Pathways From Cultural and Economic Stressors to Mental and Behavioral Health Risks in Hispanic Youth: The Roles of Perceived Stress and Multicultural Hassles

Abstract

Hispanic youth in the United States, including adolescents and young adults, face significant mental and behavioral health vulnerabilities. This observational study examined pathways through which cultural and economic stressors relate to depressive symptoms, aggressive/rule-breaking behavior, and tobacco and cannabis use among Hispanic youth. In addition to testing direct associations, we evaluate whether stress experiences (i.e., perceived stress, multicultural hassles) function as intervening variables that may help explain how youth internalize and attempt to cope with cultural and economic stressors. The sample is comprised of 198 Hispanic youth residing in the Los Angeles metro area (M_age = 18.38, SD = 1.29; 73% female). We modeled cultural stress as a latent construct composed of discrimination, negative context of reception, bicultural stress, within-group discrimination, and immigration-related stress. Economic stressor was marginally and directly associated with past-month cannabis use and tobacco use, and was significantly indirectly linked with depressive symptoms through perceived stress. Cultural stressors, alongside economic stress, predicted multicultural hassles, which in turn were linked to depressive symptoms and aggressive/rule-breaking behaviors. Future research should prioritize culturally responsive interventions that reduce stress exposure and consider the nuanced ways Hispanic youth navigate cultural and economic challenges.

Hispanic youth in the United States, including adolescents and young adults, experience disproportionately high levels of mental and behavioral health concerns (Schwartz et al., 2022). This public health issue is increasingly urgent given that Hispanic youth are the fastest-growing youth population in the nation and are projected to represent nearly 40% of all U.S. youth by 2060 (Haack et al., 2016). Despite their large demographic presence, Hispanic youth continue to face structural and social barriers – such as heightened cultural and economic pressures – that may be intensified by the current U.S. sociopolitical climate (Isasi et al., 2016; Perez-Lua et al., 2025). However, research has not fully clarified how these cultural and financial stressors translate into mental health and behavioral outcomes, nor the mechanisms that drive youth vulnerability and coping. The present study addresses this gap by examining how cultural and economic stressors relate to mental and behavioral health among Hispanic youth. Specifically, we test pathways linking these stressors to depressive symptoms, aggressive/rule-breaking behavior, and tobacco and cannabis use, and examine whether general perceived stress and multicultural hassles operate as intervening processes through which these stressors influence outcomes.

Theoretical Framework

Cultural and economic stressors are embedded within broader contexts of disadvantage and discrimination. The Integrative Model of Developmental Competencies in Minority Children (García Coll et al., 1996) posits that structural inequities (e.g., economic disadvantage, discrimination) heighten exposure to chronic stressors and shape developmental contexts for youth of color. In turn, Transactional Stress and Coping Theory (Lazarus & Folkman, 1987) emphasizes that the impact of these stressors depends on youths’ subjective appraisals (e.g., perceived stress) and daily stress experiences (e.g., multicultural hassles). Together, these frameworks support our hypothesized model in which cultural and economic stressors influence mental and behavioral health through internal stress processes such as perceived stress and multicultural hassles.

In the present study, we tested both direct associations (e.g., cultural stress and depressive symptoms), as well as indirect effects through stress experiences (i.e., general perceived stress and multicultural hassles), to capture how youth internalize and process these stressors. Consistent with theoretical perspectives (García Coll et al., 1996; Lazarus & Folkman, 1987), our hypothesized model posits that the impact of cultural and economic stressors may be filtered through subjective experiences of stress (i.e., general perceived stress and multicultural hassles). By modeling these indirect pathways, we aim to identify potential intervening variables that can inform culturally responsive interventions. This approach also allows us to identify mechanisms through which structural and contextual stressors help to shape youth mental and behavioral health. In the sections that follow, we provide further detail on each component of our hypothesized model – from (a) cultural and economic stressors to (b) perceived stress and multicultural hassles as potential intervening variables, and to (c) mental and behavioral health outcomes.

Cultural and Economic Stressors Among Hispanic Youth

Cultural Stressors

Hispanic youth, many of whom are first- and second-generation immigrants¹, often encounter cultural stressors stemming from their ethnicity and immigrant background. Cultural stress often involves multiple experiences and perceptions of being excluded or marginalized (Cano et al., 2015; Schwartz et al., 2022). These cultural stressors often include inter-group discrimination, within-group discrimination, negative context of reception, bicultural stress, and immigration-related stress (Meca & Schwartz, 2024; Vo et al., 2025).

Inter-group discrimination (generally referred to simply as discrimination) includes explicit behaviors such as name calling or unfair treatment toward Hispanics (Findling et al., 2019). Negative context of reception refers to feeling excluded from opportunities within the U.S. society due to one’s ethnicity or national origin (Portes & Rumbaut, 2014; Schwartz et al., 2014). Bicultural stress refers to perceived pressure to conform to both Hispanic and U.S. cultural norms (Romero & Roberts, 2003). All of these stressors have been found to predict mental health problems and substance use among Hispanic youth (Forster et al., 2015; Lorenzo-Blanco & Schwartz, 2020).

In addition, Hispanic youth may experience immigration-related stress and acculturative stress, including pressures related to language use and cultural adaptation (Rodriguez et al., 2002), particularly within restrictive sociopolitical contexts (Perez-Lua et al., 2025). One domain that has been identified as conceptually distinct within broader cultural stress frameworks is within-group discrimination, which refers to exclusion, bullying, or derogation from members of one’s own ethnic group (Vo et al., 2025). For example, youth may be criticized by other Hispanic peers for being “too Hispanic” or “not American enough” because of their accent, skin tone, or country of origin. In the present study we conceptualize within-group discrimination as a specific form of cultural stress consistent with the Multidimensional Inventory of Cultural Stress (Meca et al., 2026), which distinguishes it from pressures to acculturate or enculturate. Immigration-related stress refers to familial separations related to immigrant status, as well as reactions to anti-immigrant attitudes (McGuire & Martin, 2007).

Economic Stressor

Hispanic families often experience substantial economic strain due to systemic challenges such as inadequate wages and substantial wealth disparities (Gennetian et al., 2019). Economic disadvantage adversely affects family dynamics, exacerbates psychological distress, and can result in health disparities (Cleaveland & Frankenfeld, 2023). Among Hispanic youth, economic disadvantage is strongly associated with substance use behaviors and daily negative mood (Cardoso et al., 2016; Torres & Santiago, 2018). During the most recent Republican administrations, which focused on border restrictions and interior enforcement to facilitate mass deportations, Hispanic immigrant families, regardless of their immigration status, faced heightened apprehensions that negatively impacted their health, well-being, employment, and daily lives (Morey, 2018; Pillai et al., 2025). For instance, undocumented or formerly undocumented family members of Hispanic youth may fear going to work and being deported, or not going to work and losing their job, which could lead to increased economic hardship and/or financial responsibility for the youth.

Perceived Stress, Multicultural Hassles, and Their Potential Roles in the Pathways Between Cultural and Economic Stressors to Health Outcomes

It is essential to distinguish between stressor and stress. In the Folkman and Lazarus Transactional Model of Stress (1984), a stressor is an external event or situation that is perceived as threatening, harmful, or challenging, while stress is the resulting psychological and physiological response. Perceived stress is the feelings or thoughts of being overwhelmed and not being able to cope with an abundance of stressors at a given point in time or over time (Phillips, 2013). Perceived stress, which typically results from the weight of all stressors, might function as an intervening mechanism through which these economic and cultural stressors relate to youth’s health outcomes.

On the other hand, multicultural hassles refer to uncomfortable or negative events that occur in the lives of Hispanic and Black youth, such as repeated conflicts with family members or friends, school difficulties, parents losing their jobs, or neighborhood-related violence (Gonzales et al., 2001). These stressors are more likely to occur in low-income communities of color (Gonzales et al., 2001) – likely because these communities are characterized by economic deprivation and by experiences of discrimination, exclusion, and cultural marginalization. Not surprisingly, multicultural hassles are common among many Hispanic youths and adolescents (Cervantes & Cordova, 2011), and have been shown to contribute to youth’s mental health and delinquent behaviors (Mize & Kliewer, 2017). The number of multicultural hassles occurring over a period may explain the effect of economic and cultural stressors on Hispanic youth’s mental and behavioral health (Henriquez et al., 2024). Hispanic youth, particularly those who face multiple stressors, may encounter more negative events. For instance, youth from disadvantaged and marginalized families may feel threatened by living in a high-crime neighborhood, and stressed when their parents lose their job. Multicultural hassles may therefore be an intervening variable between (a) cultural and economic stressors and (b) mental health and substance use problems.

Mental and Behavioral Health Issues Among Hispanic Youth

Discrimination, immigration-related pressures, and poverty contribute to greater stress exposure and can heighten vulnerability to severe mental health impairment (Castro-Ramirez et al., 2021; Isasi et al., 2016). Hispanic youth, especially those from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, face elevated risks for depression and other serious mental health difficulties. They also show disproportionately high engagement in aggressive and rule-breaking behaviors, which significantly increase risk of involvement with the justice system (Forster et al., 2015; Vazsonyi & Chen, 2010).

Although tobacco and cannabis use rates are generally lower among Hispanic youth than national estimates, risk remains elevated for certain subgroups – particularly U.S.-born Hispanics – due to greater availability and more accepting social norms surrounding substance use (CDC, 2024; Unger et al., 2016). Depressive symptoms, aggressive/rule-breaking behaviors, and tobacco and cannabis use often co-occur and are influenced by sociocultural factors (Alam, 2025; Pettinati et al., 2013; Whitesell et al., 2013) that can worsen mental health outcomes and lead to increased substance use and externalizing behaviors (Schwartz et al., 2015).

The Present Study

The purpose of the present study was to examine whether (1) inter-group and within-group discrimination, negative context of reception, bicultural stress, and immigration-related stress converge onto a single latent cultural stress construct and (2) the predictive associations of cultural stress and economic stressors vis-à-vis depressive symptoms, aggressive and rule-breaking behavior, tobacco, and cannabis use, both directly and indirectly through perceived stress and multicultural hassles among Hispanic youth in Los Angeles. Our hypotheses are as follows:

1. The single cultural stress construct will emerge from all proposed cultural stressors.

2. These cultural stressors, along with economic stress, will predict depressive symptoms, aggressive and rule-breaking behavior, tobacco, and cannabis use both (a) directly and (b) indirectly through perceived stress and culturally related hassles.

Methods

Sample

The sample for the present study consists of 198 Hispanic youth in the Los Angeles metro area. The majority of the sample was female (73%), with 26% male and 1.5% identifying as “other.” Ages ranged from 13 to 21 (M = 18.38, SD = 1.29), with about 91% between 17 and 20. The majority of participants (92%) were US-born, but most of their mothers (70%) and fathers (75%) were born outside of the United States. In terms of parents’ educational background, most of participants’ fathers (80%) and mothers (64%) were high school graduates or less. The majority (73.2%) of participants described their families’ economic situations as average or poor. Participants resided in homes with an average of 2.86 bedrooms (SD = 1.24, range 0–7). See Table 1 for more details about socio-demographic characteristics of the sample.

Table 1.

Participant Socio-Demographic Characteristics

Variable	n (%) or M (SD)	Range
Age (years)	18.38 (1.29)	13–21
Gender
Female	144 (72.7%)	-
Male	51 (25.8%)	-
Others	3 (1.5%)	-
Participant birthplace
US-born	183 (92.4%)	-
Foreign-born	15 (7.6%)	-
Mother’s birthplace
US-born	57 (29.1%)	-
Foreign-born	139 (70.9%)	-
Father’s birthplace
US-born	49 (24.9%)	-
Foreign-born	148 (75.1%)	-
Mother’s education
Below high school	78 (39.4%)	-
High school graduate	48 (24.2%)	-
Some college/College graduate	61 (30.8%)
Master’s degree	11 (5.6%)	-
Father’s education
Below high school	101 (51.3%)	-
High school graduate	56 (28.4%)	-
Some college/College graduate	36 (18.3%)
Master’s degree	4 (2%)	-
Family socioeconomic
Pretty well	11 (5.6%)	-
About average	82 (41.4%)	-
Poor	63 (31.8%)	-
Varied	42 (21.2%)	-
Bedrooms in household	2.86 (1.24)	0–7

Procedure

Data collection was conducted by a team of four staff members and three graduate students and took place between June 2023 and October 2025 (approximately 28 months). Participants were recruited utilizing school-based and community-based approaches. For school-based recruitment, study team members visited middle schools, high schools, community colleges, and universities in the Los Angeles area. Study staff obtained relevant permission from school administrators and instructors to visit classes and introduce the study to students or put out a booth on campus to promote the study generally. The study team also attended a variety of community-based events to promote the study (i.e. health fairs and cultural events). For both school-based and community-based events, the study team distributed paper and online study fliers with a QR code to an online interest form. Those who expressed interest were invited to complete an online eligibility screener.

Inclusion Criteria.

Participants were eligible if they (a) identified as Hispanic, (b) were between 12 and 21 years old, (c) lived with a parent or guardian, and (d) had previously used or intended to use within the next year at least one of the following substances: cigarettes, e-cigarettes, or cannabis. The study was initially designed to recruit adolescents aged 12–17. However, due to lower-than-anticipated enrollment and recruitment constraints in school settings, eligibility was expanded to include youth up to age 21 to increase feasibility and broaden recruitment to community college populations. This expanded range captures a developmental period spanning adolescence and emerging adulthood, both of which are critical for understanding mental and behavioral health risk (Arnett, 2000).

Written electronic parental informed consent was obtained for participants under the age of 18 and then written electronic youth assent was obtained. Written electronic informed consent was obtained for participants 18 years of age and older. Eligible participants who provided informed consent received a unique survey link to complete a ~30-minute online questionnaire via a web-based survey platform (REDCap). Participation was voluntary, responses were confidential, and participants were permitted to skip questions or withdraw at any time. Participants received a $20 electronic gift card for their participation. The study was approved by the Institutional Review Board at the first author’s university. All identifying information was deleted from the data file before any analyses were conducted.

Measures

Cultural Stress.

Cultural stress was assessed in terms of discrimination, negative context of reception, bicultural stress, within-group discrimination for being too Hispanic, and immigration-related stress.

Discrimination was assessed using the 7-item Perceived Discrimination Scale (Phinney et al., 1998; α = .89 in the present study). This measure taps into direct acts of exclusion or marginalization due to one’s ethnicity, such as “How often do you feel that others behave in an unfair or negative way toward your ethnic group?” Participants rated on a 5-point Likert scale from 1 (Almost never) to 5 (Very often).

Negative context of reception was assessed using the 6-item Perceived Negative Context of Reception Scale (Schwartz et al., 2014; α = .78 in the present study). This measure asks about feelings of exclusion from mainstream U.S. society, such as “People from my country are not welcome here.” Participants rated on a 5-point Likert scale from 0 (Strongly disagree) to 4 (Strongly agree).

Bicultural stress was assessed using the 20-item Bicultural Stress Scale (Romero & Roberts, 2003; α = .87 in the present study). The scale measures individual’s subjective perception of stress arising from daily life within their heritage and majority cultures and languages, such as “I feel like I can’t do what most American kids do because of my parents’ culture.” Participants rated on a 4-point Likert scale from 1 (Not at all stressful) to 4 (Very stressful), with an additional option equals 5 (does not apply).

Within-group discrimination for being too Hispanic was assessed using the subscale from the Multidimensional Inventory of Cultural Stress (Zeledon et al., 2023; α = .87 in the present study). These items measure experiences of being criticized or bullied by other Hispanics for being too traditional and unacculturated, such as “Other Hispanics/Latinos often tell me I’m too Hispanic/Latino or not American enough.” Participants rated on a 6-point Likert scale from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 6 (Strongly agree).

Immigration-related Stress was measured using the corresponding 7-item subscale from the Hispanic Stress Inventory-Adolescent Version (Cervantes et al., 2012; α = .93 in the present study). The items measure how much participants worried about immigration-related issues, such as “Family members or close friends who are afraid of getting caught by immigration officials.” Participants rated on a 5-point Likert scale from 1 (Not at all worried) to 5 (Extremely worried).

Economic Stress.

We used the 7-item economic stress subscale from the Adolescent Stress Questionnaire (Byrne et al., 2007; α = .90 in the present study). Participants indicated how stressful each item was for them in the year prior to assessment, such as “Not enough money to buy the things you need.” Participants rated on a 5-point Likert scale from 1 (Not at all stressful) to 5 (Very stressful).

Perceived Stress.

Perceived stress was assessed using the 10-item Perceived Stress Scale (Cohen et al., 1983; α = .82 in the present sample). This measure asks the extent to which participants have been overwhelmed, upset because of something that happened, or angry about life events that are out of their control, such as “In the last month, how often have you felt that things were going your way?” Participants rated on a 5-point Likert scale from 0 (Never) to 4 (Very often).

Multicultural Hassles.

We used 39 items from the Multicultural Events Scale for Adolescents (MESA; Gonzales et al., 2001). This scale indexes a range of events that often occur in the lives of youth of color from low-income families. Participants are asked to indicate whether each event has happened to them in the past 3 months, such as “Your parent lost a job” or “Your friends criticized you for hanging out with other ethnic or racial groups.” The MESA score is computed as the number of events that a given adolescent endorses. Because the response scale for the MESA is dichotomous with 1 (Happened) and 2 (Did not happen), we used McDonald’s omega to estimate internal consistency. In the present sample, the omega value was .90.

Depressive Symptoms.

Depressive symptoms were assessed using the 10-item version of the Centers for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D-10; Radloff, 1977). Items refer to experiences or feelings that the person has undergone during the last week prior to assessment, such as “It felt like everything was an effort.” We asked participants to rate each item on a dichotomous Yes/No format, which generally functions work as well as the original four-point format for the 10-item version, in order to simplify administration (Cheng & Chan, 2005). In the present sample, McDonald’s omega was .72. The response distribution was reasonably normal, as evidenced by low skewness (−0.31) and kurtosis (−0.89) values.

Aggressive and Rule-Breaking Behavior.

Aggressive and rule-breaking behavior was measured using 21-item Youth Self Report (Achenbach et al., 2002; α = .89 in the present study). The measure assesses aggression and rule-breaking behaviors by asking youth to rate the truthfulness of statements describing these actions, such as “I destroy my own things” and “I lie or cheat,” and determine whether these actions apply to them. Participants rated each item on a 3-point Likert scale from 0 (Not true) to 2 (Very or often true).

Tobacco and Cannabis Use.

Participants reported whether they had used combustible cigarettes, e-cigarettes, or cannabis during the past 30 days (0 = no, 1 = yes). Because the prevalence of combustible cigarette smoking was very low, and nearly all cigarette users also reported e-cigarette use, we combined the cigarette and e-cigarette items into a single binary indicator of tobacco use, coded as 1 if youth endorsed either product or coded as 0 if they endorsed neither. Cannabis use was also coded as a binary indicator of any past-month use.

Analysis Plan

Analyses for the present study were conducted in two general steps. First, we calculated descriptive statistics (means and standard deviations for continuous variables, and percentages for categorical variables) for demographic variables (as described in the Sample), and calculated correlations between study variables. Second, we used a structural equation model to test the study hypotheses (Kline, 2023). We created a latent variable for cultural stress, consisting of perceived discrimination, negative context of reception, bicultural stress, immigration-related stress, and within-group discrimination. This latent cultural stress variable, along with economic stress, was then allowed to predict both perceived stress and multicultural hassles controlling for age and gender. In turn, perceived stress and multicultural hassles, along with cultural stress and economic stress, were specified as predictors of depressive symptoms, aggression/rule breaking behaviors, and tobacco and cannabis use. Direct associations of cultural and economic stress with outcome variables were also specified.

Because the tobacco and cannabis use variables were dichotomous, we used a weighted least squares means and variances (WLSMV) estimator in Mplus (Muthén & Muthén, 2017). This estimator treats dichotomous variables as arising from an underlying continuous latent response variable, with observed categories defined by thresholds. As such, paths to dichotomous outcomes are estimated as probit regression coefficients representing the effect of each predictor on the probability of a Yes response. Standard structural equation modeling fit indices are available using this estimator – the chi-square statistic, which tests the null hypothesis of perfect model fit; the comparative fit index (CFI), which represents the extent to which the specified model represents an improvement over a null model with no paths or latent variables; and the root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA), which reflects the extent to which the covariance matrix implied by the specified model deviates from the covariance matrix observed in the data. Generally, appropriate model fit is defined as CFI ≥ .95 and RMSEA ≤ .08 (Kline, 2023).

We also tested the extent to which the associations of cultural stress and economic stress would operate indirectly through perceived stress and multicultural hassles. To do so, we used the asymmetric distribution of products test (MacKinnon, 2012) implemented in the MODEL INDIRECT command in Mplus (Muthén & Muthén, 2017). This test computes the product and standard error for the two standardized coefficients that comprised the indirect effect. If the 95% confidence internal for the indirect effect does not include zero, then the indirect effect is considered significant.

Results

Preliminary Analysis

Table 2 presents bivariate correlations, means, and standard deviations of study variables. All cultural stressors were moderately to strongly correlated with one another. Economic stress was moderately correlated with all other stressors and outcomes, except for a weak correlation with tobacco use and no correlation with bicultural stress. Depressive symptoms were strongly correlated with perceived stress, not related to immigration-related stress, and weakly to moderately correlated with other stressors. Aggressive/rule-breaking behavior was moderately correlated with depression and multicultural hassles. Tobacco use and cannabis use were moderately correlated with each other.

Table 2.

Bivariate Correlations, Means, and Standard Deviations of Study Variables

Variables	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9	10	11	12
1. Discrimination	-
2. Negative Reception	.66**	-
3. Bicultural Stress	.72**	.49**	-
4. Within-group Discrimination	.54**	.39**	.51**	-
5. Immigration-related Stress	.48**	.49**	.53**	.30**	-
6. Economic Stress	.37**	.29**	.36	.27**	.34**	-
7. Perceived Stress	.35**	.31**	.40*	.12	.30**	.37**	-
8. Multicultural Hassles	.42**	.16**	.37*	.43**	.33**	.32**	.17*	-
9. Depressive Symptoms	.29**	.25**	.24**	.17*	.15	.28**	.55**	.34**	-
10. Aggressive/Rule-breaking	.22**	.06	.15	.11	.10	.19**	.29**	.35**	.32**	-
11. Tobacco Use	.06	−.06	−.05	−.04	.03	.16*	.03	.12	.06	.32**	-
12. Cannabis Use	.04	−.13	.20	.02	.04	.21**	.09	.11	.09	.20	.32**	-
Means	17.28	10.94	44.96	8.81	19.15	22.81	23.77	9.41	5.43	8.62	-	-
Standard Deviations	6.42	4.87	11.71	4.4	8.47	7.42	5.98	6.91	2.52	5.87	-	-

Note: Correlations between tobacco use and cannabis use with other variables are point-biserial correlations.

^**p < 0.01 (2-tailed);

^*p < 0.05 (2-tailed).

Table 3 presents differences in stressor variables between boys and girls. All stressor variables, with the exception of economic stress and multicultural hassles, were significantly higher for girls than for boys. A multivariate analysis of variance, with gender as the grouping variable, produced a significant multivariate effect, Wilk’s λ = .76, F(8, 178) = 6.98, p < .001. η² = .24. Univariate results are provided in Table 3.

Table 3.

Gender Differences in Stressor Variables

Variable	Boys M (SD)	Girls M (SD)	F (η2)
Within-Group Discrimination	7.04 (3.76)	9.28 (4.41)	9.72** (.05)
Negative Context of Reception	8.87 (4.69)	11.59 (4.72)	11.73*** (.06)
Discrimination	13.87 (5.09)	18.12 (6.35)	17.28*** (.09)
Bicultural Stress	48.52 (15.82)	59.54 (15.19)	18.12*** (.09)
Immigration-Related Stress	15.15 (7.74)	20.41 (8.24)	14.76*** (.07)
Perceived Stress	19.89 (5.20)	24.99 (5.70)	29.35*** (.14)
Economic Stress	21.20 (7.29)	23.40 (7.46)	3.09 (.02)
Multicultural Hassles	8.33 (6.50)	9.86 (7.11)	1.69 (.01)

Notes:

^*p < .05.

^**p < .01.

^***p < .001.

We also examined correlations between age and the study variables. Age was significantly and positively related to economic stress, r = .30, p < .001, and with the likelihood of using cannabis during the month prior to assessment, r = .16, p < .05. No other significant correlations emerged involving age.

Structural Equation Model

The specified model provided an acceptable fit to the data, χ²(41) = 63.79, p < .05; CFI = .938; RMSEA = .056 (90% CI = .026 to .081). All factor loadings for the latent cultural stress variable exceeded the minimum acceptable threshold of .50 (Hair et al., 2010) and ranged from .61 to .88, with a mean of .71. The structural model is displayed in Figure 1. Cultural stress was marginally associated with both perceived stress, β = .17, p = .072; and significantly associated with multicultural hassles, β = .46, p < .001. Economic stress was also significantly associated with both perceived stress, β = .29, p = .001; and multicultural hassles, β = .20, p < .001. In turn, depressive symptoms were significantly predicted by perceived stress, β = .44, p < .001; and multicultural hassles, β = .30, p < .001. Aggressive/rule breaking behavior was significantly predicted by perceived stress, β = .22, p = .021; and multicultural hassles, β = .29, p < .001. Past-month cannabis use was marginally predicted by economic stress, β = .23, p = .064, but cultural stress was not a significant predictor, β = −.24, p = .117. Past-month tobacco use was marginally predicted by economic stress, β =.29, p = .056.

Figure 1. Direct and Indirect Pathways Between Stressors and Outcomes.

Note: Dashed lines indicate paths that are marginally significant (.05 < p < .065)

In terms of indirect effects, five significant findings emerged (see Table 4). Specifically, both cultural stress and economic stress were related to both depressive symptoms and aggression/rule breaking indirectly through multicultural hassles, and economic stress was related to depressive symptoms through perceived stress. No significant indirect effects emerged for tobacco or cannabis use. The majority of effects for depressive symptoms and aggression/rule breaking were indirect, whereas the majority of effects for cannabis and tobacco use were direct (see Table 5).

Table 4.

Significant Standardized Indirect Effects

Predictor	Intervening	Outcome	β (95% CI)
Cultural Stress	Multicultural Hassles	Depressive Symptoms	.14** (.05 to .23)
Economic Stress	Perceived Stress	Depressive Symptoms	.12** (.04 to .21)
Economic Stress	Multicultural Hassles	Depressive Symptoms	.06** (.02 to .10)
Cultural Stress	Multicultural Hassles	Aggression/Rule Breaking	.13*** (.06 to .20)
Economic Stress	Multicultural Hassles	Aggression/Rule Breaking	.06** (.02 to .09)

Notes:

^*p < .05;

^**p < .01;

^***p < .001.

Table 5.

Standardized Direct, Indirect, Total Effects, and Percents of Indirect Effects from Cultural and Economic Stressors to Health Outcomes

Predictor	Outcome	Direct β	Indirect β	Total β	% Indirecta
Cultural Stress	Depressive Symptoms	−.133	.210	.077	39%
Economic Stress	Depressive Symptoms	.060	.184	.244	75%
Cultural Stress	Aggressive/rule-breaking	−.065	.168	.103	72%
Economic Stress	Aggression/rule-breaking	.104	.120	.224	54%
Cultural Stress	Cannabis Use	−.242	.107	−.135	31%
Economic Stress	Cannabis Use	.225	.064	.288	22%
Cultural Stress	Tobacco Use	−.254	.075	−.179	23%
Economic Stress	Tobacco Use	.288	.031	.318	10%

Notes:

^aThe percent indirect effect was obtained by dividing the absolute value of the indirect effect by the sum of the absolute values of the indirect and direct effects.

Discussion

The purpose of the present study was to examine stress processes, and their associations with mental and behavioral health, among Hispanic adolescents and young adults. Specifically, we examined both cultural and economic stressors as predictors of depressive symptoms, aggressive/rule breaking behavior, and tobacco and cannabis use. We ascertained these associations both directly and indirectly through perceived stress and multicultural hassles. These research questions are important, especially during the current period of heightened anti-Hispanic and anti-immigrant rhetoric and policies. Specifically, these policies have likely increased cultural stress among not only Hispanic immigrants but also among Hispanic U.S. citizens whose parents, grandparents, and/or friends might be immigrants (Pinedo et al., 2022). The combination of cultural and economic stressors among this population might then increase the amount of stress and multicultural hassles that Hispanic youth and their families experience. Our results support these propositions, as we detail in the next paragraph.

First, we found that a single cultural stress construct emerged, defined by both between-group and within-group stressors. This finding is consistent with theoretical propositions advanced by Vo et al. (2025), and with prior empirical work (e.g., Zeledon et al., 2023). This pattern of findings suggests that many Hispanic youths face discrimination and marginalization not only from other ethnic groups, but also from other Hispanic people. For example, Hispanics may be discriminated against and ostracized by their co-ethnic peers for being too ethnically identified (e.g., speaking more Spanish than their peers). These intragroup stressors appear to co-occur with ostracism from other ethnic groups and from feeling pressured to satisfy the expectations of both their ethnic group and the dominant U.S. culture.

Second, as we hypothesized, we found that perceived stress and multicultural hassles were associated with depressive symptoms and aggression/rule breaking behavior, but that cultural and economic stressors were only significantly associated with these outcomes through multicultural hassles (and economic stress was also indirectly associated with depressive symptoms through perceived stress). These hypothesized intervening variables – especially multicultural hassles – appeared to account for the predictive associations of cultural and economic stressors with depressive symptoms and aggression/rule-breaking behavior. This finding extends prior work that has examined only direct predictive effects of cultural stressors on depressive symptoms, aggressive and rule-breaking behavior, and substance use (Schwartz et al., 2015). Additionally, economic stress was directly and marginally associated with both tobacco and cannabis use. Perceived stress and multicultural hassles were not associated with tobacco and cannabis use, and therefore no indirect effects emerged for these outcomes.

These findings suggest that both cultural and economic stressors appear to increase multicultural hassles that may be rooted in cultural marginalization and/or in economic insufficiency. Economic stress also appears to increase perceived stress. Conceptually, these findings align with Lazarus and Folkman’s Transactional Model of Stress and Coping (1987) in terms of ways in which stressors relate to mental health and other key outcomes. Specifically, culturally or economic stressful events and conditions appear to compromise mental health and predict externalizing behavior by leading to feelings of being stressed and by increasing the likelihood of multicultural hassles. Interestingly, the direct links of economic (but not cultural) stressor with cannabis and tobacco use approached significance. Although conclusions must be regarded as tentative because the findings were marginally significant, use of these substances may represent a self-medication effect (Robinson et al., 2011), where Hispanic people may use tobacco and cannabis to help them cope with economic uncertainty.

It should be noted that the majority of these data were collected after the 2024 election and during the first months of the new U.S. administration, when Hispanic youth had to face the reality of mass deportations, anti-Hispanic policies, and other similar conditions within their ethnic community. A significant portion of Hispanic families in the United States, including many Hispanic households in Los Angeles, have at least one undocumented family member (Clarke et al., 2017). The majority of our sample was of Mexican or Central American descent, Hispanic groups that have typically been stereotyped as poor, undocumented “invaders” who come to the United States so that they can send money back to their home countries (Del Real, 2019). These are also the groups that the administration has targeted for detention and potential deportation (Pierce & Selee, 2017), and Los Angeles has been one of the sites where several Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) raids have been conducted. Given these current conditions and events, studying both cultural and economic stressors among these groups is especially timely and important.

It is noteworthy that economic stress played a more prominent role in our results than cultural stress did. Economic stress in the form of food insecurity, inability to meet other basic needs, living in low-income areas, and other similar conditions are likely recurring if not daily experiences. In our results, the predictive effects of cultural stressors operated through multicultural hassles – suggesting that discrimination, exclusion, and marginalization appeared to predict symptoms of depression and aggressive behavior indirectly through events and annoyances associated with being a low-income member of a culturally marginalized group. Interestingly, cultural stress was not associated with increases in perceptions of feeling stressed and overwhelmed – although economic stress was associated with these perceptions. Again, economic stress may be a greater component of many Hispanic youth’s day-to-day experiences than cultural stress is. These findings complement prior research showing that economic hardship and sociocultural stressors jointly shape Latino youths’ adjustment. For example, work with children of Latino immigrants (Mendoza et al., 2017) has found that internalizing and externalizing behaviors are highest when economic hardship co-occurs with immigration-related stress, suggesting that economic strain may be particularly consequential in contexts of concurrent sociocultural stress exposure. Whereas prior studies have emphasized interactive effects, the present findings extend this literature by highlighting stress processes through which economic and cultural stressors may operate.

Limitations and Strengths

This study has several limitations that warrant consideration. First, the cross-sectional design that we used limits our ability to infer temporal or causal relationships among variables because it captures data only at a single time point. Second, relying solely on youth self-reports for all measures may inflate associations due to shared method variance, as suggested by Podsakoff et al. (2012). Third, the sample was drawn exclusively from Los Angeles and included only certain Hispanic subgroups (primarily Mexican Americans and Central Americans), which may restrict the generalizability of findings to the broader U.S. Hispanic populations. Fourth, the study focused on a limited set of mental and behavioral health outcomes (e.g., we included depressive symptoms but not anxiety, and we limited our assessment to tobacco and cannabis use, potentially omitting crucial aspects of other mental and behavioral risk. Fourth, we assessed depressive symptoms using dichotomous item responses that might have constrained the amount of variability in the resulting variable. Fifth, base rates for past-month tobacco (16%) and cannabis (20%) use were fairly low, possibly limiting the extent of associations that predictors could have with these substance use outcomes. Sixth, although we assessed a range of culturally related stressors, we did not assess pressures toward or against acculturation into U.S. society (see Rodriguez et al., 2002, for an example of a scale assessing these pressures). Finally, although we assessed depressive symptoms, externalizing behavior, and tobacco and cannabis use as outcomes, we did not include positive indicators such as self-esteem or hope that could provide a more comprehensive view of youth functioning. Researchers should consider these limitations in interpreting our findings, as well as in replicating our study in the future.

Despite these limitations, the present study has several notable strengths. It examines timely structural stressors in an underserved, high-risk population and integrates two complementary stress processes (i.e., perceived stress and multicultural hassles) to capture both general and culturally specific challenges. By simultaneously evaluating multiple mental and behavioral health outcomes, the study provides a multidimensional view of youth adjustment. The relatively large sample from a major metropolitan area enhances statistical power and real-world relevance, while the model’s grounding in established theoretical frameworks clarifies pathways through which stressors may influence developmental outcomes.

Implications and Future Directions

Our findings highlight several actionable directions for behavioral health programs designed to support Hispanic youth. Because economic stressors were indirectly linked with depressive symptoms and with aggressive/rule breaking behavior, and because economic stressors were marginally linked with substance use, prevention and intervention efforts may benefit from incorporating components that help youth recognize and manage stress in healthier ways. For instances, skills-based approaches – such as strengthening coping strategies, encouraging help-seeking, and improving communication and relationships within families – represent feasible targets that align with our findings and are supported by evidence from family-based and culturally adapted interventions (Corpus-Espinosa et al., 2025).

Importantly, the mediating roles of perceived stress and multicultural hassles suggest that reducing such subjective stress experiences may help lessen the effects of broader contextual stressors (e.g., culturally and economically based stressors). Behavioral health providers and school-based programs may therefore consider strategies, including conflict resolution and problem-solving around school or family challenges, that directly address daily stress perceptions and experiences. Because economic stressors approached significance as directly related to tobacco and cannabis use, interventions that help youth manage stress without turning to substances could have added preventive value (Lardier et al., 2024).

Further, it would be useful to expand not only the methodology, but also the theoretical and metatheoretical frameworks used, within studies such as the present examination. For example, our study conceptualizes all variables at the level of the individual youth, rather than adopting a community-focused approach. Within participatory action research, for example, youth are viewed as active agents who can influence and change the communities in which they reside (see Smith et al., 2024, for a review). Indeed, because culturally and economically related stressors often do not operate at the individual level, it is essential to conceptualize, and assess, determinants of these stressors at the community and wider social-ecological levels.

Future work should also continue to refine and evaluate behavioral health programs that address both the sources of stress (e.g., discrimination, economic hardship) and the internal stress processes that shape how youth respond to their environments. Integrating youth participatory action research (Smith et al., 2024) and empowerment approaches (see Morton & Montgomery, 2013, for a review) can further strengthen these efforts by ensuring that interventions reflect lived experiences while fostering protective factors such as self-efficacy, self-esteem, and community connectedness. By advancing intervention approaches that are culturally attuned, stress-informed, and youth-driven, behavioral health services may better support the wellbeing of Hispanic youth facing ongoing challenges.

Conclusion

In conclusion, our results suggest that cultural and economic stressors are associated with depressive symptoms and aggressive/rule-breaking behaviors among U.S. Hispanic youth, primarily through multicultural hassles. These indirect pathways suggest that, at least vis-à-vis these outcomes, youth are affected not only by structural conditions, but also by how they experience and interpret those stressors in daily life. Indirect links of economic and cultural stressors with depressive symptoms and aggressive/rule-breaking behavior highlight the urgency of addressing both emotional and behavioral outcomes. Future research should prioritize culturally responsive interventions that reduce stress exposure, enhance coping mechanisms, and consider the nuanced ways Hispanic youth navigate cultural and economic challenges.

Public Policy Relevance Statements:

The present study examined pathways through which cultural and economic stressors relate to depressive symptoms, aggressive or rule-breaking behavior, and tobacco and cannabis use among Hispanic youth, while also evaluating whether stress experiences (i.e., perceived stress and multicultural hassles) function as mechanism that help explain how youth internalize these stressors. Our findings suggest the importance of interventions that equip Hispanic youth with coping skills, social support, and stronger family relationships to better manage cultural and economic stressors, especially under restrictive and exclusionary immigration policy contexts. Such programs may reduce perceived stress, daily hassles, and related risks for depression, behavioral problems, and substance use.

Data availability statement:

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.