous solutions that gave hominins the capacity to dwell within relatively restricted geographic areas, as demonstrated by the advent of successive‐layer sites to which the hominins returned cyclically over long periods.
Another way to interpret the “Acheulean” that was broadly accepted during the conference, is as a category applied to an assemblage. Category means the definition is binary: an assemblage is either Acheulean or it is not; it cannot be “almost Acheulean” or “half Acheulean” or “Acheulean‐like”. In this case, Acheulean is considered as a property of a lithic assemblage linked to sets of behaviors. While the label may be extended to an archaeological locality or an individual artifact, it is defined and can only be evaluated at the level of a contextually delineated lithic assemblage. The underlying, often implicit, assumption of this categorical designation is that it refers to a distinct lineage of cultural transmission that emerged from a single, relatively well‐defined chrono‐spatial origin and dispersed from it; either by physical dispersal of hominins carrying it or through the propagation of abstract knowledge within existing hominin populations occupying different regions at different times [14, 15, 28, 59, 68, 69]. This raises questions, however, of cases of convergent evolution, as argued occasionally for the handaxes in eastern Asia, where researchers have raised the question whether these stone toolkits can be considered representative of a “true” Acheulean or not [28, 29, 31, 70, 71, 72, 73].
Regardless of the inconsistencies, cultural entities are not monolithic expressions and, as we have seen, do not appear at the same time or in a uniform way across Eurasia and Africa. As a result, the Acheulean can be characterized by all of the different elements mentioned above, even when not all of them are necessarily present in every assemblage; thus, accounting for observed temporal and spatial variation. What is clear from our discussions during the Lateurope conference is that the Acheulean corresponds to different cultural manifestations examined in the archaeological record by different researchers. In short, the Acheulean cultural unit involved a complex series of technological traits and social achievements that reflect the cumulative nature of culture and that can be observed to have occurred in all or only some of its expressions in Africa and Eurasia over a very long period of time. In other words, our definition of the Acheulean should not be reduced to a simple presence/absence of handaxes in the lithic assemblages. This could simply be a reflection of geographic and/or temporal variability and quite possibly related to dispersal/diffusion, or even site functionality or raw material constraints. If we briefly review the comments on the Acheulean from researchers working in various regions of Eurasia and Africa this should be quite evident. We begin with the African record.
4. Geographic Variability in How We Define the Acheulean
4.1. The African Record
Although early definitions of the Acheulean were originally based on western European assemblages, the African record provides the earliest and most abundant evidence for this technocomplex, positioning it as an important area of study where several hominin biological and cultural evolutionary patterns can be observed and reliably dated. Historically, the concept of the Acheulean has evolved from typological classifications largely based on the presence of handaxes, to a technocomplex characterized by specific cognitive, technological, and behavioral traits [45, 74, 75, 76]. The importance of this topic is underlined by the recent publication of several contributions in [77] focusing on how to perceive bifaces in the Palaeolithic archaeological record (e.g., see ref. [31]).
We argue that the Acheulean is best understood as a broad technocomplex of technological behaviors that distinguish it from the preceding Oldowan [78, 79] which marks a cognitive leap [46, 49, 79]. The hallmarks of the Acheulean technocomplex can be framed as a package of techno‐social behaviors that rarely or never occurred in Oldowan contexts [73]. These include the ability to produce large flakes and further shaping them into preconceived standardized tools [50], fragmented reduction sequences [43], and the hierarchical organization of knapping [78, 79, 80, 81], among others. LCTs (no matter their relative frequency) could be the best examples demonstrating the existence of mental templates and the ability to manage complex technological imperatives [44, 48]. Nonetheless, while LCTs are the most visible manifestation of these behaviors, they are not the sole factor indicating an Acheulean attribution [44, 60, 79]. Studies of the Acheulean in Africa, but also in Europe, reveal that this technology is characterized not only by the presence of LCTs but also by sophisticated small debitage flaking methods [60, 61, 78, 82], which represent cognitive advancements absent in earlier Oldowan industries.
4.2. The Asian Record
The Acheulean is irregularly distributed across Asia, where in some regions it appears in relatively high densities, while in others it is completely absent [13, 82]. Currently, the earliest evidence of the Acheulean in Asia is from the ‘Ubeidiya site (1.9–1.2 Ma) in Israel, and Attirampakkam (1.7–1.07 Ma, mean estimated average 1.5 Ma), Isampur (1.2 Ma), and other sites in western India (> 780 ka) [5, 6, 83, 84]. By the advent of the Chibanian, handaxe sites begin to appear more regularly in wider areas across Asia. For example, GBY in the southern Levant, dates to 0.78 Ma [85], and the sites from the Bose Basin in southern China [12, 29, 30, 31, 40, 86, 87] and the Go Da and Roc Tung sites in Vietnam [88] all date to the Early‐Middle Pleistocene transition by their association with Australasian tektites. It should be noted that there are many regions where handaxe sites, despite being widespread, are poorly dated; many Chibanian and Late Pleistocene sites in India are a case in point. By the beginning of the late Chibanian, handaxe “regions” appear, such as the Luonan Basin and Danjiangkou Reservoir Region in Central China [89, 90, 91, 92, 93] and the Korean sites in the Imjin/Hantan River Basins that are best exemplified by Chongokni (Jeongokni) [12, 70, 72, 94, 95]. Concurrently, in western Asia, the frequency of Late Acheulean assemblages dated to ca. 500 ka and younger increases significantly in the Arabian Peninsula, the Levant, and India [96, 97]. Comparative study of these different handaxe collections reinforces the understanding that there is a great deal of diversity present, with both variability and conservatism appearing, as attested to by the stone toolkits from such stratified Acheulean sequences as found at GBY [21, 82]. For instance, artifacts from Island Southeast Asia, all dating to the Chibanian or Late Pleistocene, are generally limited to small flakes that sometimes bear evidence of retouch. Heavy‐duty tools like handaxes, picks, polyhedrons and bolas have been recovered from the islands of Sumatra and Java in Indonesia and Luzon Island in the Philippines, but only on the surface [98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103].
For decades, discussions about the Acheulean in Asia have focused largely on the validity of the “Movius Line”, which purportedly served as a geographical and cultural boundary, separating the Acheulean traditions of the West from the supposedly “conservative” Mode 1 industries of eastern Asia [13]. The handaxe assemblages in eastern Asia have not often been considered “true” Acheulean due to low frequencies of LCTs, perceived morphological “crudeness”, and their relatively late chronological appearance [30, 31, 33, 70, 91, 93, 104, 105, 106]. In fact, some scholars have suggested that the eastern Asian LCTs represent instances of convergent evolution rather than a shared cultural tradition with western Eurasia and Africa by cultural transmission [29, 30, 71, 72, 73]. Other scholars hold a different view, arguing that the Acheulean technology in eastern Asia exhibits noticeable regional diversity and variation, which cannot be adequately captured by uniform or simplistic characterizations as originally proposed by Movius [104, 107]. For instance, LCTs in eastern Asia display considerable diversity and variability in raw material selection, blank types, shaping strategies, and morphological features [29, 92]. Moreover, it may be argued that Acheulean sites in eastern Asia demonstrate broad spatial distribution and temporal continuity, while the earliest appearance of Acheulean technology in southern China's Bose Basin could actually be evidence of cross‑regional technological transmission and diffusion [31, 104, 108]. These competing models serve to raise a key question: what defines a site as “Acheulean” in eastern Asia?
The relative paucity of large concentrations of typical Acheulean handaxes in eastern Asia may actually create new paths to redefine an Acheulean technological “package” even in the absence of LCTs, which can be applied specifically for understanding the eastern Asian record (and even areas like Central Europe that have no evidence of the Acheulean). For instance, the archaeological record of the Nihewan Basin in northern China has traditionally been attributed to Mode 1 (Oldowan‐like) technology due to the lack of LCTs. However, recent analyses challenge this view. Assemblages such as Xiaochangliang (1.36 Ma) [105], Madigou (1.2 Ma) [109], Feiliang (1.2 Ma) [110], and Donggutuo (1.1 Ma) [106, 111] display varying degrees of small retouched tools distinct from the typical African Oldowan. Furthermore, recent findings by Ma et al. [112] at Cenjiawan (1.1 Ma) reveal prepared core technology and standardized reduction sequences. This evidence suggests technological abilities that may parallel African Mode 2 hominins without LCTs [112]. Such evidence as found in the Nihewan Basin does raise the idea of rethinking how the Acheulean or broader cultural sequences may be identified in eastern Asia, a point raised more than two decades ago by Gao and Norton [7].
4.3. The European Record
The current archaeological and chronological data record a late occupation of western Europe at around 1 Ma during the Early‐Middle Pleistocene Transition (EMPT) that may be due to hominins coming from Asia, likely over a period of time in waves, a region that now has evidence of occupation dating back close to the beginning of the Early Pleistocene [12, 113, 114, 115, 116]. Then, over time, a limited number of sites in Europe yield early evidence of LCTs, including bifaces. These sites (Barranc de la Boella in Spain, Moulin Quignon, la Caune de l'Arago (Q and P levels), and la Noira in France, Notarchirico in Italy, and Fordwich and Brandon Fields in England), all dated between 900 and 650 ka, are located in northwestern and southern Europe [23, 26, 60, 61, 66, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121]. These new strategies only appeared west of the Rhine Valley, which is considered to have served as a geographical barrier as there are no handaxe assemblages so far reported from central Europe. While these assemblages may be tentatively assigned to the “Early Acheulean” they do in fact appear relatively late compared to East Africa (1.9–1.5 Ma), the Levant (Ubeidiya at 1.9–1.2 Ma) and broader Asia (1.5–1.2 Ma). As such, this European evidence opens the possibility to discuss the introduction of new traditions between MIS 18 and 12.
The Spanish site of Barranc de la Boella is the oldest occurrence in western Europe that has produced evidence of crudely made LCTs, including picks and cleavers, but (so far) no bifaces [23]. Between Barranc de la Boella, dated to around 900 ka, and sites dated to 700 ka (Notarchirico, Italy; La Noira stratum A and Moulin Quignon, France), there is a chronological gap with no clear and well‐dated evidence of local development of biface production [122]. The Q and P levels at the French site of La Caune de l'Arago (ca. 550 ka) have yielded a rich series of assemblages characterized by symmetrical bifaces, but no cleavers [123]. This raises questions regarding whether the repeated appearance of this technocomplex should be seen as punctuated events that coincide with the arrival of new hominin groups in western Europe. Given the complexity of identifying taxonomically exactly who these hominins were (see discussion above), it is usually premature to try to assign a single species of Homo to these lithic toolkits (refer to the Notarchirico example discussed above). However, the level TD6.2 at the Atapuerca site (Spain) presents a clear core‐and‐flake industry that dates to 900 ka that has been associated specifically with H. antecessor [63]. The TD6.2 materials include some flakes exceeding 10 cm and evidence of some complexity in the core technology with the presence of some bifacial centripetal cores [63, 124]. At this time, for western Europe between 900 ka to 700 ka, the archaeological record suggests some degree of continuity in core technology with occasional appearances of more complex stone tools [17].
From 700 to 500 ka, before MIS 12, bifaces still do not appear uniformly in western Europe. Examples of biface sites from this time period include Brandon Fields (MIS 15 [119]) and Boxgrove (MIS 13, Roberts et al. 1999) in the United Kingdom (UK), reflecting a shift from more variable and expedient shaping towards a highly standardized technological system [17], or High Lodge (Bed C) in the UK, with an elaborate scraper production that appeared during MIS 13 [119]. Biface technology persists until 180 ka in some areas, as in the Northwest Iberian Peninsula and Central Spain [16, 125]. Once again, this raises questions about how to define the European “Acheulean” and Lower Palaeolithic. For some, innovations in core technologies that appear widely across the region, such as bifacial and unifacial centripetal core management and overcoming raw material constraints, suggest a common background of traditions and technological packages in western Europe around 700 ka, with or without LCTs. Similarly, others suggest a complex of localized lithic expressions, with or without LCTs, but a foundation of technical knowledge shown through improved hunting, butchery, bone‐ and wood‐working (e.g., see refs. [126]).
To summarize the early evidence of assemblages with bifaces in the European record (700–550 ka):
-
1.
The predominant use of local (within 5 km of the site) raw materials with only occasional evidence of stone having been moved longer distances, such as Caune de l'Arago, France [123], or Waverley Wood, UK, as well as tool types produced on certain types of raw materials. However, it has been observed that sometimes when higher quality raw materials were present, they were preferentially used over other poorer quality stones that were also available (cf [127]).
-
2.
Occasional complexity (e.g., centripetal core management) in large and small flake production, sometimes depending on the size of the available stone.
-
3.
Adaptation to raw material constraints suggesting flexibility and some evidence of flaking independently of stone geometry.
-
4.
Relatively few bifaces when present.
-
5.
Sometimes a large diversity of crudely‐made LCTs.
-
6.
Rare use of large flakes (mainly Iberian Peninsula) for shaping LCTs.
-
7.
Diversity of shaping modes and forms for bifaces (form of standardization) and bifacial tools (non‐standardization) with some evidence of soft‐hammer percussion.
-
8.
Absence of cleavers on flakes in the Northwest, but presence of some cleaver‐like tools.
-
9.
Various light‐duty tools, both on flakes or natural stones with one or several retouched cutting edges, convergent edges, pointed extremities and denticulation/notches.
5. Out of Africa I Revisited
One question that was briefly touched upon during the Lateurope conference concerns the delayed arrival of hominins in Europe relative to Asia, an issue that can be considered within the framework of the “Out of Africa I” dispersal model. Briefly, this model posits that hominins evolved only in Africa and then moved out of Africa and into Eurasia sometime after the middle Early Pleistocene (between 1.8 Ma and 1.0 Ma). The hominin that is often considered to be the early disperser is Homo erectus sensu lato, which roughly coincides with the appearance of the Acheulean technology in Africa. The exact timing of this dispersal and whether the only hominin to have made these early movements was H. erectus is now being questioned however, particularly given the growing number of sites across Asia that date to the early Early Pleistocene and the understanding that a great deal of morphological overlap existed between early Homo (H. habilis, H. rudolfensis) and H. erectus/ergaster [12, 36, 87, 113, 115, 116, 128, 129, 130, 131]. In other words, it seems likely that either the origin of H. ergaster/erectus needs to be pushed back to the Plio‐Pleistocene transition or we need to explore whether other hominins (e.g., H. habilis/rudolfensis, australopiths) were actually the first to move out of Africa [12, 115, 131]. Given that the Lomekwian appears in the same geological age as Kenyanthropus platyops and A. afarensis, and Paranthropus was recently suggested to have used stone tools [132], it may be possible we have been underestimating the behavioral capabilities of some of these older hominin groups. It would now appear that well before hominins (e.g., WT 15000 “Nariokotome Boy”) fell within the same body size range as modern humans they were moving out of Africa.
Further, maps that outline possible hominin movements across Eurasia need to be reconsidered in light of the new data becoming available. For instance, the “big arrow” coming out of Africa and splitting into 2 directions (east and west) appears to be a bit of an oversimplification, as are ideas about purposeful directional movements. A case in point may be the unidirectional models that show hominins only moved East to West across Europe. Although these points were only touched on during the Lateurope conference, they will be further investigated in the future.
6. Moving Forward
The strongest defendable stance is therefore that the Acheulean is a valid and useful high‐level analytical category provided it is explicitly treated as a techno‐complex and not reified into a culturally unitary entity. This is a point that was widely agreed upon during the conference. This status is not a weakness but an epistemic specification: the Acheulean is real at the level of technological practice families, while its finer‐grained cultural interpretations require regionally and chronologically bounded demonstrations rather than definitional assumptions (Acheulean s.l./s.s.). There was a broad agreement that future research should prioritize the reconstruction of variability and diachronic change in different regions of Eurasia and Africa. In Africa, more effort should be paid to study the small debitage. In Asia, emphasis should be placed on further excavations, obtaining dates from regions with rich records (e.g., India) and focusing on technological features that reflect the cognitive abilities of toolmakers—such as mental templates and hierarchical planning—rather than relying solely on the typology of the final products. Even after the conference, points of disagreement remained. For instance, how are Acheulean sites defined in China and what is the meaning and relevance of the Movius line concept. As a categorical concept that is, in essence, dichotomous, the boundaries of the Acheulean can only be defined in an unambiguous manner with respect to a clear metric of lithic technology at the assemblage level.
While there are some factors that serve to link the diverse expressions of the Acheulean in different regions into a more or less coherent stage of techno‐social evolution, we conclude here that it must not be considered as a single phenomenon. Moving beyond typological definitions is a key question to define the Acheulean across different geographic areas, with the role and diagnostic value of the LCTs considered as one feature among others (e.g., form variability, shaping intensity, etc.). Often simplified into the simple presence/absence of bifaces or LCTs sensu stricto, in reality, the Acheulean must be considered in light of a far wider and more complex series of milestones that mark the evolution of human culture broadly speaking. The results of the Lateurope conference is one step in the right direction toward developing this deeper understanding of the Acheulean.
Acknowledgments
This meeting was funded by the ERC Lateurope n° 101052653 grant to M.H. Moncel. D. Barsky acknowledges the following grants: Spanish National Projects PID2022‐138590NB‐C42, PID2024‐156477NB‐C31 and PID2024‐156477NB‐C32 financed by MICIU/AEI/10.13039/501100011033/FEDER, UE; the 2021SGR01239 project financed by AGAUR; and the 2023PFR‐URV‐01239 project financed by URV. The IPHES‐CERCA has received financial support through the “María de Maeztu” program for Units of Excellence (CEX2024‐01485‐M/funded by MICIU/AEI/10.13039/501100011033). C.J. Bae acknowledges the support of the Tangzhongying Fellowship from Shandong University.
Contributor Information
Marie‐Helene Moncel, Email: marie-helene.moncel@mnhn.fr.
Christopher J. Bae, Email: cjbae@hawaii.edu.
Data Availability Statement
Data are available under request to the two corresponding authors.
References
- 1. Mortillet De G., “Classification De L'âge De La Pierre,” Matériaux pour l'histoire primitive et naturelle de l'Homme 7, huitième année (1872): 464–465. [Google Scholar]
- 2. Mortillet De G. Classification des diverses périodes de l'âge de la pierre, par Gabriel de Mortillet: Extrait du compte rendu du congrès international d'anthropologie et d'archéologie préhistoriques 6me session, Bruxelles; 1873.
- 3. Clark J. G. D., World Prehistory: In New Perspective (Cambridge University Press, 1977). [Google Scholar]
- 4. Leakey L. S. B., “Terminology in Prehistory,” South African Archaeological Bulletin 5, no. 17 (1950): 20–22. [Google Scholar]
- 5. Pappu S., Gunnell Y., Akhilesh K., et al., “Early Pleistocene Presence of Acheulian Hominins in South India,” Science 331 (2011): 1596–1599. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 6. Gaillard C., Mishra S., Singh M., Deo S., and Abbas R., “Lower and Early Middle Pleistocene Acheulian in the Indian Sub‐Continent,” Quaternary International 223–224 (2010): 234–241. [Google Scholar]
- 7. Gao X. and Norton C. J., “Critique of the Chinese “Middle Paleolithic,” Antiquity 76, no. 292 (2002): 397–412. [Google Scholar]
- 8. Norton C. J., Gao X., and Feng X. W., “The Criteria Defining the East Asian Middle Paleolithic Reexamined.” in Sourcebook of Paleolithic Transitions: Methods, Theories, and Interpretations, eds. Camps M. and Chauhan P. R. (Springer Press, 2009), 245–254. [Google Scholar]
- 9. Ikawa‐Smith F., “Introduction: The Early Paleolithic Tradition of East Asia.” in Early Palaeolithic in South and East Asia, eds. Ikawa‐Smith F. (The Hague, 1978), 1–10. [Google Scholar]
- 10. Seong C. T. and Bae C. J., “The Eastern Asian “Middle Paleolithic Revisited: A View From Korea,” Antiquity 90, no. 353 (2016): 1151–1165. [Google Scholar]
- 11. Bae C. J., “Late Pleistocene Human Evolution in Eastern Asia: Behavioral Perspectives,” Current Anthropology 2018: S514–S526. [Google Scholar]
- 12. Bae C. J., The Paleoanthropology of Eastern Asia (University of Hawai'i Press, 2024; 978‐0‐8248‐9‐7659). [Google Scholar]
- 13. Movius H. L. Early Man and Pleistocene Stratigraphy in Southern and Eastern Asia: By Hallam L. Movius, Jr (19, 1). The Museum; 1944.
- 14. Sharon G. and Barsky D., “The Emergence of the Acheulean in Europe: An Eastern Perspective,” Quaternary International 411 (2016): 25–33. [Google Scholar]
- 15. Sharon G., Acheulean Large Flake Industries: Technology, Chronology, and Significance (British Archaeological Reports, 2007). 1701. [Google Scholar]
- 16. Méndez‐Quintas E., Demuro M., Arnold L. J., Duval M., Pérez‐González A., and Santonja M., “Insights Into the Late Stages of the Acheulean Technocomplex of Western Iberia From the Arbo Site (Galicia, Spain),” Journal of Archeological Science: Reports 27 (2019): 101934. [Google Scholar]
- 17. García‐Medrano P., Moncel M.‐H., Maldonado‐Garrido E., Ollé A., and Ashton N., “The Western European Acheulean: Reading Variability at a Regional Scale,” Journal of Human Evolution 179 (2023): 103357. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 18. Galanidou N., Athanassas C., Cole J., et al., “The Acheulian Site at Rodafnidia, Lisvori, on Lesbos, Greece: 2010–2012.” in Paleoanthropology of the Balkans and Anatolia, eds. Harvati Κ. and Roksandic Μ. (Springer, 2016), 119–138. [Google Scholar]
- 19. Mosquera M., Ollé A., Saladié P., et al., “Intriguing Occupations at Gran Dolina (Atapuerca, Spain): The Acheulean Subunits TD10.3 and TD10.4,” Journal of Paleolithic Archaeology 7 (2024): 6: s41982‐024‐00171‐5. [Google Scholar]
- 20. Herzlinger G. and Galanidou N. The Acheulean Large Cutting Tool assemblage from Rodafnidia, Lesvos: A 3D morpho‐technological cross‐regional comparative analysis. Journal of Archeological Methods and Theory; under review.
- 21. Sharon G., “Cultural Conservatism and Variability in the Acheulean Sequence of Gesher Benot Ya‘aqov,” Journal of Human Evolution 60, no. 4 (2011): 387–397. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 22. Carbonell E., Sala R., Rodríguez X. P., et al., “Early Hominid Dispersals: A Technological Hypothesis for ‘Out of Africa’,” Quaternary International 223–224 (2010): 36–44. [Google Scholar]
- 23. Ollé A., Lombao D., Asryan L., et al., “The Earliest European Acheulean: New Insights Into the Large Shaped Tools From the Late Early Pleistocene Site of Barranc de la Boella (Tarragona, Spain),” Frontiers in Earth Science 11 (2023): 1188663. [Google Scholar]
- 24. Tsakanikou P., Galanidou N., and Sakellariou D., “Lower Palaeolithic Archaeology and Submerged Landscapes in Greece: The Current State of the Art,” Quaternary International 584 (2021): 171–181. [Google Scholar]
- 25. Galanidou N. and Papoulia C., Between the Aegean and the Adriatic: The Balkan Palaeolithic and the Sea (The Prehistoric Hunter‐Gatherers of South‐Eastern Europe, Proceedings of the British Academy, 258, Oxford University Press, 2023), 25. [Google Scholar]
- 26. Mosquera M., Ollé A., Saladié P., et al., “The Early Acheulean Technology of Barranc De La Boella (Catalonia, Spain),” Quaternary International 393 (2016): 95–111. [Google Scholar]
- 27. Barsky D., Carbonell E., Sala‐Ramos R., Bermúdez de Castro J. M., and García‐Vadillo F. J., “Late Acheulian Multiplicity in Manufactured Stone Culture at the End of the Middle Pleistocene in Western Europe,” Quaternary International 601 (2021): 66–81. [Google Scholar]
- 28. Lycett S. J. and Gowlett J. A. J., “on Questions Surrounding the Acheulean ‘Tradition,” World Archaeology 40, no. 3 (2008): 295–315. [Google Scholar]
- 29. Wang W., Lycett S. J., Cramon‐Taubadel N. V., Jin J., and Bae C. J., “Comparison of Handaxes From Bose Basin (China) and the Western Acheulean Indicates Convergence of Form, Not Cognitive Differences,” PLoS One 7, no. 4 (2012): e35804. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 30. Wang W., Bae C. J., Huang S., et al., “Middle Pleistocene Bifaces From Fengshudao (Bose Basin, Guangxi, China),” Journal of Human Evolution 69 (2014): 110–122. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 31. Wang W., Fan Y. B., and Bae C. J., “Symmetry of Early Paleolithic Handaxes and Hominin Cognitive Level in Bose Basin (Southern China).” in The Oxford Handbook of Cognitive Archeology, eds. Wynn T., Overmann K. A., and Coolidge F. L.. (Oxford University Press, 2024), C32S1–C32N1. [Google Scholar]
- 32. Karkazi E., Galanidou N., and Magganas A. Lithic Raw Material Provisioning in the Acheulean Rodafnidia, Lesvos, Greece. J of Pal Arch.; (in press) 10.1007/s41982-026-00259-0. [DOI]
- 33. Goren‐Inbar N., Alperson‐Afil N., Sharon G., and Herzlinger G., The Acheulian Site of Gesher Benot Ya'aqov Volume IV (Lithic Assemblages, Springer, 2018). [Google Scholar]
- 34. Bae C. J., Aiello L., Hawks J., et al., “Moving Away From “The Muddle in the Middle” Towards Solving the Chibanian Puzzle,” Evolution Anthropology 33 (2024): evan.22011. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 35. Bae C. J. and Wu X., “Making Sense of Eastern Asian Late Quaternary Hominin Variability,” Nature Communications 15, no. 1 (2025): 9479. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 36. Nery V., Neves W., Valota L., and Hubbe M., “Testing the Taxonomy of Dmanisi Hominin Fossils Through Dental Crown Area,” PLoS One 20 (2025): e0336484. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 37. Roksandic M. and Bae C. J., “Middle Pleistocene Hominin Systematics: The ‘Chibanian Puzzle,” Paleoanthrop 2 (2025): 279–287. [Google Scholar]
- 38. Micarelli I., Minozzi S., Rodriguez L., et al., “The Oldest Fossil Hominin From Italy: Reassessment of the Femoral Diaphysis From Venosa‐Notarchirico in Its Acheulean Context,” Quaternary Science Reviews 334 (2024): 108709. [Google Scholar]
- 39. Roksandic M., Radović P., Wu X. J., and Bae C. J., “Resolving the ‘Muddle in the Middle’: The Case for Homo Bodoensis Sp. Nov,” Evolutionary Anthropology: Issues, News, and Reviews 31 (2022): 20–29. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 40. Hou Y. M., Potts R., Yuan B. Y., et al., “Mid‐Pleistocene Acheulean‐Like Stone Ttechnology of the Bose Basin, South China,” Science 287 (2020): 1622–1626. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 41. Wang W. and Bae C. J., “How Old Are the Bose (Baise) Basin (Guangxi, Southern China) Bifaces? The Australasian Tektites Question Revisited,” Journal of Human Evolution 80 (2015): 171–174. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 42. Michel V., Feng X., Shen G., et al., “First 40Ar/39Ar Analyses of Australasian Tektites in Close Association With Bifacially Worked Artifacts at Nalai Site in Bose Basin, South China: The Question of the Early Chinese Acheulean,” Journal of Human Evolution 153 (2021): 102953. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 43. Song X. N., Zhu T. J., Mo J. Y., Bae C. J., and Wang W., “In Situ (Splash‐Form) Tektites From the Middle Pleistocene Laterite Deposits in Bose Basin, South China,” Quaternary Science Review 366 (2025): 109500. [Google Scholar]
- 44. de la Torre I. and Mora R., “How Many Handaxes Make an Acheulean? A Case Study from the SHK‐Annexe Site, Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania.” in Landscapes of Human Evolution, eds. Cole J., McNabb J., Grove M., and Hosfield R.. Contributions in honour of John Gowlett (Archaeopress, Oxford, 2020), 64–91. [Google Scholar]
- 45. de la Torre I., “The Origins of the Acheulean: Past and Present Perspectives on a Major Transition in Human Evolution,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, B: Biological Sciences 371 (2016): 20150245. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 46. Carbonell E., Barsky D., Sala R., and Celiberti V., “Structural Continuity and Technological Change in Lower Pleistocene Toolkits,” Quaternary International 393 (2016): 6–18. [Google Scholar]
- 47. Wynn T. and Gowlett J., “The Handaxe Reconsidered,” Evolutionary Anthropology: Issues, News, and Reviews 27 (2018): 21–29. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 48. Gowlett J. A. J., “Deep Structure in the Acheulean Adaptation: Technology, Sociality and Aesthetic Emergence,” Adaptive Behavior 29, no. 2 (2020): 197–216. [Google Scholar]
- 49. Andrefsky W., Lithics: Macroscopic Approaches to Analysis (Cambridge University Press, 2005). [Google Scholar]
- 50. Isaac G. L., “Studies of Early Culture in East Africa,” World Archaeology 1 (1969): 1–28. [Google Scholar]
- 51. Kleindienst M. R., “Components of the East African Acheulean Assemblage: An Analytic Approach.” in Actes du IVème Congrès Panafricain de Préhistoire et de l'Etude du Quaternaire, Leopoldville, 1959, eds. Mortelmans G. and Nenquin J. (Belgie Annalen, Musée Royal de l'Afrique Centrale, 1962), 81–105. [Google Scholar]
- 52. Leakey M. D., “Cultural Patterns in the Olduvai Sequence.” in After the Australopithecines, eds. Butzer K. W. and Isaac G. L. (Mouton, 1975), 477–493). [Google Scholar]
- 53. Boëda E., “Techno‐logique & technologie.” Une Paléo‐histoire des objets lithiques tranchants (@ rchéo‐éditions. Com, 2013). [Google Scholar]
- 54. Herzlinger G. and Goren‐Inbar N., “Beyond a Cutting Edge: A Morpho‐Technological Analysis of Acheulian Handaxes and Cleavers From Gesher Benot Ya‘aqov, Israel,” Journal of Paleolithic Archaeology 3, no. 1 (2020): 33–58. [Google Scholar]
- 55. Herzlinger G., Brenet M., Varanda A., Deschamps M., and Goren‐Inbar N., “Revisiting the Acheulean Large Cutting Tools of ‘Ubeidiya, Israel,” Journal of Paleolithic Archaeology 4 (2021): 31. [Google Scholar]
- 56. Muller A., Sharon G., and Grosman L., “Automatic Analysis of the Continuous Edges of Stone Tools Reveals Fundamental Handaxe Variability,” Nature Science Reports 14, no. 1 (2024): 7422. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 57. Barsky D., Carbonell E., and Sala Ramos R., “Diversity and Multiplicity in the Asian Acheulian,” L'Anthropologie 122 (2018): 59–73. [Google Scholar]
- 58. Barsky D., Moigne A. M., and Pois V., “The Shift From Typical Western European Late Acheulean to Microproduction in Unit ‘D’ of the Late Middle Pleistocene Deposits of the Caune de l'Arago (Pyrénées‐Orientales, France),” Journal of Human Evolution 135 (2019): 102650. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 59. Moncel M.‐H., Arzarello M., Boëda É., et al., “Assemblages With Bifacial Tools in Eurasia (Third Part). Considerations on the Bifacial Phenomenon Throughout Eurasia,” Comptes Rendus Palevol 17 (2018): 77–97. [Google Scholar]
- 60. Moncel M.‐H., Despriée J., Courcimaut G., Voinchet P., and Bahain J. J., “La Noira Site (Centre, France) and the Technological Behaviours and Skills of the Earliest Acheulean in Western Europe Between 700 and 600 ka,” Journal of Paleolithic Archaeology 3 (2020): 255–301. [Google Scholar]
- 61. Moncel M.‐H., Santagata C., Pereira A., et al., “The Origin of Early Acheulean Expansion in Europe 700 ka Ago: New Findings at Notarchirico (Italy),” Nature Science Reports 19, no. 1 (2020): 1–16. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 62. Alperson‐Afil N. and Goren‐Inbar N., The Acheulian Site of Gesher Benot Ya'aqov. Volume 2: Ancient Flames And Controlled Use of Fire (Springer Science, 2010). [Google Scholar]
- 63. Davis R., Hatch M., Hoare S., et al., “Earliest Evidence of Making Fire,” Nature 649 (2025): 1–7. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 64. Lombao D., Rabuñal J. R., Morales J. I., Ollé A., Carbonell E., and Mosquera M., “The Technological Behaviours of Homo Antecessor: Core Management and Reduction Intensity at Gran Dolina‐TD6. 2 (Atapuerca, Spain),” Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 30, no. 3 (2023): 964–1001. [Google Scholar]
- 65. Lombao D., Morales J. I., Mosquera M., Ollé A., Saladié P., and Vallverdú J., “Beyond Large‐Shaped Tools: Technological Innovations and Continuities at the Late Early Pleistocene Assemblage of El Barranc de la Boella (Tarragona, Spain),” Journal of Paleolithic Archaeology 7 (2024): 25. [Google Scholar]
- 66. Moncel M.‐H., Ashton N., Arzarello M., et al., “An Early Levallois Core Technology Between MIS 12 and 9 in Western Europe?,” Journal of Human Evolution 393 (2021): 102735. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 67. Gallotti R. and Peretto C., “The Lower/Early Middle Pleistocene Small Débitage Productions in Western Europe: New Data From Isernia La Pineta T. 3c (Upper Volturno Basin, Italy),” Quaternary International 357 (2015): 264–281. [Google Scholar]
- 68. Dennell R. W., “The Acheulean Assemblages of Asia: A Review.” in The Emergence of the Acheulean in East Africa and Beyond, eds. Gallotti R. and Mussi M. (Springer International Publishing, 2018), 195–214. [Google Scholar]
- 69. Shipton C., “The Unity of Acheulean Culture.” in Culture History and Convergent Evolution, ed. Groucutt H. S. (Springer International Publishing, 2020), 13–27. [Google Scholar]
- 70. Norton C. J., Bae K., Harris J. W. K., and Lee H., “Middle Pleistocene Handaxes From the Korean Peninsula,” Journal of Human Evolution 51 (2006): 527–536. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 71. Lycett S. J. and Bae C. J., “The Movius Line Controversy: The State of the Debate,” World Archaeology 42 (2010): 521–544. [Google Scholar]
- 72. Norton C. J. and Bae K., “The Movius Line Sensu Lato (Norton et al., 2006) Further Assessed and Defined,” Journal of Human Evolution 57 (2009): 1148–1150. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 73. Lycett S. J. and Norton C. J., “A Demographic Model for Palaeolithic Technological Evolution: The Case of East Asia and the Movius Line,” Quaternary International 211, no. 1–2 (2010): 55–65. [Google Scholar]
- 74. Gowlett J. A. J., “Culture and Conceptualisation: The Oldowan‐Acheulean Gradient.” in Stone Age Prehistory: Studies in Memory of Charles McBurney, eds. Bailey G. N. and Callow P. (Cambridge University Press, 1986), 243–260). [Google Scholar]
- 75. Diez‐Martín F., Sánchez‐Yustos P., Domínguez‐Rodrigo M., Mabulla A., and Barba R., “The 1.7 Million‐Year‐Old Site of FLK West, Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania: Evidence for Early Acheulean Technology,” Science Reports 5 (2015): 17839. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 76. Gallotti R., Muttoni G., Lefèvre D., et al., “First High Resolution Chronostratigraphy for the Early North African Acheulean at Casablanca (Morocco),” Scientific Reports 11, no. 1 (2021): 15340. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 77. Wynn T., Overmann K., and Coolidge F., ed., The Oxford Handbook of Cognitive Archaeology (Oxford University Press, 2024). [Google Scholar]
- 78. de la Torre I., “Technological Strategies in the Lower Pleistocene at Peninj (west of Lake Natron, Tanzania).” in The Cutting Edge: New Approaches to the Archaeology of Human Origins, eds. Schick K. and Toth N. (Stone Age Institute Press, 2009), 93–113. [Google Scholar]
- 79. de la Torre I., “The Early Stone Age Lithic Assemblages of Gadeb (Ethiopia) and the Developed Oldowan/Early Acheulean in East Africa,” Journal of Human Evolution 60 (2011): 768–812. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 80. Wynn T., “Piaget, Stone Tools and the Evolution of Human Intelligence,” World Archaeology 17 (1985): 32–43. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 81. Leader G. M., Kuman K., Gibbon R. J., and Granger D. E., “Early Acheulean Organised Core Knapping Strategies Ca. 1.3 Ma at Rietputs 15, Northern Cape Province, South Africa,” Quaternary International 480 (2018): 16–28. [Google Scholar]
- 82. Schick K. D., “The Movius Line Reconsidered.” in Integrative Paths to the Past, eds. Corruccini R. S. and Ciochon R. L. (Prentice Hall, 1004), 569–596. [Google Scholar]
- 83. Bar‐Yosef O. and Goren‐Inbar N. The Lithic Assemblage of Ubeidiya. A Lower Paleolithic Site in the Jordan Valley. Qedem, 1993.
- 84. Matmon A., Kuzmenko A., Shaar R., et al., “Complex Exposure‐Burial History and Pleistocene Sediment Recycling in the Dead Sea Rift With Implications for the Age of the Acheulean Site of ‘Ubeidiya,” Quaternary Science Reviews 378 (2026): 109871. [Google Scholar]
- 85. Goren‐Inbar N., Feibel C. S., Verosub K. L., et al., “Pleistocene Milestones on the Out‐Of‐Africa Corridor at Gesher Benot Ya'aqov, Israel,” Science 289, no. 5481 (2000): 944–947. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 86. Roksandic M., Radović P., Wu X. J., and Bae C. J., “Homo Bodoensis and Why It Matters,” Evolutionary Anthropology: Issues, News, and Reviews 31 (2022): 240–244. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 87. Bae C. J. and Chen Y. Y., “Current Major Topics in Chinese Paleoanthropology,” Acta Anthr Sinica (2026). In Press. [Google Scholar]
- 88. Michel V., Jourdan F., Moncel M.‐H., et al., “High‐Precision 40Ar/39Ar Dating of Australasian Tektites Associated With Bifacial Tools in the Bose Basin (Xiaomei and Fengshudao Sites), South China and in Vietnam (Go Da and Roc Tung 1 Sites),” Quaternary Science Reviews 2025: 109065. [Google Scholar]
- 89. Wang S. J., Perspectives on Hominid Behaviour and Settlement Patterns: A Study of the Lower Palaeolithic Sites in the Luonan Basin, China (BAR International Series, 1406. Archaeopress, Oxford, 2005), 1–248. [Google Scholar]
- 90. Kuman K., Li H., and Li C., “Large Cutting Tools From the Danjiangkou Reservoir Region, Central China: Comparisons and Contrasts With Western and South Asian Acheulean,” Quaternary International 400 (2016): 58–64. [Google Scholar]
- 91. Li H., Li C., and Kuman K., “Rethinking the ‘Acheulean’ in East Asia: Evidence From Recent Investigations in the Danjiangkou Reservoir Region, Central China,” Quaternary International 347 (2014): 163–175. [Google Scholar]
- 92. Li H., Kuman K., and Li C., “Re‐Examination of the Morphological Variability of East Asian Handaxes From a Comparative Perspective,” World Archaeology 46, no. 5 (2014): 705–733. [Google Scholar]
- 93. Pei S., Niu D., Guan Y., et al., “Middle Pleistocene Hominin Occupation in the Danjiangkou Reservoir Region, Central China: Studies of Formation Processes and Stone Technology of Maling 2A Site,” Journal of Archaeological Science 53 (2015): 391–407. [Google Scholar]
- 94. Norton C. J., “The Current State of Korean Paleoanthropology,” Journal of Human Evolution 38 (2000): 803–825. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 95. Bae K., Bae C. J., and Kim K., “The Age of the Paleolithic Handaxes From the Imjin‐Hantan River Basins, South Korea,” Quaternary International 281 (2012): 14–25. [Google Scholar]
- 96. Gilead D., “Handaxe Industries in Israel and the Near East,” World Archaeology 2 (1970): 1–11. [Google Scholar]
- 97. Scerri E., Frouin M., Breeze P. S., et al., “The Expansion of Acheulean Hominins into the Nefud Desert of Arabia,” Nature Science Reports 11, no. 1 (2021): 10111. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 98. Simanjuntak T. and Semah F., “A New Insight into the Sangiran Flake Industry,” Bulletin of the Indo‐Pacific Prehistory Association 14 (1996): 22–26. [Google Scholar]
- 99. Bakara M. R., Reexamination and Meaning of the Pacitanian Assemblages in the Context of the South‐East Asian Prehistory (Instituto Politécnico de Tomar and Unversidade de Tras‐os‐Montes e Alto Douro, 2007). [Google Scholar]
- 100. Forestier H., Zhou Y., Heng S., et al., “The First Lithic Industry of Mainland Southeast Asia: Evidence of the Earliest Hominin in Tropical Context,” L'Anthropologie 126, no. 1 (2022): 1–34. [Google Scholar]
- 101. Moore M. W. and Brumm A., “Stone Artifacts and Hominins in Island Southeast Asia: New Insights From Flores, Eastern Indonesia,” Journal of Human Evolution 52 (2007): 85–102. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 102. Ingicco T., van den Bergh G. D., Jago‐on C., et al., “Earliest Known Hominin Activity in the Philippines by 709 Thousand Years Ago,” Nature 557 (2018): 233–237. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 103. Hakim B., Wibowo U. P., van den Bergh G. D., et al., “Hominins on Sulawesi During the Early Pleistocene,” Nature 646 (2025): 378–383. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 104. Li H., Wang S., Lotter M. G., Dennell R., Kuman K., and Chen F., “The Temporal‐Spatial Evolution of Handaxe Technology in China: Recent Progress and Future Directions,” Science Bulletin 69 (2024): 2161–2165. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 105. Yang S. X., Hou Y. M., Yue J. P., Petraglia M. D., Deng C. L., and Zhu R. X., “The Lithic Assemblages of Xiaochangliang, Nihewan Basin: Implications for Early Pleistocene Hominin Behaviour in North China,” PLoS One 11, no. 5 (2016): e0155793. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 106. Yang S. X., Petraglia M. D., Hou Y. M., Yue J. P., Deng C. L., and Zhu R. X., “The Lithic Assemblages of Donggutuo, Nihewan Basin: Knapping Skills of Early Pleistocene Hominins in North China,” PLoS One 12, no. 9 (2017): e0185101. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 107. Li H., Kuman K., and Li C., “What Is Currently (Un)Known about the Chinese Acheulean, With Implications for Hypotheses on the Earlier Dispersal of Hominids,” Comptes Rendus Palevol 17 (2018): 120–130. [Google Scholar]
- 108. Tian C., Liao W., Zhang S., Meng Z., Bae C. J., and Wang W., “Victoria West‐Like Core Technology From Fengshudao, An Early–Middle Pleistocene Site in Bose Basin, South China,” Lithic Technology 50 (2025): 118–135. [Google Scholar]
- 109. Pei S., Deng C., de la Torre I., et al., “Magnetostratigraphic and Archaeological Records at the Early Pleistocene Site Complex of Madigou (Nihewan Basin): Implications for Human Adaptations in North China,” Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology 530 (2019): 176–189. [Google Scholar]
- 110. Pei S. W., Xie F., Deng C. L., et al., “Early Pleistocene Archaeological Occurrences at the Feiliang Site, and the Archaeology of Human Origins in the Nihewan Basin, North China,” PLoS One 12, no. 11 (2017): e0187251. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 111. Wei Q., “New Observations on Stone Artefacts From the Donggutuo Site,” Acta Anthropology Sinca 33, no. 3 (2014): 254–269. [Google Scholar]
- 112. Ma D., Pei S., Xie F., et al., “Earliest Prepared Core Technology in Eurasia From Nihewan (China): Implications for Early Human Abilities and Dispersals in East Asia,” Proceedings in National Academy of Sciences USA 121, no. 11 (2024): e2313123121. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 113. Shen G., Wang Y., Tu H., et al., “Isochron 26Al/10Be Burial Dating of Xihoudu: Evidence for the Earliest Human Settlement in Northern China,” L'Anthr 124, no. 5 (2020): 102790. [Google Scholar]
- 114. Zhu Z., Dennell R., Huang W., et al., “Hominin Occupation of the Chinese Loess Plateau Since about 2.1 Million Years Ago,” Nature 559 (2018): 608–612. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 115. Bae C. J. and Manthey C., “Out of Africa I Revisited: Life History, Energetics, and the Evolutionary Capacity for Early Hominin Dispersals,” Quaternary Science Reviews 370 (2025): 109690. [Google Scholar]
- 116. Parenti F., Varejão F. G., Scardia G., et al., “The Oldowan of Zarqa Valley, Northern Jordan,” Journal of Paleolithic Archaeology 7, no. 1 (2024): 3. [Google Scholar]
- 117. Moncel M. H., García‐Medrano P., Despriée J., Arnaud J., Voinchet P., and Bahain J. J., “Tracking Behavioral Persistence and Innovations During the Middle Pleistocene in Western Europe. Shift in Occupations Between 700 and 450 Ka at la Noira Site (Centre, France),” Journal of Human Evolution 156 (2021): 103009. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 118. Antoine P., Moncel M.‐H., Locht J.‐L., et al., “The Earliest Record of Acheulean Human Occupation in North‐West Europe. Nature,” Scientific Reports 9 (2019): 13091. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 119. Davis R., Ashton N., Hatch M., Hoare P. G., and Lewis S. G., “Palaeolithic Archaeology of the Bytham River: Human Occupation of Britain During the Early Middle Pleistocene and Its European Context,” Journal of Quaternary Science 36 (2021): 526–546. [Google Scholar]
- 120. Key A., Clark J., Lauer T., et al., “Hominin Glacial‐Stage Occupation 712,000 to 424,000 Years Ago at Fordwich Pit, Old Park (Canterbury, UK),” Nature Ecology & Evolution 9, no. 10 (2025): 1–10. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 121. Shipton C., Foulds F., Rawlinson A., Ashton N., Leroyer M., and White M., “Pronounced Increase in Biface Knapping Skill Half a Million Years Ago in Britain,” Journal of Archeological Science: Reports 69 (2026): 105563. [Google Scholar]
- 122. Chauhan P. R., Bridgland D. R., Moncel M. H., et al., “Fluvial Deposits as an Archive of Early Human Activity: Progress During the 20 Years of the Fluvial Archives Group,” Quaternary Science Reviews 166 (2017): 114–149. [Google Scholar]
- 123. Barsky D. and de Lumley H., “Early European Mode 2 and the Stone Industry From the Caune De L'arago's Archeostratigraphical Levels ‘P’,” Quaternary International 223–224 (2010): 71–86. [Google Scholar]
- 124. Mosquera M., Ollé A., Rodríguez‐Álvarez X. P., and Carbonell E., “Shedding Light on the Early Pleistocene of TD6 (Gran Dolina, Atapuerca, Spain): The Technological Sequence and Occupational Inferences,” PLoS One (2018): e0190889. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 125. Baena Preysler J., Torres Navas C., and Sharon G., “Life History of a Large Flake Biface,” Quaternary Science Reviews 190 (2018): 123–136. [Google Scholar]
- 126. Ashton N. and Davis R., “Cultural Mosaics, Social Structure and Identity: The Acheulean Threshold in Europe,” Journal of Human Evolution 156 (2021): 103011. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 127. Lugli F., Cipriani A., Arnaud J., Arzarello M., Peretto C., and Benazzi S., “Suspected Limited Mobility of a Middle Pleistocene Woman From Southern Italy: Strontium Isotopes of a Human Deciduous Tooth,” Scientific Reports 7, no. 1 (2017): 8615. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 128. Antón S. C. and Josh Snodgrass J., “Origins and Evolution of Genus Homo: New Perspectives,” Current Anthropology 53, no. S6 (2012): S479–S496. [Google Scholar]
- 129. Antón S. C., Potts R., and Aiello L. C., “Evolution of Early Homo: An Integrated Biological Perspective,” Science 345, no. 6192 (2014): 1236828. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 130. Antón S. C. and Middleton E. R., “Making Meaning From Fragmentary Fossils: Early Homo in the Early to Early Middle Pleistocene,” Journal of Human Evolution 179 (2023): 103307. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 131. Tu H., Feng X. B., Luo L., et al., “The Oldest Homo erectus Fossils in Eastern Asia: The Yunxian Site Dates to ~1.75 Ma,” Science Advances 12, no. 8 (2026): eady2270. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- 132. Harmand S., Lewis J. E., Feibel C. S., et al., “3.3‐million‐year‐old Stone Tools From Lomekwi 3, West Turkana, Kenya,” Nature 521, no. 7552 (2015): 310–315. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
Associated Data
This section collects any data citations, data availability statements, or supplementary materials included in this article.
Data Availability Statement
Data are available under request to the two corresponding authors.
