From victimisation to perpetration: a qualitative exploration of the lived experiences and perceptions of incarcerated women convicted of intimate partner violence in Maputo, Mozambique

Abstract

Objective

Numerous studies focus on women’s experiences of intimate partner violence (IPV), but there is a lack of qualitative studies focusing on women who, as victims, become perpetrators. The study explored the lived experiences and perceptions of incarcerated women convicted of IPV against their partner in Maputo, Mozambique.

Design and setting

A qualitative approach was utilised with females purposively sampled for one-on-one semi-structured interviews in the Maputo female prison setting. Data were analysed using Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA).

Participants

Nine females over the age of 18 convicted and incarcerated for perpetrating IPV against their violent partners.

Findings

The analysis revealed three themes: Theme 1: Childhood exposure to violence, with subthemes: direct violence in childhood, witnessing violence in the family and the role of alcohol consumption in violence within the family. Theme 2: Living in a violent intimate relationship with subthemes: psychological violence, coping strategies as victims of IPV and use of self-defence during violent episodes. Theme 3: Consequences of IPV perpetration, with subthemes incarceration experience, mistrust of prison psychology services, disintegration of their families and plans for the future.

Conclusions

Mozambican women incarcerated for IPV described their lived experiences marked by family violence growing up and IPV in their relationships and how this may have shaped their coping strategies, risk appraisal and responses to threat. These factors were central to understanding the circumstances that preceded their offence. The women identified a current need for psychosocial services independent of prison staff. Sustained investment in IPV prevention and victim protection services is warranted to potentially reduce both prolonged victimisation and the risk of subsequent lethal violence.

STRENGTHS AND LIMITATIONS OF THIS STUDY.

• The study’s qualitative design allows for exploring the complexity of IPV perpetration and victimisation by using narratives to depict experiences and motivations.

• The findings based on an incarcerated female population in Maputo cannot be generalised to other populations.

• The findings based on an incarcerated female population in Maputo cannot be generalised to other populations

• The researcher’s positionality as a male and the prison setting may have constrained participants’ disclosure of sensitive information.

Background

Violence is considered a universal phenomenon that results in serious consequences for victims, including mental and physical impairment, disability, and sometimes premature death.1,3 Intimate partner violence (IPV) is defined by the WHO⁴ as “behaviour within an intimate relationship that causes physical and sexual harm, including acts of psychological abuse and controlling behaviours, physical assault and sexual coercion”. IPV is a form of gender-based violence in which the majority of perpetrators are male and the victims female, with the result that the causes and outcomes of male perpetrated IPV have dominated the research on IPV. However, recent studies have now suggested comparable rates of perpetration and victimisation among females and males in intimate relationships, as well as in the severity of IPV.5,11 IPV perpetrated by women has been shown to occur and vary across nations and all social classes globally^{12 13} and has been documented in the African context as well.^{11 14} The literature demonstrates that there are different types of IPV perpetrated by women, ranging from verbal violence and controlling behaviour, also known as emotional or psychological abuse, to sexual coercion and physical aggression.15,17 Physical IPV by women ranges from minor to severe attacks, which have different consequences according to the instrument used; in the literature, a knife is the most common instrument used by women.¹⁸ The majority of this evidence of women as perpetrators of IPV is described only in terms of prevalence and does not address predisposing or contributing risk factors.^{7 8 11}

This paper adopts the American Psychological Association’s¹⁹ definition of a risk factor as any behaviour, genetic trait, psychological condition, environmental influence or other characteristic that increases the likelihood of an event happening, and they may contribute to IPV perpetration rather than being its primary causes.²⁰ Risk factors at the country level include a culture of violence, lack of reporting and enforcement of laws against perpetrators and other conditions related to poverty and gender inequity that may have some degree of influence on the bi-directionality of IPV.²¹ At the community and societal levels, high rates of unemployment, low average earnings and social disorganisation, such as reduced levels of social cohesion and sturdier customs of non-intervention, have been identified as contributing factors to IPV.^{22 23} In addition, weak community support for victims of IPV has been found to elevate the risk of being both a victim and perpetrator of IPV.²⁰ Various relationship-level factors are also implicated in the perpetration of IPV, such as living in an abusive relationship with low personal satisfaction and having more conflicting situations with a lack of strategies or social skills to cope with violent relationships.^{5 24 25} Lastly, at the individual level, women’s perpetration of violence has been linked to victimisation, psychological problems, low socio-economic status, low educational status, substance misuse and binge drinking.^{26 27} The intergenerational transference of violence is another likely explanation for women’s use of violence,²⁸ demonstrating a significant relationship between a lived violent childhood and future acceptance and IPV perpetration.29,31 For example, women incarcerated for IPV in the USA reported a significantly higher prevalence of adverse childhood experiences in comparison to women in the general population.³⁰ Specific interventions have been designed specifically for the prevention of violence of incarcerated women who are both victims and perpetrators.³² One intervention, called Beyond Violence, selected peer educators and prison staff to undergo a 2-day training session, after which peer educators facilitated volunteer groups who completed questionnaires and discussed their experiences with violence. The findings indicated that using incarcerated peer educators to deliver programming to fellow incarcerated women is feasible and resulted in reductions in post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, anger, aggression and symptoms associated with serious mental illness.³²

Mozambique has an estimated population of 34.8 million, a median age of 17, and a life expectancy of 62.3 years.³³ The country’s patrilineal structure may contribute to gender inequalities that affect IPV. The government has adopted policies prioritising violence against women yet often overlooking female-perpetrated IPV.³⁴ Gender equality remains challenging, especially for displaced women and girls. Although girls’ school enrolment is increasing, over two-thirds of workers are in informal jobs with women comprising 52%, mostly in rural and agricultural sectors.³⁵ In light of the points mentioned above and considering the interests of women involved, it is recognised that women can also commit IPV.³⁶ This issue becomes particularly challenging in patriarchal societies, where women who violate expectations of obedience and submissiveness risk penalties for engaging in IPV.³⁷ Regarding IPV, few studies have been conducted in Mozambique, and of these few studies, most focused primarily on the consequences of IPV for women as victims.^{38 39} Mozambique has been shown to have severe IPV cases, including femicide.⁴⁰ Therefore, the current study aimed to explore the lived experiences of incarcerated women who have been both victims and perpetrators of IPV through a critical, systemic, social learning perspective. This study is part of a broader study⁴¹ to identify the multi-level ecological drivers of IPV and explore the role of power, gender and oppression in IPV perpetration.^{27 42 43}

Methods

Study design

This study employed an inductive, qualitative phenomenological research design that allowed the researchers to study a specific, subjective, lived phenomenon by exploring in depth how individuals speak about stressful circumstances they encountered and how they dealt with such incidents, including paying close attention to the meanings they ascribe to them.^{44 45} The research team comprised the first author (interviewer) and the co-authors who have experience in IPV and qualitative research. The study followed the Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research guidelines.

Setting

The study was undertaken at a female prison in Maputo Province, a geographic region south of Mozambique. At the time of data collection, the facility housed 96 inmates in eight cells meant for 20 people.⁴⁶ The inclusion criteria to participate in this study were being a female over 18 years of age who had been incarcerated at the female prison in Maputo for committing IPV.

Procedures for obtaining authorisation to conduct the research in the prison

Since the study focused on women in vulnerable conditions because of their incarceration in prison, it was necessary to acquire multiple approvals. First, ethical approval was received from the National Committee of Bioethics and Health, Ministry of Health (Mozambique) and the University of South Africa (UNISA) research ethics committee. Second, approval from the national prison services was sought and granted based on the qualifications of the first author as having extensively worked with victims of IPV and for the research contribution to be made based on input from the specific target population. After official authorisation was granted, the author complied with the female prison authorities’ request that the study would focus solely on the participants’ intimate and exclusive experiences, without referencing the prison’s characteristics. Then the next step involved identifying and contacting participants who met the study’s criteria.

Participant recruitment

To identify and recruit the participants, the researcher was allowed to access the judicial records available in the prison unit, resulting in twelve potential female participants found who were convicted and incarcerated for committing IPV. Prison staff invited these women to a one-on-one preliminary conversation with the researcher to discuss their potential participation in the study. After the study’s purpose was explained, three declined to participate, reporting they did not feel comfortable sharing their lived experience of IPV. Using non-probability sampling, the remaining nine participants were purposively selected from the study population to explore aspects of this understudied phenomenon.⁴⁷

Patient and public involvement

Female participants who attended forensic services at Maputo Central Hospital were informed about the study and invited to participate in the pilot of the interview guide to assess the content of the interview guide developed. They took part in interviews lasting 1–1.5 hours. Their feedback was used to make the questions clearer and more practical. The main study participants were contacted by prison staff to invite them to participate in the study. They participated in interviews and were not involved in the design, reporting or sharing of the research results.

Data collection

The interview guide used in this study was developed based on a literature review of studies on IPV in general and among female perpetrators, as well as discussions within the research team. It comprised two sections, which provided structure to the interview while allowing the participant freedom to elaborate on areas of personal relevance and meaning. Section A contained questions about background information, and section B comprised open-ended questions regarding lived experiences of IPV. The guide was piloted by the first author at the forensic service at Maputo Central Hospital with ten female victims of IPV who attended this unit for medical-legal evaluation. The participants in the pilot study were required to meet specific criteria: over 18 years old, either currently in a relationship or having been in one previously and having experienced IPV.

Prior to participation, all participants received a comprehensive briefing on the study and were informed that their participation was entirely voluntary. Informed consent was obtained from each participant, including approval for audio recording of the discussions without any identifying information. Data collection comprised individual, audio-recorded semi-structured interviews conducted in a private setting in a prison facility to ensure confidentiality between the participant and the interviewer (first author). Each interview lasted approximately 90 min. The interviews were conducted in Portuguese, subsequently transcribed and translated into English by a professional translation service. The interviews were carried out by the first author, a male forensic physician with 13 years of professional experience in cases involving victims of IPV and other forms of violence. His expertise in conducting interviews for legal expert reports contributed positively to the quality and integrity of the data collected for this study.

Data analysis

The first author and coauthor performed the data analyses using NVivo 12 Plus edition software 2018. The authors used the data analysis process recommended by Smith and Fieldsend,⁴⁴ which involved the following steps: the first step was familiarising ourselves with the data, in which the authors took a broad, high-level view of the data, looking at it as a whole and taking note of the initial impressions. This step was followed by the first author and coauthors independently reading and rereading the transcripts, highlighting portions of the text, and applying labels or codes describing the content’s nature. The codes were thoroughly analysed, and patterns emerged, which were grouped into themes. The next step involved going back to the emergent themes and looking for connections between them, such as thematic clustering, and participant phrases were extracted to support the themes. The following step consisted of further reducing the data by establishing connections between the preliminary themes and clustering them appropriately, including assigning descriptive names (higher themes). Finally, the emerging meanings embedded in the participants’ experiences were written up and outlined. This approach allowed the research team to ascertain, analyse, and describe patterns (themes) in the data.^{47 48} By doing so, the research team framed a narrative that illustrated the dynamic interaction between the researcher’s interpretative efforts and the participants’ experiences, enhancing the overall understanding of the study.

Ethical considerations

This study was conducted in accordance with the ethical guidelines for research in the health and social sciences, and ethical clearance was obtained from the National Committee of Bioethics and Health, Ministry of Health of Mozambique (reference: 804/CNBS/22) and the University of South Africa NHREC (registration #: Rec 2 40 816–052, CREC reference #: 10259112_CREC_CHS_2021). Incarcerated women were recognised as a vulnerable population, and approaching them required sensitivity due to the potential stress they could have experienced while discussing their past as both victims and perpetrators of IPV. It was clearly stated and repeated that participation in the study was voluntary and participants had the right to withdraw at any time without repercussions or consequences of any kind. They were also informed that they were not obligated to answer questions or discuss subjects they were uncomfortable with and that choosing not to participate or to decline to answer specific questions would not have any consequences for them. Furthermore, it was emphasised that the information gathered during the interviews would be kept confidential and not shared with the prison authorities. All the respondents signed an informed consent form. Psychological support and psychiatric treatment, if requested, would be provided by psychologists and psychiatrists from Maputo Central Hospital for follow-up and treatment on approval by the prison management.

Findings

The participants' ages ranged from 22 to 39 years, with the majority at the early adulthood age range (n=6). Regarding education level, participants were fairly spread from limited (primary) schooling (grade 3; n=3) to secondary (grades 9–12; n=6). Six out of nine participants lived in cohabitation prior to incarceration; two were in a dating relationship; and one was married. From those participants, seven have children, ranging from one to five; one has no child and one did not disclose. Eight out of the nine participants had informal jobs.

Table 1 describes the self-reporting regarding the presence of risk factors for IPV in the participants’ lives, including seeking services as victims of IPV prior to the event. This was considered crucial information in the data collection process in order to understand the lived experience of violence of these women prior to their incarceration.

Table 1. Self-reported experiences of violence and help-seeking support as victims of IPV.

Participant	Victim of childhood violence	Witnessing family violence	Exposure to IPV during the relationship	Accessing victim services	Seeking help from families and friends
1	Yes	Yes, family violence	Yes	Never accessed	Yes
2	Yes	Yes, family violence	Yes	Never accessed	Yes
3	No	Yes, family violence	Yes	Yes, but process took too long; police did not help	Yes
4	No	No	Yes	No	Yes
5	Yes	Yes, family violence	Yes	Yes, but police officers told her she had to solve the problem with him together.	Yes
6	No	Yes, parents’ divorce	No	Never accessed	Yes
7	No	No	Yes	Never accessed	Yes
8	No	Yes, family violence	Yes	Yes, but no help given in the places that she accessed	Yes
9	Yes	Yes, family violence	Yes	Never accessed	Yes

IPV, intimate partner violence.

The main themes and sub-themes that emerged from the data analysis are presented as a summary in table 2 below.

Table 2. Main themes and sub-themes emerging from interviews with women incarcerated for IPV.

Main themes	Sub-themes
Childhood exposure to violence	Direct violence in childhood  Witnessing violence in the family  Role of alcohol consumption in family violence
Living in a violent intimate relationship	Psychological violence  Coping strategies as victims of IPV  Use of self-defence during violent episodes
Consequences of IPV perpetration	Incarceration experience  Mistrust of prison psychology service  Disintegration of families  Plans for the future

IPV, intimate partner violence.

Theme 1: childhood exposure to violence

Reflecting on their past experiences allowed the participants to recount their childhood and reflect on how it affected their adult lives. The participants’ exposure to and experience of violence in their homes during childhood may be directly or indirectly related to the acceptance of violence they suffered or committed in their adult lives as normative. These factors are described in the following sub-themes: (1) direct violence in childhood, (2) witnessing violence in the family and (3) role of alcohol consumption in family violence.

Sub-theme: direct violence in childhood

The majority of the participants recounted several episodes and types of direct physical violence that were inflicted on them during their childhood, as evidenced in the following extracts: “I grew up in a family that did not want to listen to you much, but they would beat you” (Participant 1) and “Well, I did suffer violence from my biological parents. I thought it was normal the way I suffered aggression, but today, I can understand that it was not normal” (Participant 9). Participants were also exposed to various other kinds of child neglect and abuse, such as emotional abuse by being ignored during childhood or parents putting their needs before the child’s needs. In this regard, one participant stated that due to the divorce of their parents, this resulted in constant dislocation and the ramifications thereof:

“My parents separated early on… I missed my mother a lot. So, if I missed my mother, my biological mother, it is because it affected me. Because I often wanted to be near her, to be with her and I could not… I stayed with my paternal grandparents until I was eight years old … [and] at the age of eleven, I left to live with an aunt of mine… her husband was very demanding. Actually, there was an episode once when he [inaudible] assaulted me, yes, physically, he sort of hit me …when I turned twelve, that is when my father came to take me out of Maputo to live with him”. (Participant 5)

In recounting the episodes of violence suffered in childhood, participants communicated them as normative at the time they were growing up and that, in their understanding, it was a way their parents educated them.

Sub-theme: witnessing violence in the family

In addition to violence suffered directly, participants observed that violence in the family was common, particularly among parents themselves and between siblings. Participants reported secondary exposure to violence during childhood within their own homes as witnesses of violence: “My childhood was not that good; it was good but also unpleasant. From the age of six or seven to fourteen, I saw my father beating my stepmother” (Participant 8). While another participant indicated that physical violence was not the norm in her household, her father often used verbal abuse: “In my house, my father did not like hitting but shouting, like, talking to a son who does not understand him, he would shout, but not beating” (Participant 4). Violent childhood experiences were described as part of growing up for most of the participants because they were brought up that way. Reflecting on childhood experiences, the participants unanimously associated past experiences of violence with the present adult violent behaviour of accepting violence in their relationship. The following quotes elucidate how participants associated past experiences of violence with the present adult violent behaviour of accepting violence in their relationship: disillusioned when reflecting on their experience of abusive relationships. and the ensuing violence:

“I never, in fact, wanted to separate from my husband. I am the daughter of parents who have been separated for a long time ago, around twenty-eight years. I did not wish the same for our girls; I did not want it. Even though it was difficult, I wanted to stay in that relationship until I did not know, but I wanted to”. (Participant 5)

“I did not grow up in the arms of my birthmother. To this day, I draw tears and wonder. “But why does my mother leave me in that situation alone?”… I could not imagine my life without him…I accepted being beaten up, then he would offer me money”. (Participant 8)

Sub-theme: role of alcohol consumption in family violence

The women interviewed reported alcohol consumption in the family as having a role in the violence experienced, yet none of them described it as a major issue because in most cases only one of the parents consumed alcohol, and this consumption was regarded as moderate. In other participants though, they reported that their partners were heavy consumers of alcohol, and this consumption over time influenced their relationship and communication, varying from verbal insults to physical violence: “Yes, he drinks a lot, every day, he always comes home drunk… He would drink and take revenge on me, hitting me, saying things that I did not understand”. (Participant 7)

Theme 2: living in a violent intimate relationship

Participants pointed out numerous factors about their relationships that they considered linked to their acts of violence, yet they also recounted that at the beginning of their relationships they experienced pleasant and happy moments: “It started well… The person understood me too much that I had no space for all that craziness” (Participant 6). One participant’s face lit up with a smile when recalling the good moments of her relationship, as evidenced in the following extract:“Eish! In the beginning, we lived well, so well, so well… We spent a good amount of time together… when I met my partner, we were so friendly” (Participant 1). According to these participants, the relationship took a different turn, and they could not identify the reason or the specific moment in time that might have led to it. The only certainty the participants recounted was that their relationship became a ‘living hell’, going through all kinds of unimaginable violence. Contrary to what the majority stated, one of the participants said she had been in a relationship for almost 6 years, and her relationship was unpleasant since the beginning because her partner was abusive, as demonstrated in the following quote:“It was rough and complicated. Do you know what it is to live in a house without trust or peace? We lived together, and we had quarrels, arguments, fighting always” (Participant 3). The elements linked to this violence are described in the following sub-themes: (1) psychological violence, (2) coping strategies for partner abuse and (3) use of self-defence during violent episodes.

Sub-theme: psychological violence

The participants recounted various forms of psychological violence which they had experienced in their intimate relationships. These included verbal abuse, monitoring and restricting movement, constraining contact with friends/family, intimidating threats of imminent physical harm, rejection and neglect. One of the participants regarded not knowing where her partner was for days as a form of psychological violence: “He would leave and not say where he was going. He would just leave and return, I do not know, two or three days later or when he returned” (Participant 1). Another participant reported that her intimate partner used emotionally abusive terrorisation, force and control alongside actual physical violence to ensure that she timidly abides in order to avoid ‘corrective’ violent reprisal. She noted, “I was pregnant. My husband beat me… he took me to a hospital… he instructed me on everything I had to say… as agreed, I said I fell in the bathroom” (Participant 5).

Sub-theme: coping strategies as victims of IPV

The participants reported different strategies according to the severity of the imminent conflict. Some used sitting down and talking as a one-on-one strategy and managed in some ways to have the conflict avoided for a particular time: “Sit down and talk in a good environment” (Participant 8), and “At the time, we used to talk… for example, if he did something I did not like, I would always say, and he avoided… and he also talked more about what he did not like” (Participant 1). Another participant used a different strategy, such as leaving for a little while: “I would leave him, then after 30 minutes I would laugh and talk with him” (Participant 4). Nevertheless, another participant stated that sometimes she would leave for days or stay in different rooms/parts of the house: “Some days, I would just open the door and leave. Other times, I would go to my house and stay for days, and then he would come after me, or I would stay on the other side of the house” (Participant 1).

In addition to these personal coping strategies, participants sought help from their families as a form of informal support to deal with the challenges of being in a violent relationship:

“If I have an issue with my husband, the family should be capable of asking what I think about doing and me saying that I want to separate and be sure about it, but when they say, no, he got married to you, we spent money, so did he, you have to suck it up". (Participant 9)

Another participant reported that family members told her to walk away from the relationship: “Leave this dude and come back home” (Participant 5). However, when she wanted to report the violence by her partner to the police, she was told, “It would be best if you stopped this. However, you have to go back. If you take the case to the police station, and then they arrest your husband, what will happen?” (Participant 5). One of the participants stated that she sought help from the police, and they never followed up with her partner. She recounted that “There was (sic) one time that he hit me when the child was two months old. I went there [ie, the police station] to press charges, and they gave me a document to take to the hospital” (Participant 3). However, she noted that “he was never called for a deposition, not even once nothing happened, but when the accident happened [ie, her use of violence against her partner], that is when they took the documents they had written to the court” (Participant 3).

Sub-theme: use of self-defence during violent episodes

To grasp the scope of this sub-theme, it is essential to analyse the general legal definition of self-defence, which refers to protecting oneself from imminent bodily harm.⁴⁹ For the participants, all the elements presented above describe the factors they consider related to their victimisation and, consequently, to committing IPV. Seven out of the nine participants stated that they acted violently in self-defence because their partners were inflicting violence on them. The participants used physical violence by using the first instrument that they could find in front of them, which was a knife, to repel the violence being perpetrated against them. The following extracts highlight how the circumstances surrounding each violent episode differed. One of the participants was in the kitchen preparing a meal when she inflicted violence on her partner, as shown in the ensuing extract: “He found me preparing the meal when the fight started… maybe in the middle of that fight, and when I tried to open the door, I stuck the knife in his stomach” (Participant 8). Two participants acted the day after they experienced violence by their partner: “I came out of the garage into the bedroom with the axe… and aimed at his head, and he never woke up” (Participant 9) and another participant “After we made love, he thought everything was fine… I boiled the oil… He was in a deep sleep [when] I poured it on him” (Participant 6).

Theme 3: consequences of IPV perpetration

The consequences of IPV committed by the participants included incarceration, which resulted in several adverse effects. They faced serious criminal charges that led to lengthy prison sentences with the breakdown of relationships with family and friends. This condition of incarceration aggravated their psychological distress related to their lived experiences in violent relationships. Based on the participant’s answers, the following sub-themes emerged from the data: (1) incarceration experience, (2) mistrust and feeling uncomfortable to talk (psychologist) and (3) disintegration of families.

Sub-theme: incarceration experience

All participants stated that incarceration affected them in many ways, as well as giving them time to think and introspect. Being in prison allowed them to visualise how toxic their relationship with their partner was. The following quotes elucidate how participants became disillusioned when reflecting on their experience and the ensuing violence:

“Here, you have plenty of time to reason and think. Moreover, you seek answers at all costs… Time dictates everything, because at first, I thought the problem was in my relationship, but then I realised it was not. Maybe it started in the past. Finally, I saw where I went wrong and got it right”. (Participant 6)

“You should act and try to resolve things as soon as possible because when things explode, you may already have acted in a way that could cause problems one day. They say it is a second chance, and I believe in this, but that stain on me, I believe, cannot be removed, not even with bleach. Not even anything else can remove it”. (Participant 1)

The majority of the participants regretted not being able to read the signs of increased frequency and severity of violence perpetrated against them by their partner. They stated they wished they had tried to solve the challenges they were facing earlier in order to have avoided the violence that ended in their incarceration. Most reported feeling guilty about what they did to their partners. Yet, one participant felt that what she did was fair since she was a victim even when she did nothing to deserve it. However, following this answer, the participant started crying, saying, “That was fair I was also trying to defend myself…” (she started crying) (Participant 3).

Sub-theme: mistrust of prison psychology service

All participants unanimously said that until the study took place they had had no opportunity to talk about the incident in prison because they felt there was no empathy or confidence to do so with the prison psychologist. One of the participants claimed that she did not feel comfortable with the female psychologist but did not want to detail why she had this feeling about her: “I will tell you this, and I will not lie to you, I never felt comfortable talking to her… I do not want to go into details, but I do not feel comfortable” (Participant 1), while others stated, “We had a psychologist, we had access, but not in the sense of opening up completely because there was a small gap on the confidentiality side… Oh, the director of the establishment must know everything I am saying” (Participant 6), and “There was a psychologist here when I arrived, but she had no professional secrecy, so I did not feel comfortable sharing” (Participant 9). The participant’s lack of confidence in the psychological support fuelled mistrust of support staff.

Sub-theme: disintegration of families

The participants reported that the first thing they missed once incarcerated was their children; all except one participant had children. This separation from their children brought them a great deal of pain and reminded them constantly of what they did, and because of this, they found prison life awful. They did not wish for anyone to experience prison life because it meant being far from loved ones. This emotional burden was worsened because it reminded them of not having dealt appropriately or not having known how to deal with the violent relationship they lived in. Furthermore, not knowing what was happening to their children worsened their condition of incarceration, as they had little or no contact at all with their children:

“What I hate about all of this is being far from my children. They are the most important thing I have… My son lives at his biological father’s house, and there is no one to give him special attention. Nowadays, he is involved with drugs”. (Participant 9)

Most children were sent to live with their paternal relatives who, according to the participants, fuelled feelings of hatred and anger against the mothers towards the children. Moreover, participants’ families rarely visited them or provided any updates on the well-being of the children. Two of the participants were sent to prison while pregnant, and both gave birth in prison. During the interview, one of the participants was carrying a 9-month-old baby. Another participant had a young daughter in prison who she was told had to leave soon because she was considered old enough to move to the husband’s house.

Sub-theme: plans for the future

Participants expressed hope and plans for when they would be released from prison. For most participants, the plan involved time with their children and seeing them grow up: “I plan to leave here and stay with my children at home. Build a house and stay with my children, work and provide for my children” (Participant 3). Another participant expressed her anxiety over the fact that one of her children witnessed the violent incident. She stated that because he saw the violent act, he is experiencing drug problems, and she intends to explain and apologise to him for what happened:

“First, I want to reunite with my children and talk to them; maybe they will have interpretations… I never talked to them about this topic. I want to talk, ask for forgiveness, and wait to see what they say. I will also respect their decision… From what I have been doing here, I work in gardening and car cleaning… I want to create a business to sustain myself and escape the city”. (Participant 9)

One common aspect among all participants is hope: they hope that 1 day they will be free to reunite with their families, start new lives and even have new relationships.

Discussion

This study set out to increase understanding of the lived experiences of incarcerated women who have been both victims and perpetrators of IPV. This approach provides a more comprehensive view of how the participants perceived IPV and the nature of the violence they experienced and perpetrated against their partners. From the analysis of the data, key risk factors emerged which align with a multi-theoretical lens and include the influence of childhood exposure to violence and living in a violent intimate relationship, which are discussed below.

All participants grew up in families where violence was common. For some participants, violence was directly inflicted on them, and according to their reflections, some regarded their parents’ use of physical violence against them as a means of educating them. All forms of violence have a psychological aspect, since the main aim of being violent or abusive is to hurt the integrity and dignity of another person; in the literature, psychological violence is usually described as a type of violence most commonly suffered by male victims of IPV.^{50 51} Participants who reported never having directly experienced violence indicated they were exposed to violence through witnessing violence being perpetrated against their siblings or between their parents. This finding of violence being taught or cultivated through social learning in the immediate family environment of the individual is corroborated by Powers et al⁴⁹ and Aizpurua et al,⁵² who state that exposure to violence emphasises the transmission of principles, beliefs and norms that encourage violence by portraying to a child that violence is normative.

Consequently, participants unanimously associated the exposure to violence in their childhood with the present adult violent behaviour against their partner, which is in line with the intergenerational propagation of violence proposed by social learning theorists.⁵³ Bandura⁵³ stated that living in a family where violence often occurs might also affect the adult lives of those participants who lived in that family environment with violence. This finding is corroborated by other studies that have shown that female victims and perpetrators of IPV have a history of seeing or witnessing inter-parental violence along with studies linking violent childhood experiences with adult violent behaviour. The findings of this study align with the literature that direct childhood violence or witnessing familial violence constitutes a risk factor for being a victim and enduring violence or perpetrating IPV in adulthood.^{25 31 54 55}

The participants often used the term ‘abusive relationship’, which is defined by Carlson and cited in Migliaccio,^{56(p 291)} as “a pattern of behaviours that can be physical, emotional or psychological, verbal, or sexual and that is intended to control or demean”. According to this perspective, it is essential to look at how the participants described their relationships as being violent, which culminated in their incarceration. According to Ponti and Tani,⁵⁷ women who live in violent relationships present higher levels of insecurity characterised by anxiety and avoidant behaviour, which, from the participants’ perspective, were seen as precursors preceding violence inflicted against them at a given time in the relationship. Due to an absence of or ineffective dialogue, participants experienced different forms of violence every time they questioned something about their partner’s behaviour or tried to engage in regular, everyday, routine conversation. Kyegombe and Buller⁵⁸ argue that a lack of effective communication might influence the perpetuation of a violent relationship, varying from disregard and disrespect to neglect and indifference to physical violence. Similar to the findings of the literature review by Neal and Edwards,⁵⁹ the women interviewed in this study attributed male violence to the breakdown in communication, males losing control of their emotions in an argument and the inability to express themselves verbally. Associated with a breakdown in communication, some participants reported experiencing emotional abuse from their partners, which included verbal attacks, monitoring and restricting their movements (such as preventing them from seeing family), threats, and emotional blackmail that compelled them to remain in a violent relationship. The participants did not report their use of psychological violence against their partners during the relationship, which in the literature is noted as a most common type of violence inflicted by women against their partners.^{60 61}

Participants reported that the episode of violence that culminated in their incarceration was related to exhaustion from exposure to continuous violence suffered over the years. The violence committed against the partner was motivated by auto-preservation because of repeated violence against them. This finding is in line with several studies that state that self-preservation is one of the reasons why women become violent against their intimate partners.^{25 62} The time in prison for reflection and the participation in the study helped participants recognise the link between their violent relationships and their violent acts, most using a knives. This is similar to the findings of Velopulos et al¹⁸ in which 42% of male victims in the USA were killed by a knife at the hands of their female partners, the first object that appeared before them, and these women did not act consciously attempt to take their partner’s life. This finding of self-defence in perpetrating IPV is corroborated by researchers who advocate that self-defence occurs in situations of imminent or ongoing conflict and is seen as being the most common act of violence perpetrated by women against their partners.⁵

A large body of research demonstrates how IPV adversely affects not only the perpetrator and the victim, but also the family, the community and society.⁶³ In this study, participants highlighted various consequences of their IPV act. One participant was sentenced to 24 years in prison, while other participants’ penalties varied from 16 to 20 years; according to the Mozambican Penal Code, the maximum penalty for homicide is 24 years in prison. One of the most challenging issues incarcerated women face is the experience of emotional stress due to the prison environment, which may reduce self-esteem and escalate feelings of hopelessness; this population also has an increased need for psychological follow-up due to numerous problems prior to the incarceration (childhood experience of violence and violent relationships), the incarceration itself and the relationship with children’s caregivers.⁶⁴ In addition, incarcerated women have been shown to have a greater prevalence of mental illnesses, particularly major depressive disorders (10–25%) and post-traumatic stress disorder (15–29%) alongside other disorders.⁶⁵ It was not within the scope of this study to evaluate the mental health of the participants, yet this would be an important area of research. Regarding the two inmates who lived with their children in prison, they were constantly living in anxiety due to not knowing when their children would be taken away from the prison. They were also faced with uncertainty regarding their children’s future after being removed from their care and concerns over who they would live with.

The participants stated that what gave them hope were plans for their future and their children’s future, despite the enormous current obstacle of being incarcerated and the time remaining in prison. This self-overcoming disposition exhibited by the participants differs from the literature, which indicates that a key challenge women face who are incarcerated for IPV is post-traumatic stress associated with depressive conditions.64,66 According to the participants, an unexpected and positive emotion was felt during the interviews; seven out of nine women stated it was the first time they expressed themselves openly and profoundly about their relationship and the act they committed.

Participant responses during interviews indicated that the psychological impact of violence was a key concern for victims. At the time of data collection, psychologists and social workers were intended to be part of the organisational structure within prison units; however, due to a shortage of qualified personnel, these professionals were unavailable, thereby restricting support services. In July 2024, the National Penitentiary Service officially launched its Strategic Plan 2024–2034, the first long-term planning document in the history of Mozambique’s penitentiary system. The plan aims to transform correctional facilities into ‘citizenship schools’ by 2034. Its core pillars are prisoner rehabilitation and resocialisation, the humanisation of the system through the implementation of the Nelson Mandela Rules, the prioritisation of human dignity and prisoners’ fundamental rights, ongoing staff training in human rights and rehabilitation techniques, and improved individualised care through assessments of each prisoner’s needs to deliver suitable rehabilitation therapies.

Conclusion

Mozambican women incarcerated for IPV described their lived experiences marked by family violence growing up and IPV in their relationships and how this may have shaped their coping strategies, risk appraisal and responses to threat. These factors were central to understanding the circumstances that preceded their offence. The women identified a current need for psychosocial services independent of prison staff. Sustained investment in IPV prevention and victim protection services is warranted to potentially reduce both prolonged victimisation and the risk of subsequent lethal violence.

Limitations of the study

Interview data revealed that participants experienced significant power imbalances within their relationships. These imbalances frequently manifested as partners exercising greater authority, making most decisions, restricting access to resources or limiting personal freedom. Such dynamics typically reflect entrenched gender roles. Most partners of participants employed violence to maintain control, whereas the women participants often resorted to violence in response to victimisation. This interpretation may neglect the participants’ prolonged histories of marginalisation, which could contribute to violent reactions when they perceive themselves as powerless. Within the prison context, they reported rigid hierarchies and patriarchal norms that may further exacerbate these power imbalances.

Additionally, findings are based on interviews with a small group of women who have been victims of IPV and are currently incarcerated in the female prison in Maputo after being convicted of an act of IPV. They are thus specific to this context and are not able to capture all the lived experiences of women incarcerated for IPV. There may have been some recall bias as women participating were asked to recollect events of violence prior to incarceration. Also, selection bias may have occurred as women who volunteered to participate in the study were more likely to share about their IPV experiences compared with the three incarcerated women who declined to participate in the study. Finally, due to the nature of our data, no independent causal relationship can be made between exposure to violence across the lifespan and the perpetration of physical violence. Longitudinal studies analysing the timing and onset of IPV in female victims and subsequent acts of perpetration would help clarify these relationships and would be important in future research.

Data availability statement

No data are available.