Thriving despite adversities: resilience strategies of school-going mothers in Hurungwe, Zimbabwe

Abstract

Background

School-going mothers in Zimbabwe continue to face academic, social, and economic barriers that threaten their educational continuity. However, many demonstrate remarkable resilience in balancing motherhood and schooling. This study explored the resilience strategies adopted by school-going mothers in the Hurungwe District to sustain their education despite adversities.

Methods

This study was anchored on Norman Garmezy and Emmy Werner’s resilience theory and employed a qualitative case study design. Fifteen school-going mothers from three secondary schools in the Hurungwe District were purposively selected. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and were analysed thematically to identify emerging resilience strategies.

Results

The findings revealed four key resilience strategies: personal motivation, supportive school environments, assistance from non-governmental organisations, and strategies to overcome stigmatisation. These factors collectively strengthened participants’ capacity to persevere academically while managing parenting responsibilities.

Conclusion

This study highlights the importance of psychosocial, institutional, and community support in promoting the educational resilience of school-going mothers. However, its findings are limited to a small sample from one district and cannot be generalised nationally. Future studies should consider mixed-methods designs and broader geographic coverage to deepen the understanding of resilience among adolescent mothers.

Introduction

Motherhood has become a global concern among school-going mothers. In developed and developing nations, motherhood continues to affect school-going mothers, married or unmarried, their families, and society at large while attending school. According to Thongmixay, Essink, Kahrs, Vongxay, Wright, Sychareun, and Broerse [31], motherhood has many responsibilities and challenges for schoolgirls after giving birth. Several scholars [13, 24, 27, 29] agree that motherhood has been a nightmare for school-going mothers and their children, leading to school dropout. Globally, most countries have developed policy instruments to allow schools to readmit mothers who intend to continue their education. Zimbabwe is not exempt from this predicament, as schools continue to experience an increasing number of school-going mothers [23]. In 2023, research by Zimbabwe’s National Assessment on Adolescent Pregnancies indicated that, even with the presence of policies, only 59% were re-enrolled during pregnancy and after giving birth, but 3.3% of school-going mothers were attending classes.

Zimbabwe is facing a situation similar to the challenges encountered by schoolgirls who leave their education due to pregnancy. Statistics from Zimbabwe’s Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education [20] indicated that at least 12.5% of schoolgirls abandoned school because of pregnancy in 2018, and 7000 schoolgirls who became pregnant quit school in 2019. This challenge is not limited to Zimbabwe; in the United States, as pointed out in a study by Manwa [18], 71% of high school learners graduate and 29% drop out as a result of pregnancy, while in East Africa, Ndwandwe [25] confirmed that Rwanda recorded over 19,932 schoolgirl pregnancies in 2017–2018.

In the Zimbabwean context, the Zimbabwean Constitution under Section 27(2) outlines that the government must take steps to provide equal educational opportunities for both boys and girls [14]. In addition, to further strengthen Policy Circular P35 of 1999, which had only provided guidelines on the discipline of girls who would have fallen pregnant, Statutory Instrument 13 of 2025, Section 12(C) made it unlawful to deny student mothers the opportunity to pursue their studies, aligning Zimbabwe’s policy with progressive policies in the region, such as Zambia, Malawi, South Africa, and internationally in Britain, Guyana, and the United States of America.

School-going mothers continued facing several problems that continued to be a hindrance in their educational progress despite the efforts of the Zimbabwean government in promoting school-going mothers’ education. Despite numerous awareness campaigns on the re-admission policy, learners lack adequate counselling, mothers and children have poor health, are stigmatised, and feel dejected [1, 26, 28, 3]. Notably, the enrolment of mothering learners in schools continued to decline, suggesting that the policies alone could not facilitate the retention of mothers; rather, it depended on the learners and the community in which they lived to enable them to resist the challenges they encountered whilst pursuing their educational journey.

This study builds on existing research on adolescent mothers by exploring the resilience strategies employed by school-going mothers who positively managed to balance motherhood and education in Zimbabwe. To the researcher’s understanding, there has been limited scholarly attention to the resilience strategies of school-going mothers in the Hurungwe District. Given that motherhood presents numerous challenges for school-going mothers, this study sought to capture their perspectives regarding the strategies they employ, thereby contributing to the body of literature on this subject.

Main research question

This study explored and described how school-going mothers demonstrate resilience to the challenges of motherhood in Hurungwe, Zimbabwe. This study sought to answer the following research question:

• What resilience strategies do school-going mothers in Hurungwe, Zimbabwe, employ to overcome adversity?

Theoretical grounding and literature review

In this section, we first discuss the theory adopted in this study and the related literature, and then describe the research methodology, results, and conclusions of the study.

Resilience theory

Ndwandwe [25] found that being a school-going mother presents many challenges, as it could prolong their stay in school unless they create mechanisms to overcome the challenges that threaten their educational goals. To explore the underlying research question, the study was informed by the work of psychologists Norman Garmezy and Emmy Werner’s resilience theory around the 1970 s and 1980 s, which focused on understanding human adaptation in the face of adversity [17]. This theory is premised on the idea that people respond differently and that others are unable to do so. Adversity can be any form of challenge faced by school-going mothers during life, such as stigmatisation, lack of financial support, and childcare burdens. Therefore, this theory has profound implications for understanding how school-going mothers navigate the dual challenges of academic pursuit and parental responsibilities, as it suggests that resilience is not a fixed characteristic but rather an adaptive capacity that can be cultivated and strengthened through appropriate support systems and interventions [6, 19]. Theron [30] describes resilience theory as a way of examining how individuals adjust to the challenges of social environments by looking at protective factors to enable successful life outcomes. Henderson, Benard, and Sharp-Light [15] elaborate that resilience theory is mainly focused on strengths rather than challenges, while looking for protection from others to overcome adversities rather than weaknesses. Thus, this study explored the resilience strategies of school-going mothers to continue their education despite challenges, such as stigmatisation, lack of financial support, childcare burdens, and a generally hostile school environment.

Resilience strategies of school-going mothers

Resilience strategies employed by school-going mothers have been well documented. Research indicates that school-going mothers need specialised support services to assist them in navigating the challenges of motherhood. Babedi [4] revealed that school-going mothers’ resilience is influenced by a variety of elements, such as individual considerations, family, friends, and educational support. Evidence from a study conducted by Mukuna and Aloka [22] at a rural high school in South Africa found that student mothers are driven to succeed in their schoolwork and return to serious studies after giving birth. Runhare, Majanga, and Mathebula [29] affirmed that school-going mothers’ aspirations for the future contribute significantly to their resilience and help them to continue coming to school despite the challenges they encounter.

It is significant to note that support systems may be crucial in school-going mothers’ resilience in the initial stages of motherhood. For example, Corwith and Ali [10] demonstrated that school-going mothers have developed skills for managing motherhood by having relationships with kind people who could offer psychosocial support. Research indicates that grandmother, sibling, and partner support are crucial for continuing education [29]. Mukuna and Ali [22] argued that the family can have a big impact on the school-going mother’s circumstances by helping with financial support, taking care of the child if the young teenage mother returns to school, and giving guidance on child rearing. Van Schalkwyk [32] argued that through their personal relationships with family and friends, school-going mothers can build resilience in difficult circumstances.

Several strategies facilitate the resilience of school-going mothers in continuing their education. Researchers have documented that peer perspectives in Zimbabwean schools influence school-going mothers’ resilience. Khumalo and Hadebe [16] argued that most school-going mothers got assistance whenever they failed to go to school by helping them with schoolwork and explaining what they had learned. Other researchers have established that certain school-going mothers have strongly adopted self-motivation skills that could make them more resilient. Mukuna et al. [22] argued that most school-going mothers went back to school to finish their studies due to enhanced support mechanisms available to them.

Previous research has also documented that supportive personal relationships between teachers and school-going mothers are vital for enhancing resilience in continuing school. Teachers are regarded as a crucial source of resilience, not only at school but also in helping through their struggles. In addition to the compassion of teachers, the school-going mothers valued the guidance and inspirational messages that they got from the teachers. For example, Mukuna [22] and Watson and Vogel [33] agreed that teachers assisted school-going mothers to cope with their negative emotions and find effective strategies to continue their educational journey. Watson et al. [33] reiterated that the school-going mothers valued teachers for the support they provided them after being rejected by their families because of pregnancy-related circumstances. However, Runhare et al. [29] proposed that teachers and school administrators need to establish learner-friendly environments. This form of intervention, however, helps deal with the social stigma linked to motherhood.

Method

This study employed a qualitative research approach to explain the resilience strategies of school-going mothers in pursuing their educational aspirations. Creswell and Creswell [12] argue that qualitative research empowers researchers to understand how participants individually interpret and make sense of their experiences within a particular situation. Qualitative research studies draw from individual perspectives and interpretations, which may lead to bias. Participants may modify responses based on what they perceive as socially acceptable, which may affect the validity of the data. The qualitative research approach enabled researchers to gather data from schools. A case study research design was employed in this study. Thus, a case study embroils an in-depth investigation of a particular phenomenon, such as a specific problem [8]. The study examined how school-going mothers withstand numerous challenges of motherhood to pursue their educational journeys. Hence, to answer research questions, the researchers chose a case study design. A case study approach is appropriate because the research questions required a comprehensive perspective on the resilience of school-going mothers.

Population, sample, and sampling procedure

The population, which Creswell and Creswell [11, 12] regard as members grouped with common features and characteristics as well as of interest to the researcher, consists of school-going mothers in the Hurungwe District. The researchers purposively selected research participants, which Creswell (2007) argues is employed to select a sample that has knowledge of the research being examined. The sample comprised 15 school-going mothers from the Hurungwe District. According to Alase [2], in a phenomenological study, two to 25 research participants are sufficient to participate in the research. Therefore, in the research study, sufficient data had already been gathered when the eight participants were interviewed.

Data collection

The researchers employed semi-structured interviews, which, according to Cohen, Manion, and Morrison [9], are not merely tools for gathering data; they represent the essence of human experience itself. With the use of interviews, the researchers intended to examine how school-going mothers demonstrated resilience despite the challenges they encountered because of motherhood. Monday [21] asserts that semi-structured interviews were an easier way of collecting data because participants can share information easily, in comparison to other data collection methods, such as questionnaires. In the semi-structured methodology, it has the autonomy to further probe the participants’ responses. Indeed, semi-structured interviews can be very easy to use because researchers can modify questions as needed during probing. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 15 school-going mothers. The semi-structured interview sessions lasted approximately 30 min.

Data analysis

Data management

All interview recordings were transcribed verbatim to capture participants’ exact expressions and meanings. The transcripts were carefully reviewed for completeness and accuracy. Each transcript was anonymised by assigning codes (SGM1, SGM2) to protect participants’ identities. The researchers repeatedly read the transcripts to become fully immersed in the data and develop a comprehensive understanding of participants’ experiences.

Thematic analysis procedure

This study employed Braun and Clarke's [5] reflexive thematic analysis approach, which provides a systematic yet flexible framework for identifying, analysing, and reporting patterns within qualitative data. The analysis followed the six-phase process outlined by Braun and Clarke, as detailed below:

• Phase 1: Familiarisation with the data. We immersed ourselves in the data by repeatedly reading the transcripts. Each transcript was read at least three times to gain a comprehensive understanding of participants' experiences. Initial thoughts and observations were recorded as memos.

• Phase 2: Generating initial codes. We systematically worked through the entire dataset using manual coding to identify significant words, phrases, and statements relevant to the research question. The codes were developed inductively from the data rather than using existing frameworks. Examples of initial codes included "avoiding people," "ignoring mockery," "proving others wrong," "teacher flexibility," and "NGO fee payment."

• Phase 3: Generating themes. We collated codes into potential themes by examining patterns and relationships among codes. Codes with similar meanings were grouped together to form candidate themes. For instance, codes such as "avoiding people," "ignoring mockery," and "shouting back" were clustered under the candidate theme "strategies against stigmatisation."

• Phase 4: Reviewing themes. The candidate themes were reviewed against the coded extracts and the entire dataset to ensure that they accurately represented the data. Themes were refined, combined, or discarded during this phase. This process involved constant movement between the data, codes, and emerging themes.

• Phase 5: Defining and naming themes. Once the final themes were established, we defined and refined each theme, identifying the 'essence' of what each theme captured. Clear definitions were developed, and theme names were finalised to reflect the core ideas.

• Phase 6: Producing the report. The final phase involved writing the narrative account and weaving together analytic commentary and data extracts to tell a coherent story that addressed the research questions. The writing process was iterative, with themes being further refined during the drafting of the findings.

Throughout the analytical process, the researchers engaged in reflexive dialogue, regularly discussing interpretations and challenging each other's assumptions to ensure that the analysis remained grounded in participants' voices rather than researcher preconceptions. This process moved from descriptive coding to interpretive analysis, linking participants’ lived experiences to the resilience theory underpinning the study.

Trustworthiness

To enhance credibility and dependability, the researchers used peer debriefing and cross-checked the coded transcripts. Divergent interpretations were discussed until a consensus was reached. Consistency in coding and theme development was maintained through regular comparisons of data extracts. The final themes reflected how school-going mothers in Hurungwe demonstrated resilience in the face of multiple adversities.

Ethical consideration

Owing to the sensitivity of the subject of school-going mothers, all ethical principles were carefully followed. Approval to conduct the research was sought from the University of South Africa College of Education Ethics Review Committee with reference number (2024/07/12/00000044/02/RB). The authority to conduct the study was also obtained from the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education in Zimbabwe. The researchers obtained informed consent from the research participants after updating them on the aspects of confidentiality, anonymity, and privacy.

Study context: Hurungwe District, Zimbabwe

This study was conducted in the Hurungwe District, located in the Mashonaland West Province of Zimbabwe, approximately 200 km northwest of the capital city, Harare. The district is predominantly rural, characterised by subsistence farming, with maize, cotton, and tobacco being the main crops. According to the Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency [35], Hurungwe has a population of approximately 350,000 people, and most households rely on small-scale agriculture and informal cross-border trade for their livelihoods.

Zimbabwe's broader sociopolitical context significantly shapes the experiences of school-going mothers. The country has experienced prolonged economic challenges since the early 2000 s, including hyperinflation, high unemployment rates (estimated at over 80% in the informal sector), and limited public services [34]. These economic conditions have exacerbated poverty, particularly in rural areas such as Hurungwe, where access to basic services, including education, healthcare, and clean water, remains constrained.

In the education sector, Zimbabwe maintains a policy of free primary education, although secondary education requires payment of fees, which many families struggle to afford. The re-entry policy (Circular P35 of 1999, strengthened by Statutory Instrument 13 of 2025) permits girls who have fallen pregnant to return to school after childbirth. However, implementation remains inconsistent, with many school-going mothers facing stigma, discrimination, and practical barriers to educational continuity [23].

The Hurungwe District faces challenges common to rural Zimbabwe, such as long distances to schools, limited transport infrastructure, early marriage practices, and deeply entrenched patriarchal norms that often devalue girls' education. Traditional beliefs regarding motherhood and sexuality frequently conflict with formal education policies, placing school-going mothers in a precarious position between community expectations and their educational aspirations.

Healthcare services in the district are limited, with few clinics and under-resourced facilities. This affects school-going mothers' ability to access postnatal care, family planning services, and child healthcare, all of which are crucial for their well-being and educational participation. Non-governmental organisations, including CAMFED, Capernaum Trust, and Higher Life Foundation, have established programmes in the district to support marginalised girls' education, including school-going mothers, through fee payments, material support, and mentorship.

Researcher reflexivity

Researchers recognise that their backgrounds, perspectives, and assumptions influence the research process. Both authors are interested in educational resilience, which informed the focus of this study. To minimise bias, reflexive practices were employed, including ongoing discussions, memo-writing, and critical reflection during data analysis. This ensured that interpretations remained grounded in participants’ voices rather than the researcher’s assumptions.

Results and discussion

Demographic characteristics of participants are presented in Table 1

Table 1.

Demographic characteristics of participants

Participant code	Age	Class
S1GM1	22	Form4
S1GM2	20	Form3
S1GM3	18	Form4
S1GM4	21	Form6
S1GM5	19	Form4
S1GM1	18	Form4
S1GM2	17	Form4
S1GM3	18	Form3
S1GM4	21	Form4
S1GM5	20	Form4
S1GM1	19	Form3
S1GM2	21	Form4
S1GM3	20	Form4
S1GM4	18	Form3
S1GM5	18	Form4

Table 1 presents the demographic characteristics of the fifteen school-going mothers who participated in the study. The participants’ ages ranged from 17 to 22 years, indicating that most were late adolescents or young adults who had returned to school after giving birth. The largest age group fell between 18 and 20 years, suggesting that the majority were within the typical age range for secondary school learners in Zimbabwe, albeit slightly older because of periods of absence related to motherhood.

In terms of academic level, the participants were distributed across Forms 3–6, with the highest representation in Form 4. Nine of the 15 mothers were enrolled in Form 4, which is a critical examination year in the Zimbabwean secondary school system. This reflects a strong commitment among participants to complete their secondary education despite their parenting responsibilities. Four participants were in Form 3, while only one participant was enrolled in Form 6, indicating the progression to post-ordinary-level studies among a small number of school-going mothers.

Overall, the demographic profile demonstrates that school-going mothers in the Hurungwe District were a diverse group in terms of age and academic level. The data reveal that many of these mothers made significant efforts to continue with their education after childbirth, showing persistence and resilience in a context where social and economic challenges often hinder re-enrolment and educational continuity.

Themes

The main purpose of this research study was to explore the resilience strategies employed by school-going mothers to the challenges of motherhood in Hurungwe, Zimbabwe. To protect the identities of the participants, the study findings were presented using codes such as school-going mother (SGM1, SGM2, and so forth). The study’s results were presented through thematic analysis to address the research questions. Four themes relating to the strategies employed by the participants emerged from the data analysis, as follows: (a) strategies against stigmatisation, (b)personal motivation, (c)supportive school environment, and (d) NGO support.

Strategies against stigmatisation

School-going mothers indicated various strategies that enabled them to resist stigmatisation at home and school. Runhare et al. [29] indicated that negative labelling at home and school can be resisted by those with a strong character who do not get bothered by negative comments. However, participants in the study indicated that they had developed self-protective mechanisms, selective social engagement in school, future-oriented motivation, and acceptance of what they are. The idea of not associating with many people worked as a strategy for enhancing resilience. The participants’ views during the study are shown in the following statement:

I do not associate with many people, whether at school or at home. I only associate myself with teachers who understand me. I always try to avoid male friendships. -SGM3.

It also emerged that school-going mothers’ development of indifference to mockery and intense focus on their studies was one of the resilience strategies they used. Another participant commented:

Those people who tend to laugh at me are giving me the strength to continue with my education. I have accepted it. I will never opt to leave school for marriage. –S4GM2.

In contrast, the self-protective strategies employed by the mothers to cope with social pressures proved to be a resilience strategy, as indicated below.

I do not accept people who provoke me. I am not bothered at all by those who mock me. I can even shout at those who try to mock me.-

Personal motivation

Personal motivation emerged as one of the resilience strategies employed by school-going mothers. The mothers were strongly motivated by a desire to prove to those who doubted their capabilities. Many school-going mothers expressed that they were motivated to continue with school to challenge the negative stereotypes that people had. One participant expressed her views as follows:

I was once married before. I have realised that returning to school was the only way for me to be out of poverty. When I was still in school before I became pregnant, I used to score high grades. My parents and teachers encouraged me to go back to school. This is what motivated me. - S2GM4

A similar view was shared by another participant, who indicated that people viewed school-going mothers negatively. These findings are noted in the following statement made by the participants.

If I succeed with my ordinary level studies, I want to train as a secondary school teacher. I have always wanted to stand in front of learners so that they see me as a role model. I want to show my community that it doesn’t matter to go back to school, even if you have a child or family. -S2GM3

Support systems provided to school-going mothers have also been seen to positively increase their motivation to continue with school. This external encouragement bolsters mothers internal drive to pursue education. The following participants state:

My mother is my hero. She gave me all the support to continue with school. The school head and teachers also support us in many different ways, especially by checking on our attendance and enquiring if we have any challenges. -S3GM5.

The study showed various internal and external motivators that prompted the mothers to pursue their studies. The desire to show society that being a mother is not a hindrance to one continuing with school. The motivation to be a role model for their children and others, who might look down on them, gave them the determination to work hard at school.

Supportive school environment

While parental support was crucial in supporting school-going mothers to pursue their studies, support from the school also played a crucial role. Even though some school-going mothers experienced negative social interactions from other learners, schools have been seen implementing supportive ways to counter the challenges faced by the mothers. These findings are noted in the following statement by the participants:

We always do guidance and counselling sessions in the school. We always get motivated. Those who always tease us after seeing our support from the school tend to change their behaviour. Those who tease us are even given tough punishments. S1GM1.

Other participants emphasised the importance of teacher support in enhancing mothers’ resilience.

When we are at school, we always inform our teachers when there are any challenges among us. Our teachers assist us by giving us extra work and even extending deadlines for submitting homework when we have challenges. Our school timetable also accommodates some of us who are still breastfeeding-S1GM4

There is as much support from schools as from institutions and teachers. Although the school environment seems very supportive, challenges still exist among the mothers. Participants reported that teachers provided essential material support, such as books, and offered flexible timetables, especially for mothers who breastfeed.

NGO support

Support for school-going mothers was enhanced by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) such as the Campaign for Female Education, Capernaum Trust, and Higher Life Foundation in providing financial assistance and emotional support for the mothers. Participants stated that NGOs alleviate different challenges and directly motivate them to continue with school. They said that:

NGOs assisted me a lot in paying my school fees and providing study materials. This has motivated me to stay in school and as well as stay focused on my studies. -S1G5

A similar view was shared by another participant who underscored the role played by NGOs in helping them by providing essential resources as well as counselling. One participant shared:

The NGOs assisted me in getting back into school after giving birth. They paid me school fees, uniforms and toiletries. Not only that, they made me connect with other mothers who have passed the same ordeal as I in giving us moral support. Truly speaking, this has made me stay in school.

Any form of assistance played a significant role in the financial stabilisation of school-going mothers.

Across these themes, a clear pattern emerges; resilience is constructed through the interaction of personal agency and external support systems. While each theme highlights a specific strategy, together they demonstrate that school-going mothers rely on a network of reinforcing mechanisms that enable them to persist in their education. This interconnectedness suggests that resilience is not reducible to individual effort alone but is co-produced through social, institutional, and community dynamics.

Discussion

This study explored the resilience strategies employed by school-going mothers in the Hurungwe District, Zimbabwe, to overcome adversities while pursuing their education. Four interconnected themes emerged: strategies against stigmatisation, personal motivation, supportive school environment, and NGO support. In this section, we discuss the implications of these findings in relation to existing literature, theory, and the socio-political context.

A central finding of this study is that resilience among school-going mothers in Hurungwe was not solely an individual attribute but emerged through relationships with multiple actors: family members, teachers, NGO personnel, and, in complex ways, those who stigmatised them. This finding aligns with resilience scholarship that conceptualises resilience as a dynamic process involving interactions between individuals and their ecological systems [19, 30]. However, our findings extend this understanding by revealing how different relational resources interact and sometimes substitute for one another in contexts of poverty.

For example, when family support was limited (as in cases where parents were unsupportive), NGO support sometimes filled critical gaps. This substitutability of protective resources may be particularly important in resource-constrained settings, such as rural Zimbabwe, where no single support source can be guaranteed. This finding challenges linear models that assume particular protective factors are always essential, suggesting instead that diverse pathways to resilience exist depending on available resources [30].

Our finding that school environments could be simultaneously supportive and stigmatising reveals important tensions. While participants valued teacher support and flexible timetables, they also experienced peer stigmatisation. This duality has been noted in previous research [23, 29], but our study adds nuance by showing how school-level policies (e.g., punishing those who tease) could partially mitigate peer negativity. This suggests that schools' institutional responses to stigma matter substantially,they can either amplify or reduce the stigmatisation mothers experience.

The finding that teachers' flexibility regarding deadlines and attendance supported mothers' persistence aligns with existing literature [22, 25]. However, our analysis reveals an underlying mechanism: such flexibility communicated to mothers that the school system recognised their dual responsibilities as legitimate and worthy of accommodation. This symbolic recognition may be as important as the practical assistance provided, reinforcing mothers' sense of belonging and right to education, a critical consideration in contexts where their presence is often questioned.

While personal motivation emerged strongly in participants' accounts, critical analysis suggests that this motivation was not simply an internal, pre-existing trait but was continually constructed and reconstructed through interactions with supportive others and in response to stigmatising experiences. For instance, participants’ motivation was explicitly linked to their mothers' and teachers' encouragement. This finding complicates simplistic narratives that celebrate individual grit while ignoring the structural and relational conditions that make perseverance possible [33].

The future-oriented nature of participants' motivation—expressed through career aspirations and desires to be role models–is consistent with previous findings [22, 29]. However, our analysis reveals that these future visions were not merely personal dreams but were shaped by participants' observations of limited opportunities in Hurungwe's rural economy. Education was perceived as one of the few viable pathways out of poverty, lending urgency and determination to mothers' persistence. This contextual understanding is crucial: motivation in this context is not abstract but deeply pragmatic, born of constrained choices and the desire to create different futures for themselves and their children.

The significant role of NGOs in supporting school-going mothers' education reflects the limited reach of state-provided social protection in Zimbabwe. Participants' reliance on NGOs for fee payments, materials, and psychosocial support highlights gaps in public provision that civil society organisations have attempted to fill. Although this support was clearly valuable, it raises questions about sustainability and equity: NGO programmes typically cover a limited number of beneficiaries and depend on donor funding, which may not be reliable in the long term [7].

The psychosocial dimension of NGO support, connecting mothers with others who had similar experiences, emerged as particularly important. This peer connection reduced isolation and provided practical knowledge about navigating motherhood and education simultaneously. Such findings suggest that interventions combining material and psychosocial support may be more effective than either alone, as they address both the practical barriers and emotional dimensions of mothers' experiences.

Theoretical implications

This study contributes to resilience theory by demonstrating its applicability in a non-Western rural African context. Consistent with Garmezy and Werner's foundational work [17, 19], we found that protective factors operated at the individual, relational, and community levels. However, our findings also suggest the need to carefully consider how culture shapes resilience processes. For instance, the importance of 'shouting back' as a stigmatisation strategy may reflect specific cultural norms around directness and confrontation in rural Zimbabwe that differ from the more individualistic coping strategies often emphasised in Western resilience literature.

Furthermore, our findings challenge static models of resilience by revealing its dynamic and sometimes contradictory nature. Participants simultaneously employed withdrawal and confrontation strategies, suggesting that resilience is not a stable trait but a flexible capacity adapted to specific situations. This aligns with the understanding that resilience involves context-responsive adaptation rather than fixed characteristics [17, 30].

Critical reflections

While this study highlights school-going mothers' remarkable resilience, we must be cautious not to romanticise their struggles or imply that individual perseverance alone can overcome structural barriers. The need for mothers to employ extensive resilience strategies reflects systemic failures, including inadequate social protection, persistent gender inequalities, under-resourced schools, and communities that stigmatise rather than support young mothers. A sole focus on resilience can inadvertently shift responsibility from the state and society onto individuals, obscuring the need for structural change.

We also note that our sample comprised mothers who had successfully returned to school and remained enrolled. Although their voices are invaluable, we must not forget the many school-going mothers who drop out and whose experiences of failed resilience remain unheard. Understanding why some mothers persist while others do not require further research that includes both groups.

Limitations

Although this study provides valuable insights into the resilience strategies of school-going mothers in the Hurungwe District, certain limitations should be acknowledged. First, the research was confined to three secondary schools within a single district, which may limit the transferability of the findings to other regions with different socio-cultural and economic contexts. The participants were purposively selected; therefore, their views may not represent the experiences of all school-going mothers in Zimbabwe. Second, the study relied solely on self-reported data obtained through interviews, which may have been influenced by social desirability or recall bias. Third, the study focused primarily on mothers’ perspectives without incorporating viewpoints from teachers, parents, or policymakers who might offer a broader understanding of the support systems available. Finally, as a qualitative case study, the findings provide in-depth insights but cannot be generalised to larger populations. Future research could employ a mixed-methods or longitudinal design to explore how resilience strategies evolve over time and across diverse educational settings.

Conclusion

This study explored the resilience strategies of school-going mothers employed to overcome adversities. The findings revealed that resilience among school-going mothers is not driven by isolated strategies but emerges from the interaction between personal determination, social support, and institutional responses. The study demonstrates that resilience is a dynamic and relational process, where internal motivation is reinforced by supportive environments and external resources, while strategies against stigmatisation enable continued participation in education. These findings suggest that addressing the challenges faced by school-going mothers requires integrated support systems rather than a sole focus on individual effort.

Recommendations

In view of the study findings, the following recommendations are made to address the problem under study.

Schools should develop anti-discrimination policies that prohibit stigma against school-going mothers. Schools have a duty to formulate policies that prohibit stigmatisation and any form of discrimination against school-going mothers. School heads should utilise class teachers, monitors, and prefects to enforce these guidelines and review them regularly to assess their effectiveness and identify areas for improvement.

The Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education should initiate public campaigns to transform society’s attitude toward school-going mothers by showcasing their determination and the value of education. This will help in eliminating stigmatisation and any form of discrimination against the mothers.

The study recommends that school-going mothers should employ defensive mechanisms, such as distancing themselves from people who make discouraging remarks about them, which will result in a loss of self-esteem.

Parents living with school-going mothers should create a home environment favourable for studying with minimal child-related disturbances.

Authors’ contributions

ND conceived and designed the study, developed the research framework, and guided the interpretation of findings within the context of resilience theory. He also provided critical intellectual input throughout manuscript development and ensured alignment with ethical and methodological standards. GT conducted the fieldwork, including participant recruitment, data collection, transcription, and preliminary analysis. He drafted the initial manuscript and incorporated revisions based on feedback from the co-author. Both authors collaboratively refined the final version of the manuscript, approved it for submission, and agreed to be accountable for all aspects of the work, ensuring its accuracy and integrity.

Funding

This study did not receive any external funding.

Data availability

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

Declarations

Ethics approval and consent to participate

Ethical approval for the study was obtained from the University of South Africa College of Education Ethics Review Committee (reference number: 2024/07/12/00000044/02/RB). Permission to conduct the study was also granted by the Zimbabwe Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education. Informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to data collection, and participation was voluntary. Confidentiality, anonymity, and privacy were strictly maintained throughout the study.

Consent for publication

Not applicable.

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.